Tuesday, February 18, 2025

News Destination For The Global Indian Community

News Destination For The Global Indian Community

WORLD
LifeMag
A Landmark trip, Indeed!

A Landmark trip, Indeed!

PM Narendra Modi’s visit to Israel has opened new avenues for cooperation between the two countries

Clearly  reflecting  the  impact  of  the change in Indian policy towards Israel was  the  chagrin  expressed  by  the  Palestinian envoy to New Delhi: “We were shocked…”

A curious Indian stops a passing Israeli backpacker on a New Delhi street. “Tell me,” he asks, “how many Israelis are there?”

“I’m not quite sure,” the backpacker answers. “About six million.”

“No, no no,” retorts the Indian, “not just in New Delhi. I mean all together.”

The humor of this well-known joke reflects a remarkable reality which helps understand the huge enthusiasm this week’s landmark visit of the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi generated, and clearly heralded a “change of gears” in relations between the two countries.

Hindu Jewish affinity

Each year, over 60,000 Israelis travel to India, many of them “unwinding” in the country after completing military service.  Their presence is highly visible across much of the country. Indeed, the “giant shadow” Israelis cast in India is wildly disproportionate to the minuscule dimensions of their homeland. In some outlying locations, Israelis comprise a dominant percentage of foreign visitors. Even in central sites such as the main market in Old Delhi it is not uncommon to see Hebrew signs and encounter merchants able to converse with Israeli customers in fairly fluent Hebrew.

That Israelis seem to feel an instinctive affinity for India should perhaps not be surprising.  Its history is virtually devoid of antisemitism.  Indeed, the  only  significant  incidents  were  the Moors’ attack on the Jews in 1524 and the  Portuguese  persecution  of  Jews in  Cranganore  (now  the  Kerala  coast)

On the political and diplomatic fronts, the two nations were largely estranged for the four decades following their independence in the late 1940s. Thus, although India recognized the State of Israel in 1950, the then ruling Congress Party eschewed full diplomatic relations, siding with the Palestinians and denouncing what many in its ranks termed the “Zionist enterprise” as an imperialist creation of Western colonial powers.

Some years  later.  Moreover,  many  Indian  Jews  achieved  great  prominence, among  them  the  Sassoons  (for  whom the  Sassoon  docks,  the  Sassoon  hospital,  and  other  well-known  sites  have been  named),  Dr.  E.  Moses  (a  Jewish mayor of Bombay), Lt. Gen. J. F. R. Jacobs (a general in the Indian Army who oversaw the Pakistani Army’s 1971 surrender  in  Bangladesh  and  later  served as governor of Goa and Punjab), Nissim Ezekiel  (a  poet/leading  Indian  literary personality),  and  Dr.  Abraham Solomon Erulkar (the personal physician/ friend of Mahatma Gandhi).

Dispersing ideo-political cloud of “post-colonial” prejudice

However, Indo-Israeli relations were not always characterized by such warmth. On  the  political  and  diplomatic fronts, the two nations were largely estranged  for  the  four  decades  following their  independence  in  the  late  1940s. Thus, although India recognized the State of Israel in 1950, the then-ruling Congress Party eschewed full diplomatic relations, siding with the Palestinians and denouncing what many in its ranks termed the “Zionist enterprise” as an imperialist creation of Western colonial powers.

Additional  factors  also  weighed against  close  and  cordial  bilateral bonds:  New Delhi’s fear of antagonizing  its  large  Muslim  population;  pressures  from  the  Islamic  world,  India’s major source of energy; the fate of the many Indian workers in the Gulf States, and the anti-Israeli attitude of the non- aligned movement, in which India was a leading member.

Moreover, in terms of strategic allegiances,  an  additional  rift  between  the two  states  existed:  Israel  aligned  itself firmly  with  the  United  States,  while India,  then  traditionally  suspicious  of American foreign policy, opted for close links with the Soviet Union. The significant disparity between the two countries hardly boded well for mutual cooperation between them. However, since the early  1990s,  with  the  fall  of  the  Soviet bloc and the accelerating liberalization of  the  Indian  economy,  considerable changes  began  to  take  place,  bringing with  them a marked convergence of Indo Israeli interests.

Removing the reticence

The establishment of full diplomatic ties between Jerusalem and New Delhi allowed the underlying Indo-Israeli affinity to express itself.  Yet, until the Modi government came to power there has been a perceptible reticence, or at least reserve, on the part of India with regard to its relationship with Israel.

One particular sore point was India’s consistent support of anti-Israel resolutions in international forums, such as the UN.  One commentator characterized the Israeli perception in the following terms: “Israel has long complained that India treats it like a mistress: glad to partake of its defense and technology charms, but a little embarrassed about the whole thing and unwilling to make the relationship too public.” But  with  the  rise  to  power  of  the Modi  government,  this  restraint  is  be- ginning  to  fade  discernibly,  and  India has ceased to support a number of motions  of  censure  against  Israel  in  several  UN  bodies.  Clearly  reflecting  the impact  of  this  change  was  the  chagrin expressed  by  the  Palestinian  envoy  to New  Delhi,  at  India’s  decision  not  to support a resolution condemning Israel:  “We  were  shocked.  The Palestinian people and the leaders were very happy with the UN resolution, but the voting of India has broken our happiness.”

physical embrace of Israeli Prime Minister  Benjamin  Netanyahu,  as  he  descended  from  the  plane  that  brought him to Israel, seems to have unequivocally melted away any residual reticence that might have remained.

Modi’s landmark visit

The  visit  of  Indian  Prime  Minister Modi  is  undeniably  a  landmark  event of  potentially  historical  proportions. Attesting to this is the virtually unprecedented attention he has been given by the media and the public in Israel far beyond that accorded most visiting heads of government.

As  the  first  Indian  premier  to  visit the Jewish state, Modi has undoubtedly cast aside any restraint in forging future relations  with  Israel.  Indeed,  despite his country’s heavy reliance on oil from the  Middle  East  (or  “Western  Asia”  as the Indians tend to call it) chiefly Iraq, Saudi  Arabia  and  Iran Modi  appears to  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that India  has  more  to  gain  from  throwing in its lot with Israel than with the Arab States,  who  seem  to  consistently  lend their support to India’s rival, Pakistan.

Two  of  Modi’s  decisions  on  this trip perhaps more symbolic than substantive seem to distill out the essence of  the  new  Indian  approach  to  Israel: The  one,  political;  the  other,  humanitarian. The first was the Indian PM’s decision not to include the customary visit to  Ramallah,  made  by  virtually  all  visiting  senior  statesmen  to  maintain  the appearance of scrupulous even handedness in the Israel Palestinian conflict.

Thus  despite  the  fact  that  the  Indian  government  continues  to  declare its ongoing support for the “Palestinian cause” there can be no glossing over the implicit message  in  Modi’s  decision  to skip some might say, snub the Palestinian Authority by excluding any meeting  with  any  of  its  senior  representatives. courage  in  flouting  the  bonds  of  the constrictive  conventions of  political correctness and  the  willingness  to break from past patterns, which bodes well  for  the  independent  development of bilateral relations in the future.

The other defining event was Modi’s decision to visit  Moshe (Moish) Holtzberg,  the  boy  whose  parents,  Gavriel and Rivka Holtzberg, were murdered in a 2008  attack on the Chabad center in Mumbai  by  an  Islamist  terrorist group based in Pakistan. The attack was one of a dozen carried out throughout the city in late November, 2008, that left 164 dead and at least 308 wounded.

In  making  this  moving  gesture, Modi  not  only  showed  a  laudable  sensitivity  on  a  personal  level,  but  also underscored  the  common  threats/enemies  faced  by  both  countries  and  the joint  perils  that  menace  both  Israelis and Indians.   So although the visit included a dizzying  array  of  sites  and  installations, highlighting  Israel’s  capabilities  and achievements  in  culture,  technology, agriculture,  and  security  it  was  these two  events resolute  moral  clarity  on the  one  hand  and  human  empathy  on the  other that  imparted  a  distinctive quality to the visit making it one of the most memorable in years. Indeed,  as  one  scholar  of  Indo-Israeli  ties,  Souptik  Mukherjee,  pointed out:  “While the visit has many dimensions, the most important aspect is not the joint development of arms, not the prospect  of  free  trade  agreement  but rather the shared values and historical ties.”

Marrying “Make in India” with “Make with India”

The visit also produced some interesting rhetorical innovations.In  September  2015  Modi  launched his “Make in India” initiative to encourage  foreign  corporations  to  manufacture  their  products  in  India.  To date it appears to be an impressive success, with India emerging as the top destination globally for foreign direct investment, surpassing the United States and China!

In  his  effusive  welcoming  address on  Modi’s  arrival,  Netanyahu  mentioned  Modi’s “Make in India” project and  added  a  twist,  suggesting  an  additional  project:  ”Make  with  India”  in which both countries, would exploit the synergies  of  Indo-Israeli  cooperation and  engage  in  joint  ventures  across  a range of civilian and military fields.

Given  the  huge  nascent  consumer demand in India, its burgeoning middle class,  the  daunting  security  challenges it  faces  from  both  state  and  non-state actors innately hostile to Israel as well, there  is  little  doubt  that  both  formula Israeli  manufacturing  plants  in Israel, and joint Indo-Israel projects in either country offer almost boundless prospects.

Referring  to  ongoing  cooperation in the field of space, Netanyahu under- scored with a touch of hyperbole the almost  limitless  opportunities  a  marriage  of  “Make  in  India”  and  “Make with India” could create.  He recalled: “I remember what you told me in our first meeting when it comes to India and Israel relations, the sky is the limit. But now, prime minister, let me add [that] even the sky is not the limit. We are also cooperating in space.”

(Inputs from an article published in Israel Rising by Martin Sherman offers Israeli prospective)

A Landmark trip, Indeed!

A Landmark trip, Indeed!

PM Narendra Modi’s visit to Israel has opened new avenues for cooperation between the two countries

Clearly  reflecting  the  impact  of  the change in Indian policy towards Israel was  the  chagrin  expressed  by  the  Palestinian envoy to New Delhi: “We were shocked…”

A curious Indian stops a passing Israeli backpacker on a New Delhi street. “Tell me,” he asks, “how many Israelis are there?”

“I’m not quite sure,” the backpacker answers. “About six million.”

“No, no no,” retorts the Indian, “not just in New Delhi. I mean all together.”

The humor of this well-known joke reflects a remarkable reality which helps understand the huge enthusiasm this week’s landmark visit of the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi generated, and clearly heralded a “change of gears” in relations between the two countries.

Hindu Jewish affinity

Each year, over 60,000 Israelis travel to India, many of them “unwinding” in the country after completing military service.  Their presence is highly visible across much of the country. Indeed, the “giant shadow” Israelis cast in India is wildly disproportionate to the minuscule dimensions of their homeland. In some outlying locations, Israelis comprise a dominant percentage of foreign visitors. Even in central sites such as the main market in Old Delhi it is not uncommon to see Hebrew signs and encounter merchants able to converse with Israeli customers in fairly fluent Hebrew.

That Israelis seem to feel an instinctive affinity for India should perhaps not be surprising.  Its history is virtually devoid of antisemitism.  Indeed, the  only  significant  incidents  were  the Moors’ attack on the Jews in 1524 and the  Portuguese  persecution  of  Jews in  Cranganore  (now  the  Kerala  coast)

On the political and diplomatic fronts, the two nations were largely estranged for the four decades following their independence in the late 1940s. Thus, although India recognized the State of Israel in 1950, the then ruling Congress Party eschewed full diplomatic relations, siding with the Palestinians and denouncing what many in its ranks termed the “Zionist enterprise” as an imperialist creation of Western colonial powers.

Some years  later.  Moreover,  many  Indian  Jews  achieved  great  prominence, among  them  the  Sassoons  (for  whom the  Sassoon  docks,  the  Sassoon  hospital,  and  other  well-known  sites  have been  named),  Dr.  E.  Moses  (a  Jewish mayor of Bombay), Lt. Gen. J. F. R. Jacobs (a general in the Indian Army who oversaw the Pakistani Army’s 1971 surrender  in  Bangladesh  and  later  served as governor of Goa and Punjab), Nissim Ezekiel  (a  poet/leading  Indian  literary personality),  and  Dr.  Abraham Solomon Erulkar (the personal physician/ friend of Mahatma Gandhi).

Dispersing ideo-political cloud of “post-colonial” prejudice

However, Indo-Israeli relations were not always characterized by such warmth. On  the  political  and  diplomatic fronts, the two nations were largely estranged  for  the  four  decades  following their  independence  in  the  late  1940s. Thus, although India recognized the State of Israel in 1950, the then-ruling Congress Party eschewed full diplomatic relations, siding with the Palestinians and denouncing what many in its ranks termed the “Zionist enterprise” as an imperialist creation of Western colonial powers.

Additional  factors  also  weighed against  close  and  cordial  bilateral bonds:  New Delhi’s fear of antagonizing  its  large  Muslim  population;  pressures  from  the  Islamic  world,  India’s major source of energy; the fate of the many Indian workers in the Gulf States, and the anti-Israeli attitude of the non- aligned movement, in which India was a leading member.

Moreover, in terms of strategic allegiances,  an  additional  rift  between  the two  states  existed:  Israel  aligned  itself firmly  with  the  United  States,  while India,  then  traditionally  suspicious  of American foreign policy, opted for close links with the Soviet Union. The significant disparity between the two countries hardly boded well for mutual cooperation between them. However, since the early  1990s,  with  the  fall  of  the  Soviet bloc and the accelerating liberalization of  the  Indian  economy,  considerable changes  began  to  take  place,  bringing with  them a marked convergence of Indo Israeli interests.

Removing the reticence

The establishment of full diplomatic ties between Jerusalem and New Delhi allowed the underlying Indo-Israeli affinity to express itself.  Yet, until the Modi government came to power there has been a perceptible reticence, or at least reserve, on the part of India with regard to its relationship with Israel.

One particular sore point was India’s consistent support of anti-Israel resolutions in international forums, such as the UN.  One commentator characterized the Israeli perception in the following terms: “Israel has long complained that India treats it like a mistress: glad to partake of its defense and technology charms, but a little embarrassed about the whole thing and unwilling to make the relationship too public.” But  with  the  rise  to  power  of  the Modi  government,  this  restraint  is  be- ginning  to  fade  discernibly,  and  India has ceased to support a number of motions  of  censure  against  Israel  in  several  UN  bodies.  Clearly  reflecting  the impact  of  this  change  was  the  chagrin expressed  by  the  Palestinian  envoy  to New  Delhi,  at  India’s  decision  not  to support a resolution condemning Israel:  “We  were  shocked.  The Palestinian people and the leaders were very happy with the UN resolution, but the voting of India has broken our happiness.”

physical embrace of Israeli Prime Minister  Benjamin  Netanyahu,  as  he  descended  from  the  plane  that  brought him to Israel, seems to have unequivocally melted away any residual reticence that might have remained.

Modi’s landmark visit

The  visit  of  Indian  Prime  Minister Modi  is  undeniably  a  landmark  event of  potentially  historical  proportions. Attesting to this is the virtually unprecedented attention he has been given by the media and the public in Israel far beyond that accorded most visiting heads of government.

As  the  first  Indian  premier  to  visit the Jewish state, Modi has undoubtedly cast aside any restraint in forging future relations  with  Israel.  Indeed,  despite his country’s heavy reliance on oil from the  Middle  East  (or  “Western  Asia”  as the Indians tend to call it) chiefly Iraq, Saudi  Arabia  and  Iran Modi  appears to  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that India  has  more  to  gain  from  throwing in its lot with Israel than with the Arab States,  who  seem  to  consistently  lend their support to India’s rival, Pakistan.

Two  of  Modi’s  decisions  on  this trip perhaps more symbolic than substantive seem to distill out the essence of  the  new  Indian  approach  to  Israel: The  one,  political;  the  other,  humanitarian. The first was the Indian PM’s decision not to include the customary visit to  Ramallah,  made  by  virtually  all  visiting  senior  statesmen  to  maintain  the appearance of scrupulous even handedness in the Israel Palestinian conflict.

Thus  despite  the  fact  that  the  Indian  government  continues  to  declare its ongoing support for the “Palestinian cause” there can be no glossing over the implicit message  in  Modi’s  decision  to skip some might say, snub the Palestinian Authority by excluding any meeting  with  any  of  its  senior  representatives. courage  in  flouting  the  bonds  of  the constrictive  conventions of  political correctness and  the  willingness  to break from past patterns, which bodes well  for  the  independent  development of bilateral relations in the future.

The other defining event was Modi’s decision to visit  Moshe (Moish) Holtzberg,  the  boy  whose  parents,  Gavriel and Rivka Holtzberg, were murdered in a 2008  attack on the Chabad center in Mumbai  by  an  Islamist  terrorist group based in Pakistan. The attack was one of a dozen carried out throughout the city in late November, 2008, that left 164 dead and at least 308 wounded.

In  making  this  moving  gesture, Modi  not  only  showed  a  laudable  sensitivity  on  a  personal  level,  but  also underscored  the  common  threats/enemies  faced  by  both  countries  and  the joint  perils  that  menace  both  Israelis and Indians.   So although the visit included a dizzying  array  of  sites  and  installations, highlighting  Israel’s  capabilities  and achievements  in  culture,  technology, agriculture,  and  security  it  was  these two  events resolute  moral  clarity  on the  one  hand  and  human  empathy  on the  other that  imparted  a  distinctive quality to the visit making it one of the most memorable in years. Indeed,  as  one  scholar  of  Indo-Israeli  ties,  Souptik  Mukherjee,  pointed out:  “While the visit has many dimensions, the most important aspect is not the joint development of arms, not the prospect  of  free  trade  agreement  but rather the shared values and historical ties.”

Marrying “Make in India” with “Make with India”

The visit also produced some interesting rhetorical innovations.In  September  2015  Modi  launched his “Make in India” initiative to encourage  foreign  corporations  to  manufacture  their  products  in  India.  To date it appears to be an impressive success, with India emerging as the top destination globally for foreign direct investment, surpassing the United States and China!

In  his  effusive  welcoming  address on  Modi’s  arrival,  Netanyahu  mentioned  Modi’s “Make in India” project and  added  a  twist,  suggesting  an  additional  project:  ”Make  with  India”  in which both countries, would exploit the synergies  of  Indo-Israeli  cooperation and  engage  in  joint  ventures  across  a range of civilian and military fields.

Given  the  huge  nascent  consumer demand in India, its burgeoning middle class,  the  daunting  security  challenges it  faces  from  both  state  and  non-state actors innately hostile to Israel as well, there  is  little  doubt  that  both  formula Israeli  manufacturing  plants  in Israel, and joint Indo-Israel projects in either country offer almost boundless prospects.

Referring  to  ongoing  cooperation in the field of space, Netanyahu under- scored with a touch of hyperbole the almost  limitless  opportunities  a  marriage  of  “Make  in  India”  and  “Make with India” could create.  He recalled: “I remember what you told me in our first meeting when it comes to India and Israel relations, the sky is the limit. But now, prime minister, let me add [that] even the sky is not the limit. We are also cooperating in space.”

(Inputs from an article published in Israel Rising by Martin Sherman offers Israeli prospective)

Leave a comment

Comments (0)

Opinion Express TV

Shapoorji Pallonji

SUNGROW

GOVNEXT INDIA FOUNDATION

CAMBIUM NETWORKS TECHNOLOGY

Opinion Express Magazine