This success is a combination of Organizational Prowess, Modi Magic, Ideological Foundation, and RSS Influence. 

In the democratic landscape of India, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has once again emerged victorious in the 2023 state elections, showcasing a remarkable display of organizational skills, the Narendra Modi brand, a strong ideological base, and the guiding influence of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). This article delves into the multifaceted factors that contributed to the BJP's massive electoral success, dissecting the intricacies of its campaign strategy and the symbiotic relationship between the party, its charismatic leader, and the ideological roots it draws upon.

Organizational Prowess:

One of the key elements behind the BJP's electoral triumph is its formidable organizational machinery. The party has invested heavily in building a robust ground game, focusing on booth-level management and grassroots outreach. The meticulous planning and execution of their election strategy, coupled with an extensive network of party workers, enabled the BJP to connect with voters at a micro level. The emphasis on data analytics and targeted campaigning further amplified their reach, allowing the party to tailor its message to specific demographics.

The BJP's ability to adapt to changing political landscapes and effectively communicate its policies and achievements at the grassroots level played a pivotal role in securing victory. The groundwork laid by the party over the years in terms of cadre training, volunteer mobilization, and technology integration has been instrumental in consolidating its electoral base.

Narendra Modi Brand:

The charismatic leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi continues to be a central driving force behind the BJP's electoral success. Modi's popularity transcends regional boundaries, and his image as a decisive and dynamic leader resonates with a significant segment of the electorate. The 2023 state elections once again witnessed the "Modi wave," where voters were swayed by the promise of strong leadership, economic development, and a resolute approach to national security.

The BJP intelligently leveraged the Modi brand in its campaign, projecting him as the face of progress and stability. Modi's ability to connect with voters through impactful speeches and a charismatic persona has consistently given the BJP an edge in electoral battles. The party strategically utilized social media platforms, town hall meetings, and mass rallies to amplify the Modi effect, creating a sense of trust and confidence among the electorate.

Ideological Foundation:

The BJP's success is deeply rooted in its strong ideological foundation, based on the principles of Hindutva and nationalism. The party's commitment to a cultural and nationalistic agenda has resonated with a significant portion of the Indian electorate. The articulation of a clear vision for the country, rooted in a blend of cultural pride and economic progress, has helped the BJP forge a distinctive identity.

In the 2023 state elections, the party skilfully crafted its narrative around issues such as cultural preservation, national security, and economic development. By aligning itself with the aspirations of the common citizen and presenting a vision for a 'New India,' the BJP was able to consolidate its support base and appeal to a diverse demographic. The ideological underpinnings served as a guiding compass, shaping both the party's policies and its communication strategy.

RSS Guidance:

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the ideological parent of the BJP, plays a crucial role in shaping the party's long-term vision and strategy. The symbiotic relationship between the RSS and the BJP provides the latter with ideological clarity and organizational discipline. The network of RSS volunteers, known as swayamsevaks, forms a significant part of the ground-level machinery, contributing to the party's organizational strength.

While the BJP, as a political entity, maintains autonomy, the ideological guidance from the RSS serves as a bedrock for the party's policies and actions. The RSS's emphasis on cultural nationalism, social cohesion, and grassroots activism aligns with the BJP's broader agenda. The disciplined cadre and ideological coherence provided by the RSS contribute to the BJP's ability to navigate diverse socio-political landscapes.

Conclusion:

The BJP's triumph in the 2023 state elections can be attributed to a harmonious interplay of organizational prowess, the charismatic leadership of Narendra Modi, a robust ideological foundation, and the guiding influence of the RSS. The party's commitment to effective governance, coupled with a keen understanding of the electorate's pulse, has cemented its position as a dominant political force in India.

As the BJP celebrates its electoral victory, it faces the ongoing challenge of translating this success into tangible governance and addressing the diverse needs of a vast and complex nation. The intricate balance between organizational efficiency, leadership charisma, ideological coherence, and guidance from the RSS will continue to shape the BJP's trajectory in Indian politics. Surely, the roadmap to General Elections 2024 is just a step away from this formidable election machine.

The largest democracy in the world is known for its vibrant and robust parliamentary system. The Parliament of India serves as the cornerstone of democratic governance, where elected representatives deliberate, legislate, and shape the nation's future. With the proposal and construction of a new parliament building underway, it becomes essential to understand the significance of this development. This essay explores the multifaceted importance of a new parliament building in bolstering India's democratic processes, enhancing functionality, accommodating growth, and symbolizing the country's commitment to democratic values.

A new parliament building brings significant benefits in terms of functionality and efficiency. The existing parliament building, constructed during the British era, is over 90 years old and is struggling to meet the demands of a rapidly growing democracy. The current structure faces challenges in terms of space constraints, technological upgradation, and modern amenities required for effective legislative functioning. The new building, equipped with advanced infrastructure and technology, will create an environment conducive to efficient lawmaking, debates, and committee discussions. It will provide state-of-the-art facilities, including modern communication systems, acoustics, and digital infrastructure, thereby fostering a more dynamic and productive parliamentary experience.

As the world's largest democracy, India has witnessed significant growth in population and political representation over the years. The existing parliament building has limited seating capacity, restricting the number of representatives who can participate in legislative proceedings. The new building, with expanded seating arrangements and additional committee rooms, will accommodate the growing number of elected members, enabling broader participation and diverse representation. This expansion will ensure that the parliament remains inclusive and reflective of India's diverse society, promoting inclusivity, and encouraging meaningful democratic engagement.

While the existing parliament building holds historical significance, its preservation can be challenging due to limitations in retrofitting and modernization. By constructing a new parliament building, India can strike a balance between preserving architectural heritage and embracing contemporary needs. The new building can incorporate elements that pay homage to the past while embracing a forward-looking design. This approach enables the nation to preserve its historical legacy while ensuring the functionality and sustainability of the parliament.

The construction of a new parliament building serves as a symbol of India's commitment to democratic values and its aspirations for the future. The physical manifestation of a modern and technologically advanced parliamentary complex showcases the nation's progress and the importance it attaches to democratic governance. It demonstrates India's ability to adapt to changing times while upholding democratic ideals. The new building will not only be an architectural marvel but also a beacon of transparency, accountability, and inclusivity, inspiring citizens and reinforcing their faith in the democratic process.

A new parliament building can play a pivotal role in promoting public engagement and civic awareness. The construction process itself can serve as an opportunity to educate citizens about the functioning of the parliament, the significance of legislative processes, and the importance of their participation. Once completed, the new building can incorporate visitor galleries, interactive exhibits, and educational programs to facilitate public access and understanding of parliamentary proceedings. This approach fosters a sense of ownership and empowers citizens to actively engage with their elected representatives, fostering a culture of informed participation and accountability.

The construction of a new parliament building in India holds immense significance for the largest democracy in the world. It represents a commitment to functionality, growth, preservation of heritage, and the promotion of democratic values. By enhancing efficiency, accommodating growth, and symbolizing progress, the new parliament building becomes an architectural testament to India's democratic spirit.

It is expected that the strength of the parliament from 2026 will go up significantly high from the present strength of 545 seats in the Lok Sabha and 250 seats in the Rajya Sabha, the new parliament building is capable of accommodating over 1200 M.P.’s hence it has a futuristic vision.  

The top dignitaries presented on the occasion have issued statements.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi: "I am honored to inaugurate the new Parliament building, a monumental achievement for our democracy. This state-of-the-art structure represents our commitment to democratic governance and will provide a conducive environment for efficient lawmaking. The new building reflects India's progress, embraces technological advancements, and accommodates the needs of our growing nation. It is a symbol of our collective aspirations and our resolve to strengthen democratic institutions for the betterment of our people."

President of India, Smt Draupadi Murmu: "The inauguration of the new Parliament building is a significant milestone in our democratic journey. This iconic structure stands as a testament to our unwavering belief in the principles of democracy, inclusivity, and progress. As the custodian of our Constitution, I am confident that this modern facility will foster meaningful debates, shape sound legislation, and uphold the values enshrined in our sacred document. It is a proud moment for our nation as we embrace a new chapter in our parliamentary history."

Speaker of the Lok Sabha, Om Birla: "The new Parliament building is a testament to the growth and dynamism of our democracy. It provides us with an enhanced platform to deliberate, legislate, and serve the people of India. This architectural marvel ensures a more inclusive and participatory legislative process, accommodating the increasing number of elected representatives and promoting diverse voices. I am thrilled to witness this inauguration, and I am confident that the new building will elevate the functioning of our esteemed institution."

Leader of the Opposition, Rahul Gandhi: "While inaugurating the new Parliament building, we celebrate the essence of democracy and the power of dissent. This momentous occasion serves as a reminder that democratic institutions are vital for a vibrant and inclusive society. As we step into this new chapter, let us uphold the values of transparency, accountability, and unity. Together, we can ensure that the new building becomes a space for robust debates, constructive dialogues, and collaborative decision-making that advances the welfare of our citizens."

Chief Justice of India: "The inauguration of the new Parliament building marks a significant milestone in India's democratic framework. It symbolizes the importance of separation of powers and the role of the legislature in upholding the rule of law. This modern infrastructure will provide lawmakers with the necessary resources to fulfill their constitutional duties efficiently. Let us remember that the true strength of our democracy lies in upholding the principles of justice, equality, and constitutional morality."

The statements from key figures reflect the unanimous acknowledgment of the new Parliament building's significance in India's democratic landscape.

By Prashant Tewari, Editor-in-Chief

India's Digital India initiative has emerged as a beacon of inspiration, showcasing the country's commitment to taking digitalization to the next level. Launched by the Government of India in 2015, Digital India encompasses a comprehensive vision to transform India into a digitally empowered society and knowledge economy. Through a range of transformative initiatives, Digital India has become a remarkable global example of harnessing digital technologies for inclusive growth and development.

At its core, Digital India seeks to bridge the digital divide by ensuring equitable access to digital infrastructure and services across the country. It aims to connect every citizen with the power of technology, enabling them to participate fully in the digital age. With a focus on three key areas - digital infrastructure, digital empowerment, and digital services - Digital India has brought about significant progress and has been recognized internationally for its achievements.

One of the cornerstones of Digital India is the establishment of a robust digital infrastructure. The initiative has spearheaded the deployment of high-speed broadband connectivity to every corner of the nation, including rural and remote areas. Under the BharatNet project, the government has laid an extensive optical fiber network, connecting over 250,000 village panchayats (local administrative units) with broadband services. This has empowered millions of Indians with access to the internet, opening up a world of information, education, and opportunities previously inaccessible to them.

Furthermore, Digital India has revolutionized the delivery of government services through digital platforms, making them more accessible, efficient, and transparent. The implementation of the Unified Payments Interface (UPI) has transformed the way financial transactions are conducted, enabling seamless, secure, and real-time payments across different banks and payment service providers. The Digital Locker System, e-Hospital, and e-Procurement are some other notable examples of digital services introduced under Digital India, streamlining administrative processes and enhancing service delivery to citizens.

Digital India's impact extends beyond national boundaries, serving as a source of inspiration for countries worldwide. Moreover, Digital India has paved the way for a vibrant digital startup ecosystem, nurturing a culture of innovation and entrepreneurship. Initiatives like the Startup India program have provided a conducive environment for budding entrepreneurs to leverage digital technologies and launch innovative ventures. As a result, India has witnessed a surge in digital startups across various sectors, further propelling economic growth and creating employment opportunities.

In conclusion, Digital India stands as a shining example for the world, showcasing India's unwavering commitment to taking digitalization to the next level. Through its comprehensive vision, focus on digital infrastructure, digital empowerment, and digital services, Digital India has made significant strides in bridging the digital divide and empowering citizens. Its success story has not only transformed India but has also inspired countries globally to embark on similar digital transformation journeys. With its inclusive and transformative approach, Digital India has set a new standard for leveraging digital technologies for societal progress and serves as an inspiration for the world.

Prashant Tewari, Editor in Chief

India has already suffered a great deal of damage because of freebies. Unfortunately, all the regional parties, and to some extent, the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Congress, indulge in irresponsible populism and mad welfarism. While there can be justification for free education and healthcare, there can be no justification for the distribution of grinders, washing machines, television sets, laptops, subsidised pilgrimages, free electricity, and farm loan waivers. 

Freebie culture is blamed on political elites only however, bureaucrats drafting policy are left scot-free. The Judicial system conveniently ignores its responsibility to correct the course since it will displease the political class and of course, the media will never discuss the issue since the government advertisement inflow will be hurt. The poor taxpayers of the country enjoy the visual site of watching their own elected government ripping hard-earned money to be distributed to large sections of the population seeking the comfort of sitting at home since the government has no vision to generate employment for a dignified living. It is all about failed governance and bribing voters to overcome this monumental failure.  

Real income growth of the bottom 30% of Indians slowed down from 1992 when India first began ‘opening up’ and ‘liberalising’ its economy by encouraging the private sector. Since everyone has a vote, that means politicians cannot ignore them. This is why they must promise income support or subsidies, whether in cash or kind. These sops ensure that a majority of Indians can stay afloat in a fiercely difficult economic environment. Without this, they might throw governments out of power, or even begin to question what media and public culture feed them. A democracy that is controlled by a corporate-dominated ruling class requires popular support for its rule to continue. The sops and freebies to the poor buy the requisite votes. It is a small price that India’s affluent have to pay to ensure the economy continues to disproportionately reward them.

The political parties in India try to outdo each other in luring the Indian voters with assorted goodies called freebies. This trend has gained more momentum in recent times with the political parties being innovative in their offerings as the ‘traditional free water and electricity is no longer sufficient as election goodies. The political dialogue built around freebies is fraught with danger as it shakes the root of free and fair elections to a large degree. The unviable pre-election promises adversely affect the informed decision-making by voters. This calls for fixing the gaps in the design, execution and accountability of freebie culture.

In fact, the country has already suffered a great deal of damage because of freebies. Unfortunately, all regional parties, and national parties including the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Congress, indulge in irresponsible populism and mad welfarism. While there can be justification for free education and healthcare, there can be no justification for the distribution of grinders, washing machines, television sets, laptops, subsidised pilgrimages, free electricity, farm loan waivers, and so on. It is not that nobody earlier warned against the consequences of populism. It is a “race to the bottom” and “a quick passport to fiscal disaster.”

FREEBIE THREATENS TO HURT INDIA’S STORY

The results are for all to see. A recent RBI study said, “We can identify a core subset of highly stressed states from among the 10 states identified by the necessary condition i.e., the debt/GSDP ratio. The highly stressed states are Bihar, Kerala, Punjab, Rajasthan and West Bengal.” GSDP is the state GDP. The states with the highest debt-to-GSDP ratio in 2021-22 include Punjab at 53.3%, Rajasthan at 39.8%, West Bengal at 38.8%, Kerala at 38.3% and Andhra Pradesh at 32.4% whereas the Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management (FRBM) Act recommended a debt-to-GDP ratio of 20% for state governments (40% for the Centre) by the financial year 2022-23. This level of debt is extremely concerning and is largely the result of committed expenditure and subsidies under populist schemes coupled with slow growth in revenues. 

Most of the states, however, post a healthy picture of their finances which is aided by the fact that much of the borrowing that funds these freebies happens off-budget, beyond the pale of FRBM tracking. The States borrow on the books of their public enterprises, by pledging future revenues to the State as a guarantee. Effectively, the burden of debt is on the State exchequer, albeit well concealed. The debt-GSDP ratio of Punjab is the worst — and worsening. Instead of being concerned that the state debt to GSDP ratio has not gone below 40% for the past 6 years, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) government instead announces that around 51 lakh households won’t pay any electricity bills from September. This is in accordance with the AAP’s election promise of 600 units of free power per billing cycle starting from 1 July 2022. 

A case in point is Latin America which provides key learning lessons on populist politics. Populism was active during the 1920s through to the 1970s, when the working poor united behind icons like Brazil’s Getúlio Vargas and Argentina’s Juan Perón over their dissatisfaction with industrialisation. Populist governments resorted to inflationary financing to grant benefits to the poor. By the 1980s, uncontrolled public spending resulted in excessive fiscal deficits, unsustainable public debt and intractable inflation. Latin America’s ‘Lost Decade’ followed. Growth, at 5.6% in the 1970s, shrunk to 1.3% and stagnated for another decade. By the 1990s, inflation had reached 1,000% in countries like Brazil, and the poor suffered exponentially. Large economies including Mexico, Argentina and Brazil languished, and up to half of Latin Americans slid into poverty. It will augur well for India and its political stakeholders to imbibe the lessons of Latin America and how the first generation of fiscal reforms introduced in Latin America introduced political stability in the early 2000s. Going down the same path as Latin America may result in a ‘lost decade’ for India also. 

CORRECTIVE ACTION AND STEPS 

The problem with freebies is a political one; the way out is simple: all parties (at the Centre and the State level) sit down together and draw a list of don’ts, a negative list of things that none of them would do. With states running astray, it is the responsibility of the Centre to work together with States to advocate fiscal conservatism while ensuring States still retain their freedom in the spirit of Federalism. This requires the Centre to walk a tightrope and requires strong visionary leadership at the helm. More emphasis and confidence should be placed in the legislation already in place to check fiscal spending which is the FRBM Act. 

Judicial Intervention: Constructive debate and discussions in parliament are difficult since the freebie culture has an impact on every political party, whether directly or indirectly. Therefore, judicial involvement is required in order to propose measures.

ECI Model Code of Conduct: The Election Commission of India can anticipate enforcing the Model Code of Conduct for Guidance of Political Parties and Candidates effectively to regulate election manifestos in order to prevent the manipulation of informed voter behavior.

ROADMAP

Since getting elected is not a license to kill, the elected representatives must not act arbitrarily. The system of monarchy and practicing democracy have a clear distinction wherein in the latter system, the leader is accountable for all the actions while in the office including the finances and its management. In India, many regional and even national leaders consider themselves the incarnation of god. The reckless way these leaders spend public money is just unacceptable in an orderly society and there have to be reasonable restrictions to be imposed on them while they systematically corrupt the society by offering freebies over quality governance, so as to safeguard the macro interest of the society and the growth of the country.   

Prashant Tewari

The political parties in India try to outdo each other in luring the Indian voters with assorted goodies called freebies. This trend has gained more momentum in recent times with the political parties being innovative in their offerings as the ‘traditional free water and electricity is no longer sufficient as election goodies. The political dialogue built around freebies is fraught with danger as it shakes the root of free and fair elections to a large degree. The unviable pre-election promises adversely affect the informed decision-making by voters. This calls for fixing the gaps in the design, execution and accountability of freebie culture.

                            <iframe src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/UsqCAkRAke0" width="560" height="314" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>

In fact, the country has already suffered a great deal of damage because of freebies. Unfortunately, all parties, including the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Congress, indulge in irresponsible populism and mad welfarism. While there can be justification for free education and healthcare, there can be no justification for the distribution of grinders, washing machines, television sets, laptops, subsidised pilgrimages, free electricity, farm loan waivers, and so on. It is not that nobody earlier warned against the consequences of populism. It is a “race to the bottom” and “a quick passport to fiscal disaster.”

FREEBIE THREATEN TO HURT INDIA’S STORY?

The results are for all to see. A recent RBI study said, “We can identify a core subset of highly stressed states from among the 10 states identified by the necessary condition i.e., the debt/GSDP ratio. The highly stressed states are Bihar, Kerala, Punjab, Rajasthan and West Bengal.” GSDP is the state GDP. The states with the highest debt-to-GSDP ratio in 2021-22 include Punjab at 53.3%, Rajasthan at 39.8%, West Bengal at 38.8%, Kerala at 38.3% and Andhra Pradesh at 32.4% whereas the Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management (FRBM) Act recommended a debt-to-GDP ratio of 20% for state governments (40% for the Centre) by the financial year 2022-23. This level of debt is extremely concerning and is largely the result of committed expenditure and subsidies under populist schemes coupled with slow growth in revenues. 

Most of the states, however, post a healthy picture of their finances which is aided by the fact that much of the borrowing that funds these freebies happens off-budget, beyond the pale of FRBM tracking.

A case in point is Latin America which provides key learning lessons on populist politics. Populism was active during the 1920s through to the 1970s, when the working poor united behind icons like Brazil’s Getúlio Vargas and Argentina’s Juan Perón over their dissatisfaction with industrialisation. Populist governments resorted to inflationary financing to grant benefits to the poor. By the 1980s, uncontrolled public spending resulted in excessive fiscal deficits, unsustainable public debt and intractable inflation. Latin America’s ‘Lost Decade’ followed. Growth, at 5.6% in the 1970s, shrunk to 1.3% and stagnated for another decade. By the 1990s, inflation had reached 1,000% in countries like Brazil, and the poor suffered exponentially. Large economies including Mexico, Argentina and Brazil languished, and up to half of Latin Americans slid into poverty. It will augur well for India and its political stakeholders to imbibe the lessons of Latin America and how the first generation of fiscal reforms introduced in Latin America introduced political stability in the early 2000s. Going down the same path as Latin America may result in a ‘lost decade’ for India also. 

ROADMAP

Since getting elected is not a license to kill, the elected representatives must not act arbitrarily. The system of monarchy and practicing democracy have a distinction wherein in the latter system, the leader is accountable for all the actions while in the office including the finances and its management. In India, many regional and even national leaders consider themselves the incarnation of god. The reckless way these leaders spend public money is just unacceptable in an orderly society and there have to be reasonable restrictions to be imposed on them while they systematically corrupt the society by offering freebies over quality governance, just to safeguard the macro interest of the society and the growth of the country.   

Prashant Tewari Editor-in-Chief

Vaishnavism is one of the major forms of modern Hinduism, characterized by devotion to the god Vishnu and his incarnations. A devotee of Vishnu is called a Vaishnava. The Vaishnavite tradition is known for its loving devotion to an avatar of Vishnu, and as such was key to the spread of the Bhakti movement in South Asia in the 2nd millennium CE. For Vaishnava, absolute reality is manifested in Vishnu, who in turn is incarnated in Rama, Krishna, and other avatars. Through his avatars, Vishnu defends traditional righteousness in keeping with the moral law.

Vaishnavism is the worship and acceptance of Vishnu. The various sects of worshippers of Vishnu pray to him in different ways. For some, the goal of religious devotion to Vishnu is liberation from the cycle of birth and death. For others, it is health and prosperity in this life, good crops, success in business, or thriving children.

Vaishnavism comprises many sects and groups that differ in their interpretation of the relationship between the individual and God. It has four main categories of sub-schools: the medieval-era Vishishtadvaita school of Ramanuja, the Dvaita school of Madhvacharya, the Dvaitadvaita school of Nimbarkacharya, and the Pushtimarg of Vallabhacharya. The Srivaishnava sect, for example, emphasizes the doctrine of qualified non-dualism of Ramanuja, according to which, although the differentiated phenomenal world is illusory, it is nevertheless the medium through which devotees may gain access to God. Another group professes the dualism of the philosopher Madhva, the belief that God and the soul are separate entities and that the soul’s existence is dependent on God. The Pushtimarg sect maintains the pure non-dualism doctrine of the theologian Vallabhacharya, which does not declare the phenomenal world to be an illusion. The Gaudiya sect, founded by Chaitanya, teaches inconceivable duality and non-duality, the belief that the relation between God and the world is beyond the scope of human comprehension.

The first supreme omnipresent Jagad Guru Shrimad Vallabhacharya Mahaprabhuji established the Vaishnav religious system to grace upon the Universe, the Divine Grace, also known as Pushtimarg.

Sri Ramanujacharya Swamy, who graced this world in the 11th century, is the most important exponent of Sri Vaishnavism. His legacy is not just how many hearts he has touched, but how many ‘souls’ he has transformed.

The current proponent of Vallabhacharya and Ramanujacharya cults namely HH Dwarkeshlalji Maharaj and HH Chinna Jeeyar Swamy respectively are doing a fabulous job to promote global peace, tranquility, and universal well-being. The two Ambassadors of the Vaishnav cult have united the nation and international PIO population with their motherland.

The PLA -- the world's largest military force with more than 2 million active personnel -- is often described as "party-army" with professional characteristics". Mao's successor, Deng Xiaoping, made a concerted effort to put the PLA under the command of the state instead of the CCP -- an initiative carried forward by his successors, albeit with varying degrees of emphasis. The ascent of Xi Jinping in 2013 marked a new chapter as he sought to inject a renewed sense of party ideology into the PLA and modernise it.

The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) announced the most extensive set of reforms for the Peoples's Liberation Army (PLA) in its history. These reforms sought to consolidate President Xi Jinping's hold over the Army and bring about jointness in the forces by replacing military regions with theatre commands.

Though "world-class" is not explicitly defined, a rough survey of 'PLA Daily' suggests that world-class forces are roughly similar to major military powers, including the US, France, UK, and to a certain extent in some elements, India. This points towards the ability to deploy (including airlift) troops with agility and flexibility anywhere, including abroad, to protect Chinese interests.

These reforms align with China's expanding overseas footprint -- investments under the Belt and Road Initiative, the growing profile of the PLA Navy (PLAN) in anti-piracy operations and its first overseas military base in Djibouti, on the Horn of Africa. Besides, these reforms bring the PLA on a par with the major militaries in the world in terms of force posture and joint capabilities.

The restructuring of the PLA comes on the back of an exponential increase in China's defence budget since the late 1990s. For the past decade, its military spending has surpassed the annual GDP growth, reflecting Beijing's priority for military modernisation and its global ambitions.

In 2020, its spending was $209.16 billion (1.268 trillion yuan). According to Chinese Ministry of Finance figures, this year, the spending is expected to be close to $208 billion (1.35 trillion yuan).

It is the PLA's cyber, space, and electronic warfare service branch. Its focus on emerging technologies points to China's recognition of the global trend that "informatisation" or information-based/data-driven combat operations are at the core of contemporary military advancement.

The SSF reports directly to the CMC and not to any of the theatre commands, enabling joint operations for all the theatre commands through the CMC, acting like their "information umbrella". Its creation has improved the PLA's ability to fight information wars vis-a-vis its adversaries.

The SSF administers two deputy theatre command-level departments: the Space Systems Department, responsible for military space operations and the Network Systems Department, responsible for information operations such as cyberattacks and cyber espionage campaigns, for which China has gained notoriety in recent years.

India's first Chief of Defence Staff, late General Bipin Rawat, had remarked that China is the "biggest security threat" facing India. India will have to take a long view of China's transformed military power and expedite and adjust its defence reforms to achieve the same results.

Implementing such reforms requires greater political management of the forces and lesser interference from the civilian bureaucracy. Moreover, optimising the limited budgetary resources, India must intensify its ongoing force restructuring initiatives, including integrating the three services and adding to its power projection capabilities.

The Russian-Ukraine conflict has exposed the limitation of the United Nations to safeguard the interest of the nation when attacked by the adversary. Russia rightly or wrongly has destroyed Ukraine and the international community has remained a mute spectator. India must tighten its belt and secure maximum budgetary allocation for the modernization of its armed forces to tackle the ever-growing real-time threat of expansionist China.

Prashant Tewari Editor in Chief  

The Russia-Ukraine crisis has the world on its edge. The deadly conflict has divided the world into two factions with different takes on the situation. The United Nations Security Council has advised Vladimir Putin to withdraw its armed forces from Ukraine. However, the efforts went in vain as Russia vetoed the resolution. UNSC is having total 15 members, 11 were in favour of the decision. Countries like India, China, and the United Arab Emirates abstained from voting. In light of this, India's decision has garnered mixed reactions globally. While many support the decision, many are disappointed with the developments and condemn the Russian invasion.

'Balanced Diplomacy' is one of the primary reasons behind India standing on neutral ground to continue a good relationship with Russia. For years now, both countries have stood by each other on several occasions. The friendship between PM Narendra Modi and Vladimir Putin is known to everyone. Along with this, the country has factored in its national security in the delicate diplomatic scenario. India has been looking closely at the ongoing conflict, especially when Pakistan PM Imran Khan visited Putin in Moscow just hours into its Ukraine invasion. Seeing the country's growing relationship with Pakistan and China has unsettled the political dynamics. However, India abstaining from voting also showcases its resistance to the recent attacks. "The Chinese explanation of the vote seems to support Russia, while our explanation is objective and points out that this was in contravention of the UN Charter and International Law. We have kept space for diplomacy and dialogue,"

Furthermore, the country has asked the Russians for de-escalation as violence will never be the answer. Is Neutrality Enough? Many have welcomed India's decision to remain neutral in the deadly conflict, keeping in mind the country's interests in the future. It is a tightrope walk for the country as it tries to balance its relationship with Russia and the USA, which are on the opposite side of the spectrum. However, questions are being raised about the move. Is neutrality enough? Is being silent about Russia's uncalled intrusions into Ukraine the answer? According to The Diplomat, silence is painful as an expert claimed that India will have a challenging future ahead after this stance. Its neutral approach may hamper its ties with the Americans and other Western liberal countries. What is all the more alarming is Russia's recent response to nukes. It 'highly appreciates' India's balanced approach in the conflict. This sets a bad precedent for the country as it could 'silently' support Russia's earlier actions in Ukraine and Crimea. As a liberal democracy, India's neutral stand is not appreciated by Ukraine at all. The country's envoy in India publicly showed his discontentment as it wants a powerful developing nation like ours to stand with a country in crisis.

Ukraine president Volodymyr Zelenskyy spoke to Narendra Modi, requesting his support in the same. US President Joe Biden said to PM Modi must take a stand on the current crisis. It is noteworthy to mention the stand taken by Ukraine viz Russia in respect of Indian national interest namely Kashmir, the border dispute between India & China, bogus human rights issues, etc, India should deal with the current crisis. 

 
Prashant Tewari, Editor-in-Chief

Tablighi Jamaat is often considered extremely orthodox in its interpretations, with the ability to convert Muslims into radical believers. The Tablighi Jamaat members have declared they are not political but they tacitly supported secular political parties in India to protect their interests after the partition of the country. They say the Prophet Mohammed has commanded all Muslims to convey the message of Allah, and the Tablighis take this as their duty. They divide themselves into small Jamaats (societies) and travel frequently across the world to spread the message of Islam to Muslim houses. During this travel, they stay in local mosques. This free spread has enabled them to meet the vulnerable deprived section of the Hindu population in India and backed up by the power of petrodollars & ISI dirty money machine including the vast network of Dawood Ibrahim and other anti-national entities, they have converted a large section of the population in the last 70 years with ease and without force. 

Radicalism and Role in Acts of Terror Some TJ followers have worked as allies of Jihadi and sectarian organizations. However, once they joined the militant organizations, they cut off their links with the Tablighis. The terror groups have used the TJ congregations as a selection camp for recruitment. Tablighi Jamaat has been a sympathizer and supporter of jihadi organizations such as the Harkat-ul-Mujahideen, the Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami, the Lashkar-e-Taiba, Jaish-e-Mohammad, Al Qaeda and Taliban. According to the India Abroad News Service report, "As per WikiLeaks, some of the 9/11 al-Qaeda suspects detained by the US in Guantanamo Bay had stayed in the Tablighi Jamaat headquarters in Nizamuddin West, New Delhi, years ago". According to Pakistani security analysts and Indian investigators, Harkat-ul-Mujahideen (HuM) members, involved in the hijacking of Indian Airlines Flight 814 in 1999, were members of Tablighi Jamaat.

Recently, Tablighi Jamaat has been banned in Saudi Arabia, and Central Asian countries such as Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kazakhstan, whose governments see its puritanical preaching as extremist. When conservative societies are getting modernized in a fast-paced globalized world, Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman (MBS) is being credited with ushering in a reform phase in Saudi society and politics by giving up age-old religious, and societal customs and laws. Under his stewardship, theatres have been opened up in various Saudi cities, women have been allowed to drive cars, women can visit markets or shopping malls without a male chaperone, and they have been allowed not to wear Hijab or Abaya in places or to cover their faces.

In India, policymakers need to answer a simple question, how do we want to shape the future of our country? The constitution has declared India a secular state, then can Tablighi Jamaat or Bajrang Dal exist with the secular system?

Prashant Tewari, Editor-in-Chief   

The The poll pundits have sounded the alarm bell for the ruling party wherein disenchantment is building up within the electorate of a few poll-bound states. A similar disillusionment against the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) showed in the results of three Lok Sabha constituencies and 29 assembly seats across 13 states. 

The saffron party was handed humiliating defeats in Himachal Pradesh, where elections are due next year, and stares at complete rejection in West Bengal, where it had emerged as the second-largest party after the Trinamool Congress (TMC), and routed in Rajasthan. Victories in Rajasthan will be sweet for the Congress because not only did it retain the Vallabhnagar seat but also wrested the Dhariawad constituency from the BJP. In Vallabhnagar, the BJP finished fourth while in Dhariawad, it was pushed to the third position. Barring its performance in Assam, where Himanta Biswa Sarma’s leadership steered the BJP and its ally United People’s Party (Liberal) (UPPL) to comprehensive victories in all the five assembly segments, gaining four of these from opposition parties, the BJP put up a lackluster show if compared to its past performances.

The only seat where it was able to displace the ruling party was Huzurabad in Telangana. The BJP, which had won the closely-contested Dubakka by-poll last year, will now push to project itself as the primary challenger to the incumbent K. Chandrasekhar Rao-led Telangana Rashtra Samithi.

However, Congress will gain some confidence from the by-polls. Not only did the party emerge stronger in BJP-ruled Himachal Pradesh, but also fought tightly-contested elections in Madhya Pradesh, where although it managed to win only one of three seats, its 45.5% vote share was only 2% lower than the BJP’s. It also won the prestigious Deglur assembly seat in Maharashtra by a margin of around 42,000 votes. Deglur had become keenly watched because top BJP leaders like former chief minister Devendra Fadnavis had extensively campaigned in a bid to topple Congress. The grand-old party would also be happy that it has wrested the Hangal constituency in Karnataka from the BJP. The seat falls in chief minister Basavaraj Bommai’s home district Haveri.

The by-polls also indicate that a substantial section of voters tends to prefer regional forces that are in strong positions. The TMC’s enormous wins in all four assembly seats of West Bengal signal such a trend. Not only did the TMC secure more than 75% votes in all the constituencies, but the other parties struggled to even save their deposit.

Similarly, the Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy-led YSR Congress registered an emphatic win in Andhra Pradesh, defeating the BJP by more than 90,000 votes. The Shiv Sena, too, registered a win in Dadra and Nagar Haveli, its first outside Maharashtra. The Lok Sabha seat in the Union Territory had fallen vacant after independent MP Mohan Delkar died by suicide this year. Kelkar made serious allegations of harassment against BJP leader and Lakshadweep administrator Praful Khoda Patel, who was also governing Dadra and Nagar Haveli. The Shiv Sena fielded Delkar’s wife Kalaben Delkar, who defeated the BJP candidate by a big margin. Indian National Lok Dal leader Abhay Chautala won the Ellenabad seat in Haryana by defeating the BJP in a closely-fought election. Chautala had resigned from the seat in support of the farmers’ protests earlier this year.

In Meghalaya, voters preferred Conrad Sangma’s National People’s Party and United Democratic Party over Congress. In Bihar, although the Rashtriya Janata Dal could not win either of the two assembly segments in Bihar – Tarapur and Kusheshwar Ashtan – it held onto its ground and even managed to decrease the margin of victory considerably in Tarapur. The ruling Janata Dal (United) won both seats.

The biggest takeaway from the by-polls will be the BJP’s uninspiring show. The saffron party could not register wins in states where it is not in power, except in Telangana. The thrashing that it received in West Bengal and Himachal Pradesh are some of the biggest-ever defeats that the saffron party has faced. On the other hand, the Congress did comparatively well in BJP-ruled states, while performing exceedingly well in Rajasthan and Maharashtra, where it is in power.

Notwithstanding the regional dynamics, the BJP’s reticence in responding to matters that affect the common man like fuel price rise, unemployment, crashing businesses, and mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic, even while it remains extremely vocal in counting its achievements in well-mounted advertisement campaigns, may cost the party dearly in the long run. While one should not read too much into the by-poll results, they do contain the warning signals of the beginning of a probable downfall.

However, BJP can argue that they have not unleashed the Modi card in the by-poll hence the initiative remains with them going ahead in the next round of elections. 

(The writer is Prashant Tewari, Editor-In chief of the Opinion Express) 

Soon after the capture of Kabul by the Taliban the radical outfit announced that the regime in Afghanistan would be based on Shariat leaving no one in doubt about the return of the Emirate of 1996. This comeback was happening through a sure and steady process marked by some tactical statements from the Taliban, hastily interpreted in many quarters as signs of political maturity, about the safety of foreign nationals, amnesty of the government employees who served the Ashraf Ghani dispensation, and assurance to the international community that Afghan soil would not be used to launch any covert offensive against any other nation.

Having achieved its mission of taking charge of the country in quick time, the Taliban held its hands at the Kabul International Airport only to see the completion of the evacuation of US and NATO personnel -- it showed its true colours by clamping down on the exit of Afghan nationals from the country. Its leaders, meanwhile, were initiating moves to give shape to the future government.

Taliban has expectantly firmed up its grid with Pakistan and China already and is beginning to repressively handle the domestic scene where significant changes had occurred over the two decades since its ouster from power in 2001, mainly by way of the rise of a new Afghan generation of men and women who had tasted freedom, entrepreneurship and international exposure.

The desertion of Afghanistan by President Ghani and the bulk of Afghan national security leadership in the face of the rapid advance of Taliban insurgents, has shown the reality of the intrinsic hold of Islamic radicals on the country, backed so explicitly by Pakistan establishment and the ISI-sponsored militant outfits like Jaish-e-Mohammad and Haqqani network.

For both the US and India, the two largest democracies, a Taliban-dominated Afghanistan poses a long-term threat but apparently for the Biden administration dealing with China as the rising superpower is taking precedence over the slide of Afghanistan back into the hands of Islamic radicals.

It is now coming out that the US administration made an error of judgment first in choosing for Doha peace talks with the Taliban representative who, for vested political interests, conducted that exercise totally at the back of the Afghan government of the day, flouting all strategic logic, and then in relying on Pakistan's mediation in those negotiations as an 'old ally' -- in complete ignorance of the fact that in the 'war on terror Pakistan was all along in league with the Taliban-Al Qaeda axis to serve its own long-range interest in Afghanistan.

All of this can perhaps be traced to the American policy-making process that relied on the past and did not take adequate notice of the rise in the present, of a new global threat of terror that was using 'faith-based' motivation to unleash its power.

While the Muslim world would generally find it difficult to disown radical Islam, the Pakistan establishment already using Islamic extremism and militancy as an instrument of state policy was wilfully tying up with radical outfits of the Pak-Afghan region to serve its anti-India objectives and only pretending to be on the American side.

In the current geopolitical setting, India's friendship with the US has to be the bedrock for a united effort to safeguard the interests of the democratic world against the forces of dictatorship and fundamentalism. India is upfront in supporting Quad for safeguarding the oceans around us against Chinese aggressive designs.

However, for India, the hostile Sino-Pak alliance active on our borders would have the potential of multiplying the terror threat from Pakistan once the expected revival of the Emirate at Kabul was completed. India's security strategy has, therefore, to be a multi-dimensional one -- but essentially an approach of its own in which strategic friendship with US would of course be a major component.

India has rightly kept up its bilateral relationship with Russia on a strong footing -- Prime Minister Modi has spoken to President Putin and the two countries have established a joint mechanism for monitoring the situation in Afghanistan. We have to manage friendships with both Iran and Israel.

A lot of work has to be done in South and South-East Asia too. In a significant development, National Security Adviser Ajit Doval chaired a meeting of his counterparts from BRICS on Aug 24 and used the occasion to highlight the grave threat to regional security posed by cross-border terrorism perpetrated by state-sponsored militant outfits like LeT and JeM. In the Indian context, domestic security requires added attention because both Pakistan and China had the capacity of fishing in our troubled waters and in particular, tinkering with minority politics here.

Above all, defence on the borders, built up under the Modi regime on an urgent footing, has to be kept strong enough to deal with both open intrusion and any covert offensive of the enemy.

The world is reacting to the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan in three distinct ways reflecting the extent to which religion-based politics of violence was considered unacceptable. The US has not taken enough notice of Islamic extremism and radicalism having sway on Afghanistan and has opted to quit that country leaving it to the Afghans to handle their own messy situation -- its main security concern was that the Taliban should agree not to let Al-Qaeda operate against the US from Afghanistan again.

The US has drawn an unrealistic distinction between these two outfits and refused to see the global danger that Islamic radicals would pose to democracy itself. In another response, Pakistan found a way of defending the Taliban by contending that criticism of the latter signified Islamophobia of the West -- a line promptly endorsed by many sections of the opposition in India including the Left with an eye on the political support of Muslims.

Islamic militancy in the name of Jehad has not found effective opposition from within the Muslim world because the radicals are 'revivalists' advocating a return to the puritanical Islam of the period of the Pious Caliphs which no 'faithful' would oppose.

A distinct third reaction conditioned by the present global geopolitics is from Xi Jinping's China which had managed to reach, with the help of Pakistan, some sort of giving and take with the Taliban. Early on, Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi met Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar, the Taliban's political chief, at Tianji in China to strike harmony with the Islamic force.

Communist China finds itself on the same side of the fence as the Islamic radicals largely because of their shared political opposition to US-led West. This explains the extraordinary collision between a 'godless' regime of China and a fundamentalist Pakistan that did not see eye to eye with US on the 'war on terror'. India can see the deeper threat arising for the democratic world from a Pak-Afghan belt that was completely under the grip of Islamic extremism.

India's posture of sympathy towards Afghan refugees, apart from the Sikh and Hindu minorities there, strengthens its democratic credentials and status as a leader of the free world.

The comity of democratic nations has to have a good understanding of how Pakistan was able to harbour Islamic militants of different hues across the spectrum of faith, from the India-specific instruments of 'proxy war' like Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT), Hizbul Mujahideen (HuM) and Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) fostered by ISI -- which would be on the right side of the US and for that reason earn the label of 'good terrorists' from the West -- to the Islamic radicals of Taliban, Al-Qaeda and ISIS as also their derivatives which emerged in a high profile after the victory of the anti-Soviet armed campaign in Afghanistan conducted on the war cry of Jehad. These revivalist radical outfits carried a historical anti-West legacy and soon drew the wrath of the US when the 'war on terror' was launched in the wake of 9/11.

In the period of Pakistan's ambivalent conduct during this American offensive against the Al-Qaeda-Taliban combine -- the bunch of 'bad terrorists' for the US-led West -- it became increasingly clear that Pakistan had no problems with radical Islam and was, in fact, interested in replicating the success of Afghan Jehad in Kashmir. India will never forget that the first outfit of Mujahideen called Harkat-ul-Ansar (HuA) which infiltrated the Valley in 1993 was a mix of the Taliban and would later become Jaish-e-Mohammad founded by Masood Azhar.

Even though -- because of the Taliban's ire against the West -- these terrorists had kidnapped a number of Western tourists, the Pak ISI instructed its protege, the HuM, to extend logistics and other help to the Mujahideen. Pakistan's close relationship with Al Qaeda-Taliban thus preceded the launch of the 'war on terror' -- having seen the ISI playing a pivotal role in the installation of the Afghan Emirate at Kabul in 1996 under Mullah Omar of the Taliban. In the present second conquest of Afghanistan by the Taliban it is public knowledge that Pak-fostered terror outfits, LeT and JeM, rendered ground support to the radicals against Ashraf Ghani's forces.

There is a new geopolitical context around the likely return of the Emirate to Afghanistan. The American acknowledgment of Pakistan's role as a 'helpful mediator' in the peace talks at Doha between the US and Taliban has strengthened Pakistan's say in Afghanistan and somewhat moderated the old antagonism of the West towards the Taliban -- giving the latter at least some semblance of international status to its future rule in Kabul even if securing a formal recognition for it remained problematic.

China, because of its all-weather friendship with Pakistan and a direct political conflict with the US, has extended its goodwill to the new Afghan dispensation under the Taliban on an understanding that it's own handling of its Muslim minority in Xinjiang would not be made an issue of.

Russia, with its memory of the Soviet defeat in Afghanistan at the hands of Islamic extremists and radicals, would closely monitor developments in that country and certainly not allow any Afghan refugees to come in. Iran in the hands of fundamentalist Ulema would be willing to take a punitive line against the Afghan regime should the Taliban allow Shias to be targeted on account of the fundamental hatred of Sunni radicals against this community.

With Ashraf Ghani fleeing the country and the US opting to leave Afghans to their fate, India is left holding the torch of democracy in South Asia, demanding an inclusive rule in Afghanistan and activating UNSC against terrorism and violation of human rights in Afghanistan.

Since Pakistan will oppose India's presence and say in Afghanistan, India has to review its strategy of countering the cumulative fallout of a hostile Pak-Afghan belt. The exit of Sikh and Hindu minorities from Afghanistan under the fear of the Taliban would have the effect of hardening the relations between India and Pakistan.

Indo-US strategic friendship is needed for a global effort to mobilise the democratic world against the Communist dictatorship of China on the one hand and the advocates of Islamic extremism on the other. The Sino-Pak axis steering these two forces at the global level has to be flagged as the biggest impediment to world security. It is hoped the Biden administration will wake up to this new security scenario after its experience in Afghanistan.

India has to step up mobilisation through Quad, ASEAN, SAARC and the UN itself against this twin threat. While countering any aggressiveness of PLA on LAC, Indian security forces should not hesitate to take to punitive response against any Pak mischief across LOC. India is a world power now and Prime Minister Modi's reputation for taking strategic decisions that required political will is itself a deterrent for our adversaries but we have to go all out to build our defence and security capabilities. Somewhere this will be a boost for our economy as well.

(The writer is a former Director Intelligence Bureau, article courtesy IANS)