Iran is reportedly coordinating a comprehensive, multi-front attack against Israel with its regional proxy network, according to Israeli intelligence assessments cited by the Jerusalem Post. The plan involves synchronising Iran’s so-called “Axis of Resistance”—including Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen, Hamas, and pro-Iranian militias in Iraq and Syria—in a single, coordinated assault.

The strategy appears designed to address the coordination failures exposed during the October 7, 2023, Hamas attack. Although Hamas launched its assault without advance operational coordination with Hezbollah or Iran, documents seized in Gaza reportedly showed that Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar had envisioned a wider regional conflict involving Hezbollah and Iran.

Sinwar apparently believed that the initial success of Hamas’ offensive would compel Iran and Hezbollah to join a broader campaign against Israel. However, US and Israeli assessments have indicated that neither Iran nor Hezbollah had been informed of the attack’s precise details or timing. Consequently, Hezbollah responded with limited strikes from Lebanon rather than launching a large-scale offensive alongside Hamas.

Israeli intelligence now assesses that Iran and its allied groups are attempting to eliminate such gaps by preparing a synchronised multi-front strategy. Under this approach, Hezbollah, the Houthis, and Iraqi militias could initiate simultaneous attacks from the outset, creating sustained pressure on Israel from multiple directions.

The Israel Defense Forces have also reported renewed coordination between Hamas and Hezbollah, facilitated by Iran, to increase pressure on Israel from both the northern and southern fronts.

Senior Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) Quds Force officials have reportedly held meetings and conference calls with commanders from Hezbollah, the Houthis, and Iraqi militias to discuss expanding operations.

At the same time, Iran is seeking to rebuild military capabilities damaged in previous confrontations with Israel and the United States. Joint training, closer operational ties, and increased coordination among the groups reportedly indicate preparations for a more integrated regional campaign.

Former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s famous words that “history will be kinder” to him than the contemporary media or opposition appear to have acquired fresh significance following the Supreme Court’s recent intervention in the coal block allocation case.

Singh had made the remark at his final press conference as Prime Minister in January 2014, at a time when his government faced relentless criticism over allegations of corruption and irregularities. On July 29, 2026, the Supreme Court effectively brought the long-running controversy to an end by upholding the CBI’s clean chit to Singh and setting aside the summoning order against him.

Reacting to the judgment, Congress Parliamentary Party chairperson Sonia Gandhi said Singh’s record of integrity and accountability stood in sharp contrast to the manner in which the Narendra Modi government has allegedly conducted itself.

Gandhi said history would indeed remember Singh as a “quiet, gentle, but most consequential” Prime Minister. She described the Supreme Court judgment as the conclusion of what she called one of the most tragic episodes in India’s public discourse—the alleged “witch-hunt” against a leader whose personal probity and integrity, she argued, were never adequately acknowledged.

Writing in The Indian Express, Gandhi alleged that the campaign against Singh was coordinated and involved sections of the bureaucracy, media, judiciary, civil society, the RSS and the BJP. She argued that the Supreme Court’s decision had brought the campaign to an inevitable conclusion and vindicated Singh.

“The date July 29, 2026, was an important but unacknowledged day in our recent political history,” Gandhi wrote, describing the ruling as a significant moment for Singh’s political legacy.

Singh, who died on December 27, 2024, now stands cleared in the high-profile criminal proceedings arising from the coal block allocation controversy. For Congress, the judgment offers an opportunity to revisit his legacy; for the BJP, it is likely to renew a wider political debate over accountability, institutional processes and the legacy of the UPA era.

In a dramatic diplomatic breakthrough that could reshape the geopolitical landscape of the Middle East, the United States and Iran have reportedly agreed on a framework aimed at ending hostilities, lifting the American blockade on Iran, and reopening the strategically vital Strait of Hormuz. The preliminary understanding has generated cautious optimism across global markets and diplomatic circles, even as critical questions surrounding Iran's nuclear programme remain unresolved.

The announcement came after U.S. President Donald Trump declared on his Truth Social platform that a deal with the Islamic Republic of Iran had been completed. Shortly thereafter, Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, whose government played a key mediating role during the negotiations, confirmed that an agreement had been reached. According to officials familiar with the talks, a memorandum of understanding is expected to be formally signed in Switzerland later this week.

The reported framework marks a significant shift from months of escalating tensions that had pushed the region to the brink of a wider conflict. Military confrontations, economic sanctions and disruptions to maritime trade routes had heightened fears of a prolonged war with potentially devastating consequences for global energy supplies and regional security.

One of the most immediate effects of the breakthrough was visible in international oil markets. Crude oil prices fell sharply after news of the agreement emerged, reflecting investor confidence that disruptions to energy shipments through the Strait of Hormuz may soon come to an end. The narrow waterway handles a substantial share of the world's seaborne oil exports, making its stability crucial to the global economy.

Diplomatic observers view the involvement of Pakistan as particularly noteworthy. Islamabad has maintained working relations with both Washington and Tehran and has increasingly sought to position itself as a constructive regional interlocutor. Its successful facilitation of talks could strengthen its diplomatic standing and open new avenues for regional cooperation.

Despite the positive momentum, major challenges remain. The most contentious issue—the future of Iran's nuclear programme—has been deliberately left for subsequent negotiations. Western governments continue to insist on robust safeguards and verification mechanisms, while Tehran maintains that its nuclear activities are intended for peaceful purposes and that its sovereign rights must be respected.

Analysts caution that the framework should be viewed as a first step rather than a final settlement. Previous attempts to stabilize relations between the two countries have faltered due to mutual distrust, domestic political pressures and disagreements over verification and compliance. The durability of the latest understanding will depend on sustained diplomatic engagement and the willingness of both sides to make difficult compromises.

Nevertheless, the agreement represents the most significant opening in US-Iran relations in years. If successfully implemented, it could reduce regional tensions, secure vital shipping lanes, restore economic confidence and create conditions for broader diplomatic engagement across the Middle East. For a region long shaped by conflict and uncertainty, the emerging accord offers a rare glimpse of a more stable future.

The appointment of Lieutenant General Dhiraj Seth as the next Chief of the Army Staff marks the beginning of a new chapter for the Indian Army at a time when warfare is undergoing rapid technological and strategic transformation. The government has named Lt General Seth as the successor to General Upendra Dwivedi, who retires on June 30 after serving as the 30th Chief of the Army Staff.

Currently serving as the Vice Chief of the Army Staff, Lt General Seth brings with him nearly four decades of distinguished military service spanning operational command, force modernisation, strategic planning and institutional leadership.

An alumnus of the National Defence Academy, Khadakwasla, Lt General Seth was commissioned into the Armoured Corps in December 1986. Throughout his career, he has held a series of critical command and staff appointments that have shaped his reputation as one of the Army's foremost modernisation-oriented leaders.

His command experience ranges from leading an armoured regiment and an armoured brigade to heading a counter-insurgency force in Jammu and Kashmir. As a Lieutenant General, he commanded the prestigious Sudarshan Chakra Corps, one of the Indian Army's principal strike formations responsible for offensive operations in the western sector.

He later served as General Officer Commanding, Delhi Area, overseeing key military engagements and ceremonial responsibilities in the national capital. On promotion to Army Commander, he earned the rare distinction of commanding both the South Western Command and the Southern Command, providing strategic oversight across vast operational theatres.

Widely respected for championing military innovation, Lt General Seth has played a significant role in integrating emerging technologies into operational planning and capability development. His tenure comes at a time when artificial intelligence, autonomous systems, cyber warfare and drone technologies are increasingly reshaping modern battlefields.

Academically accomplished, he is a graduate of the Higher Command Course, the National Defence College and the prestigious Command and Staff Course in Paris, reflecting a broad understanding of global security challenges.

He succeeds General Upendra Dwivedi, who assumed office in June 2024 amid a complex global security environment. During his tenure, General Dwivedi steered the Army through evolving geopolitical challenges and accelerated efforts towards force modernisation.

As Lt General Seth prepares to take command, expectations are high that he will continue the Army's transformation agenda while ensuring operational readiness in an increasingly uncertain and technology-driven security landscape.

India and the United States have signed a major framework agreement on critical minerals and rare earth elements, marking a significant step in their efforts to reduce global dependence on China’s dominance in the sector.

The agreement was finalised in New Delhi between Indian External Affairs Minister Dr S Jaishankar and US Secretary of State Marco Rubio during Rubio’s four-day visit to India. The deal focuses on cooperation across the entire critical minerals supply chain, including mining, processing, recycling, investment and technology development.

The agreement comes as Washington intensifies its global push to diversify rare earth sourcing and secure supply chains considered essential for economic and national security. China currently controls the majority of the world’s rare earth reserves and nearly 90 percent of global processing capacity, giving Beijing enormous influence over industries ranging from semiconductors and electric vehicles to defence systems and artificial intelligence technologies.

Critical minerals include lithium, cobalt, nickel, graphite and rare earth elements used in batteries, military hardware, renewable energy systems, electronics and advanced manufacturing. Rare earth metals are especially important because of their magnetic and conductive properties, making them essential for permanent magnets used in electric vehicles, wind turbines, smartphones and medical devices.

The US has increasingly sought to reduce reliance on Chinese supply chains amid rising geopolitical tensions and concerns over potential disruptions. The India-US agreement is being viewed as part of a broader strategic effort to create alternative supply networks among trusted partners.

According to statements released by India’s Ministry of External Affairs and the US embassy, the framework aims to strengthen cooperation in exploration, extraction, refining and recycling of critical minerals. The US embassy said the partnership would help protect supply chains from “coercive market practices” and reduce vulnerabilities linked to “single-source monopolies”, in an apparent reference to China.

Although the two Governments have not publicly disclosed detailed commercial terms or investment figures, officials described the agreement as a long-term strategic partnership that could reshape global mineral supply chains.

India has been positioning itself as an emerging player in the rare earth sector. In 2023, the Indian Government identified 30 minerals as “critical”, including lithium, cobalt, graphite, nickel, titanium, tungsten and rare earth elements. Government estimates indicate India possesses around 13.15 million tonnes of monazite, a mineral rich in rare earth oxides.

To strengthen domestic production capabilities, India’s 2026-27 budget introduced plans for “rare earth corridors” in Odisha, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu. These corridors are expected to support mining, refining, research and manufacturing of high-performance rare earth magnets used in clean energy technologies and electric vehicles.

Despite its mineral reserves, India currently produces only a limited range of critical minerals because of gaps in infrastructure, processing technology and large-scale exploration. The new agreement with the US is expected to help India attract investment and technological expertise to accelerate development of its rare earth industry.

The deal was signed alongside a broader Quad initiative involving India, the US, Japan and Australia to strengthen critical mineral supply chains across the Indo-Pacific region. Under the Quad framework, Governments and private companies are expected to mobilise up to $20bn through loans, guarantees, subsidies and long-term purchase agreements to support mining, processing and recycling projects.

The Quad countries also agreed to cooperate on regulatory standards, licensing systems and recycling technologies to make supply chains more resilient and less dependent on a handful of suppliers.

The United States has signed similar critical minerals agreements with several countries in recent months, including Argentina, Morocco, Peru, the Philippines, the United Arab Emirates, the United Kingdom and Uzbekistan. Washington has also backed major mining projects in Pakistan and South Africa as part of its global supply diversification strategy.

The India-US rare earth framework signals a deeper strategic partnership between the two countries that extends beyond defence and diplomacy into economic security and advanced technology cooperation. Analysts say the agreement could play an important role in reshaping the future global supply chain for clean energy technologies, semiconductors and artificial intelligence infrastructure while challenging China’s overwhelming dominance in the rare earth sector.

In a state as diverse and economically dynamic as Karnataka, the office of Home Minister carries exceptional responsibility. The portfolio oversees policing, intelligence, prisons, fire services, and civil defence—institutions central to maintaining public order and social stability. During his tenures, particularly between 2013–2018 and again from 2023 onward, Dr. G. Parameshwara has approached this demanding role with a focus on institutional strengthening, technological modernisation, and measured governance.

As Home Minister, he inherited a rapidly transforming administrative landscape. The capital, Bengaluru, had emerged as a global technology hub, attracting multinational corporations and a large migrant workforce. At the same time, tier-two cities such as Mysuru, Mangaluru, Hubballi-Dharwad, and Belagavi were witnessing rapid industrial and urban expansion. These developments placed increasing pressure on the state’s policing and internal security systems.

Dr. Parameshwara’s approach largely revolved around three interconnected priorities: maintaining stability in law and order, integrating technology into policing, and strengthening institutional accountability. Under his leadership, the Home Department emphasised preventive intelligence, coordination between district administrations, and improved readiness during sensitive periods such as elections, festivals, and public gatherings. Peace committee meetings and local intelligence networks were encouraged to reduce the risk of communal tensions escalating into wider disturbances.

Modernisation of the police force formed another major pillar of his tenure. Infrastructure upgrades were undertaken in several police stations, with efforts to make them more accessible and citizen-friendly. Communication systems, vehicle fleets, and command centres were strengthened to enhance operational efficiency and response times. The expansion of surveillance infrastructure in Bengaluru, including the integration of thousands of CCTV cameras into central monitoring networks, significantly improved urban crime tracking and deterrence capabilities.

Given Bengaluru’s status as India’s technology capital, cybercrime posed a particularly complex challenge. Dedicated cybercrime police stations were reinforced, digital forensic laboratories were upgraded, and coordination with banks and technology companies was strengthened to address online financial fraud and phishing scams. Public awareness campaigns were also conducted to educate citizens about digital risks.

Women’s safety initiatives also received attention through the expansion of women police stations, enhanced emergency helpline integration, and training programs aimed at promoting gender-sensitive policing. At the same time, anti-drug enforcement drives targeted narcotics networks operating in metropolitan nightlife zones and educational institutions, signalling a stricter stance against organised crime.

Beyond policing, the Home Department’s responsibilities extend to prison administration and disaster coordination. During his tenure, prison management initiatives focused on improving surveillance, healthcare facilities, and vocational training for inmates, while digitisation of inmate records enhanced administrative transparency. In disaster situations such as urban flooding in Bengaluru, police units were trained to support emergency response and inter-agency coordination.

Dr. Parameshwara’s personal image in public life reflects a leadership style often described as methodical and institution-oriented. Having also served as Deputy Chief Minister, he is widely perceived as a technocrat-politician who prefers structured review meetings and data-driven oversight rather than dramatic public rhetoric. This measured approach has projected administrative steadiness, particularly in a sensitive portfolio like Home.

Public perception of his tenure remains broadly evaluative. Supporters credit him with strengthening institutional frameworks and modernising policing systems, while critics continue to scrutinise response times and the evolving challenges of cybercrime and urban security. Nevertheless, his legacy is frequently associated with a governance model that emphasises procedural discipline, technological adaptation, and the long-term strengthening of state institutions.

Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran’s Supreme Leader since 1989, has reportedly been killed in a sweeping joint operation by the United States and Israel, marking one of the most dramatic escalations in Middle Eastern geopolitics in decades. Iranian state broadcaster IRIB confirmed his death, describing it as “martyrdom” and stating that the 86-year-old cleric was killed in his office during coordinated aerial strikes on Tehran.

US President Donald Trump claimed Washington worked closely with Israel to target Iran’s top leadership, calling Khamenei’s death “the single greatest chance for the Iranian people to take back their country.” He warned that further strikes would continue if necessary to neutralise what he described as Iran’s long-standing nuclear threat.

In her ninth consecutive budget, which includes an interim one, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman combined a grand futuristic vision with micro-technical tinkering, partly shied away from big-ticket reforms and immediate radical changes, and did not focus too much on the financial numbers that seemed weak and unstable.

She started the speech with a few bangs and ended up in a whimper. Analysts and experts ran around to understand the technical nitty-gritties of the budget, frustrated investors pulled the Sensex down by more than 1,800 points, and the middle class licked their fingers in disappointment. The industry hid its lack of enthusiasm behind the proposals that hinted at changes over the next 5, 10, and 20 years.

The vision came in the form of several proposals that indicated the Government’s commitment over the next several years. For example, Sitharaman proposed a high-powered standing committee on ‘education-to-employment and enterprise,’ which would prioritise areas for growth, employment, and exports in the services sector, and assess the impact of emerging technologies, including AI, on jobs and skills. The recommendations would possibly make India a global leader in services, “with a 10 per cent global share by 2047.”

Similarly, a Coastal Cargo Promotion Scheme aims to incentivise a shift from rail and roads, “to increase the share of inland waterways and coastal shipping from six per cent to 12 per cent by 2047.” Inland waterways re-emerged as a theme, and the finance minister proposed 20 new National Waterways over the next five years. Indeed, the five-year theme was a recurrent one for several proposed projects. In the case of healthcare, there was a proposal, Bio-pharma Shakti, to build the ecosystem for local production of biologics and bio-similars, apart from a network of 1,000 accredited Indian Clinical Trials sites. The outlay was INR 10,000 crore over the next five years.

Sitharaman said that the country would upgrade existing institutions and build new ones for allied healthcare professionals. These agencies were likely to cover 10 selected disciplines, and “add 1,00,000 AHPs (professionals) over the next five years.”

There was an outlay of INR 20,000 crore, in alignment with the Carbon Capture Utilisation and Storage roadmap launched in December 2025, to achieve “higher readiness levels in end-use applications across five industrial sectors.” But the amount would be spent, if it was allocated, over the next five years. Cities, according to the finance minister, were “engines of growth, innovation, and opportunities,” and it was time to change the focus to the smaller cities and towns. Hence, the Budget aimed to map city economic regions (CER), and proposed an allocation of INR 500 crore per CER, or city, “over five years” to implement their plans.

Part B of the speech, which deals with taxes and duties, was completely technical and micro-oriented, with dozens of tax tinkering. Although many of them were crucial, and necessary, they failed to enthuse the public. No tax on interest awarded by the court in motor accidents, lower tax collected at source on overseas tour packages, tax deducted at source of 1-2 per cent on contractors for supply of manpower to them, or zero tax on payments due to compulsory acquisition of land by the Government under the law. Apart from the more than 20-year tax holiday, until 2047, “to any foreign company that provides cloud services to customers globally by using data centre services from India,” and a one-time 6-month foreign asset disclosure scheme for small taxpayers like students, young professionals, and techies, most of the tax proposals were full of legal and technical jargon.

There were no big breaks for the middle class, apart from the clarification on buybacks of shares by firms. Instead, this class was saddled with more taxes, on investing in futures and options, zero tax break on sovereign bonds unless they were purchased initially, and the buyers held on to them till the maturity date.

Part B was full of process simplification, especially on the customs side, which is crucial, but lacked specifics, apart from a few segments. Before the Budget speech, analysts felt that Part B would be longer than Part A, and signal dramatic rationalisation in the form of zero duties on raw materials, higher ones on components and intermediates, and the highest on finished products. It was not to be.

Many experts had predicted, or hoped, that this was the best year for Sitharaman to unveil a practical and workable vision, both short-term and medium-term, to guide the economy onto a new, rejuvenated journey. There were grand announcements for the future, 5, 10, and 20 years, but the path seemed foggy and partly visible.

One of the reasons was probably because the finance minister was caught in a bind over the financial numbers related to revenues and expenditure. This may explain why Sitharaman rushed through the numbers in Part A of the speech, and mainly focused on official debt and fiscal deficit, which were clearly the big positives.

It is true that the finance minister, as she proudly claimed, managed to bring down the deficit figure to what she promised during the pandemic, when the figure zoomed to a seemingly unmanageable percentage. In 2025-26, the revised estimate for the fiscal deficit is 4.4 per cent of the GDP, or below 4.5 per cent as she had promised, with the budgeted figure for 2026-27 at 4.3 per cent.

However, in taking credit, Sitharaman hid more than she revealed. As per the revised revenue estimates for 2025-26, the figure is nearly Rs 80,000 crore lower than the previous budget estimates made at the beginning of the year during last year’s Budget. The tax revenues, net to the Centre, may be more than INR 1,50,000 crore lower when this fiscal year ends on March 31. This implies that the Government’s estimates that it will lose INR 50,000 crore on account of GST 2.0 due to lower tax slabs were haywire. Even the capital receipts may be lower than budgeted estimates.

When it came to GST, the revised gross estimates for the year may be lower by more than INR 1,30,000 crore. A further negative may be in the form of income taxes, and the revised estimates are lower than the budgeted estimates. Only corporate tax, or tax paid by firms, showed buoyancy, and will be marginally higher than the earlier estimates. In total, the revised estimates for gross tax revenues may be nearly INR 2,00,000 crore lower once the fiscal year ends.

Hence, to bring the fiscal deficit under control, and maintain it at 4.4 per cent, as projected in the last budget, the Government will spend less this fiscal, and reduce its market borrowings. The revised estimate for total expenditure in 2025-26 is INR 35,000 crore or so lower than the earlier budget estimates.

A slash in revenue expenditure, estimated at INR 75,000 crore, may prove to be a saviour by the end of the year. In her speech, Sitharaman confidently said, “Public capex (capital expenditure) has increased manifold from INR 2 lakh crore in 2014-15 to an allocation of INR 11.2 lakh crore in 2025-26 (original budget estimates). I propose to increase it to INR 12.2 lakh crore to continue the momentum.”

What the finance minister failed to mention was that the revised estimate for public capex was down to INR 10.96 lakh crore in 2025-26, or lower than the budgeted estimate she mentioned. The revised effective expenditure on capital account, which included capital account and grants-in-aid to create capital assets, was down by nearly INR 1,50,000 crore. To manage the fiscal deficit, the Government lowered its market borrowings and other liabilities by around INR 1,10,000 crore.

“When relations bend under pressure, it is often the ambassador who steadies the arc, and the new US envoy to India is poised to help the partnership find its balance once more.” The relationship between the United States of America and India has always been essential, not merely at the level of Governments, but equally, and perhaps more enduringly, at the level of people-to-people engagement.

Two great democracies, separated by geography yet united by shared values of liberty, pluralism, innovation, and the rule of law, have found in each other a natural partner across decades of global change. While official policies and strategic priorities may shift with changing administrations, the deeper civilisational and societal connections between the peoples of India and the United States have remained a constant source of strength.

History shows that there have been periods of difference and divergence at the Government-to-Government level. These differences, shaped by global alignments, domestic compulsions, and ideological perspectives, were never permanent ruptures but temporary pauses in an otherwise steadily evolving partnership. Recognising this reality, the United States has consistently placed great emphasis on appointing highly capable and forward-looking ambassadors to India.

Such envoys have traditionally played a crucial role in rebuilding trust, restoring dialogue, and advancing mutual interests in times when official relations required careful recalibration. At this important juncture, the selection of Ambassador Sergio Gor as the envoy of the United States to India is widely seen as a significant and positive development. Ambassador Gor is known not only for his professional efficiency and diplomatic acumen but also for the close confidence he enjoys with President Donald Trump.

This proximity to the highest levels of decision-making in Washington gives him a unique ability to communicate perspectives clearly, resolve misunderstandings swiftly, and translate shared aspirations into concrete outcomes. The people of India, therefore, look upon his appointment with considerable hope and optimism, confident that he will help restore and strengthen the golden bridge between India and the United States.

People-to-people relations have always been the backbone of the Indo-US partnership. Long before strategic dialogues and defence agreements became central to bilateral engagement, it was students, scholars, professionals, entrepreneurs, and cultural ambassadors who laid the foundations of mutual understanding. During the Cold War years,

when the global atmosphere was often vitiated by fear, suspicion, and ideological prejudice at the governmental level, well-meaning friends from both societies chose a different path. They believed that sustained dialogue between ordinary citizens could gradually soften official positions and, over time, improve state-level relationships. It was in this spirit that the organisation “Friends of United States of America” came into being.

Dr Moturi Satyanarayana, an eminent parliamentarian of long standing and a distinguished member of the Constituent Assembly of India, along with KN Ranganathan, an early and visionary leader in the sphere of informal international relationships, took the initiative to institutionalise this effort. They envisioned a non-political, non-profit, social and cultural organisation that would serve as a platform for dialogue, friendship, and mutual respect.

Accordingly, the Friends of United States of America was formed as a registered society, dedicated to fostering goodwill beyond the confines of official diplomacy. The role played by this organisation during challenging phases of bilateral relations cannot be overstated. It is particularly noteworthy that Harry Barnes, the then US Ambassador to India, personally extended his support and engagement with the Friends of United States.

His involvement reflected a clear understanding that diplomacy is most effective when it resonates with public sentiment. Through sustained interaction, cultural exchanges, and open conversations, many minor misunderstandings at the Government-to-Government level were gradually addressed, contributing to a more balanced and constructive relationship.

Today, as India and the United States stand at a moment of renewed opportunity, the relevance of such people-centric institutions is greater than ever. Strategic convergence in areas such as technology, defence, trade, education, and climate action must be reinforced by mutual trust and public goodwill. The Friends of United States of America reaffirms its commitment to this mission and expresses its full support and assistance to Ambassador Sergio Gor in the discharge of his responsibilities.

There is a shared confidence that Ambassador Gor will work tirelessly to revive and normalize people-to-people relationships, recognising them as the foundation upon which enduring state-to-state ties are built. As these human connections deepen, they will inevitably strengthen official engagement and cooperation. In doing so, he will help ensure that relations between the world’s two largest democracies not only return to normalcy but also rise to a level that truly reflects their shared values, mutual respect, and common destiny in a rapidly changing world.

In this collective endeavour, governments may change and global circumstances may evolve, but friendship anchored in society endures. The hope is that this enduring friendship will guide policy with wisdom, temper disagreements with understanding, and inspire future generations in both nations to see partnership not as a strategy alone, but as a shared moral commitment rooted in trust, cooperation, empathy, resilience and democratic values. US Ambassador Sergio Gor begins tenure to strengthen bilateral ties.

The writer is a prominent columnist and public policy expert. The article is sourced from The Pioneer 

US President Donald Trump said on Saturday that the United States would temporarily run Venezuela following American military strikes and the capture of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, marking a dramatic shift in US policy and raising fresh questions about sovereignty, nation-building and regional stability.

Speaking at a news conference hours after the operation, Trump said the US would administer Venezuela "until such time as we can do a safe, proper and judicious transition." He added that Washington was prepared to launch a second, "much larger" military operation if necessary.

Trump said no US service members were killed during the strikes and confirmed that American forces had been operating inside Venezuela. Asked whether US troops would remain on the ground, he replied, "We're not afraid of boots on the ground," adding that the military had "boots on the ground last night at a very high level."

Pressed on how the US would govern Venezuela, Trump said officials were in the process of designating individuals to oversee the country. "We're designating people right now," he said, adding that details would be announced soon. When asked who would run Venezuela, Trump gestured toward himself and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, saying it would be "largely for a period of time the people that are standing right behind me."

The remarks signal a sharp turn toward direct US involvement in Venezuela's internal affairs. Trump has previously been a vocal critic of the 2003 US invasion of Iraq, but his comments suggest a willingness to engage in limited nation-building under US supervision.

Trump said US oil companies would play a central role in rebuilding Venezuela's economy, particularly its energy sector. "The oil business in Venezuela has been a bust, a total bust," he said. "We're going to have our very large United States oil companies go in, spend billions of dollars, fix the badly broken infrastructure, and start making money for the country."

Venezuela holds some of the world's largest proven oil reserves, but years of mismanagement, sanctions and political turmoil have severely reduced production. Just before the news conference, Trump posted an image he said showed Maduro aboard the US warship USS Iwo Jima, appearing blindfolded and wearing ear protection. US officials said Maduro had been captured during the operation and was being transferred to the United States.

Earlier in the day, US authorities said Maduro had been indicted in New York on drugs and weapons charges. The US Attorney General said he would "face the full wrath of American justice." Maduro has previously denied the allegations and rejected claims that he led or protected drug trafficking networks.

Asked whether US forces could have killed Maduro during the raid, Trump said it was possible. "There was a lot of gunfire," he said, adding that Maduro had been attempting to reach what he believed was a safe location.

Venezuela's government declared a national emergency, denouncing what it called "extremely serious military aggression" by the US. Officials in Caracas accused Washington of violating international law and attacking both military and civilian targets.

The US announcement that it intends to administer Venezuela, even temporarily, has intensified international concern and sparked fears of prolonged instability in Latin America, as governments and global institutions weigh the implications of one of the most far-reaching U.S. interventions in the region in decades.