Since taking oath as the 2nd Lieutenant Governor of the union territory of Jammu and Kashmir on 7th of August 2020, Manoj Sinha in the next three months will complete three years at the helm of affairs of the J&K UT. Mr Sinha an agriculturalist at heart and a silent performer is known in many circles as the Vikas purush or development man. Mr.Sinha consciously maintains a low profile but is regarded as a strict administrator. He was among the best-performing members of Parliament in the 13th Lok Sabha in 1999. A civil engineer and an IIT-BHU alumnus, He is recognized for his strong ability to connect with the masses and belief in welfare measures. After being sworn in as the governor he pitched for peace and stability and said the powers of the Constitution will be used for the betterment of the people and the development of Jammu and Kashmir.Before this
 He has been a three-time Lok Sabha MP. He was elected to the lower house for the first time in 1996 and then in 1999 and 2014.

After taking the reigns of the newly formed union territory of Jammu and Kashmir, LG Sinha has been on its toes to usher in a new era of peace and development. Every state or region has its own potential and capacity to grow in the economic sector. LG Sinha thinks that 70% of the UT population is directly or indirectly connected with the agriculture and allied sectors.LG has been stressing for an integrated approach enabling significant farmer participation in policies and ensuring their suggestions are considered in the decision-making. He has directed for the steps towards increased productivity, diversification, access to credit & required technical assistance. Increased productivity and enhanced resilience are very important in the new agriculture policy. For the holistic development of the agriculture and allied sectors, three significant initiatives, 'Kisan Sampark Abhiyan', Daksh Kisan (Skilling of farmers), and Kisan Sathi (IT Dashboard for digitization of services for farmers) have been launched. Under Kisan Sampark Abhiyan' with the help of PRIs the administration is trying to focus on orientation and skill courses for all interventions to make sure that the meticulous plan reaches the fields and prepares farmers for the new challenges, seeks possibilities and makes farming more accessible and profitable.

LG Sinha has also been very keen on the industrial revival in the UT, The work done for the industrial development of J&K is clearly visible, During the last two years, Jammu Kashmir has received 5,372 investment proposals worth Rs 70,000 crore. Proposals worth Rs 24,000 crore from some 1,800 companies have already been approved. similarly, Under PMEGP or the Prime Minister's Employment Generation Programme as many as 21,640 manufacturing and service units have been established in 2021-22. Since the launch of the Udyam Registration portal in 2020, two lakh Micro, Small & Medium Enterprises units have been registered in J&K so far.

It is an established fact that the tourism potential of Jammu and Kashmir was unique in many ways, The breathtaking natural beauty of Kashmir, its rich cultural heritage, magnificent cuisine and most importantly the warm hospitality of the people is a great motivation for the national and international tourists. The LG administration under the tourism mission initiative is gearing up to develop 75 new destinations 75 religious sites 75 new cultural & heritage sites and 75 new tracks. This will open up new economic opportunities for fulfilling the aspirations of the people concerned with this sector. It is hoped that in the coming few years J&K will make its place as an important tourist destination in the global tourism map. 

Under the direct supervision of LG Sinha, the UT administration has kept a special focus on the education sector and there has been a vibrant change in the work culture and overall functioning of the education department both at the higher level and school level. LG Sinha formed and led the education reform committees (LG's task force) to implement the NEP 2020 and to formulate the strategy in order to address all the issues and concerns of the department. Smart attendance and accountability have rejuvenated the Department of Education and one only hopes that excellence shall be achieved. In order to provide better facilities to the students and the Teachers 
Sinha launched a mentorship program and TALAASH App for mainstreaming 93,508 identified out-of-school children, besides laying the foundation stones for 500 Atal Tinkering Labs across the UT.

LG Sinha has been striving hard to steer change in the socio-economic landscape of Jammu and Kashmir with the active participation of the public and PRIs.The Back to Village programme and my Town pride has given much-needed impetus to the development of villages and Towns. Many other initiatives including the provision of digital and online services, streamlining the land records and reforming the overall governance structure of the UT have been instrumental in giving a new hope to the citizens to see J&K emerging as a powerhouse of prosperity.

Hopefully, the UT administration led by LG manoj sinha shall continue making resolute efforts to develop the UT to realize its huge growth potential and ensure its socio-economic development. It is Worth mentioning that J&K needs a massive developmental push to meet the aspirations of its people. It has lagged behind many other states despite its huge potential to become an economic powerhouse. 
 
The writer is based in Kupwara Kashmir.  

Russia, India and China remain focused against Western war conflicts in the East and are the “True Axis of Good” Justifiably determined to give their citizens much more prosperity and more peaceful patriotic pride while safely trading with the rest of the world.

The Russian Govt and President Vladimir Putin did everything possible ( and still continue to do) to resolve Ukraine matter more peacefully - The many Western politicians would not (and sadly still do not) allow it. So we don’t see the logic in blaming Russia for the awfulness of war when they were left with no option except to let the Russians living in Ukraine just lie down and die as well as have Russia and its citizens more endangered by Ukraine govt regime and their western weapons/financial war supporters.  Zelensky should have made peace with Russia in the first place instead of listening to the warmongering Western politicians. The saying “Absolute power corrupts absolutely” is wrong. It is… “People” who corrupt Power!

 THE COSTS TO WESTERN TAXPAYERS FOR THEIR GOVERNMENT'S WAR IN UKRAINE AGAINST RUSSIA:

The total amount of direct budget support from the EU to Ukraine in 2023 so far is 6 billion euros (£5.3bn).  According to the EU Commission website, this brings the total support made available (from the commission and EU member states) since the beginning of Russia’s SMO to more than 50 billion euros (£44.2bn). This excludes the financial support given to cater to Ukrainians fleeing the war. The USA Since the war began, the Biden administration and the U.S. Congress have directed more than $75 billion in assistance to Ukraine, which includes humanitarian, financial and military support, according to the Kiel Institute for the World Economy. The BK(Broken Kingdom) provided £2.3 billion in military support to Ukraine in 2022 and has already committed the same level of military support in 2023, totaling £4.6 billion over both years.  “ALL” of this taxpayer's money could and should have been spent on their own citizens to give them better education, lower taxes, less inflation, more jobs with higher wages “AND” more peaceful prosperous safer futures for the children!

RUSSIA CANNOT BE DEFEATED: The strategies the West is using in this war against Russia are a collection of past failed strategies. For example, sanctions have failed in Syria, Venezuela and Iraq to create regime change. Why then did they ever expect it to work against Russia? Then there is the use of corrupt, proxy regimes in Afghanistan, Iraq and South Vietnam. Then there is hope that coercive diplomacy backed with casualties on the battlefield and economic damage at home would result in Russia's surrender, a strategy that failed in North Vietnam (body counts, bombing campaigns). Finally, there is the hope that the proxy army will achieve what a millennium of invasions of Russia (Teutonic knights, poles, swedes, Napoleon and Hitler) didn’t. We at The WHS Group of Companies, like millions of others in this world, are confused about why they think it will this time!  Never against Russia as…Russia and its citizens are unbeatable in more ways than one!

THE PEACEFUL PROSPEROUS FUTURE OF INDIA:

India is a big country that will always have China and Russia as it’s neighbors. If Asia wants to dominate the world for the next centuries India, Russia and China must learn the lessons of the European wars which ruined the continent. If the European countries had found negotiated solutions to their differences, they would still be the dominant ones.  India and China should cooperate and resolve their differences. In the World, China is the largest manufacturer and trader. Russia 2^nd largest producer of fossil fuels. India is due to be the 3^rd largest economy by 2030.

CHINA AND INDIA GOVTS MAKING MORE PEACE IS THE BEST STEP.

India and China dominated trade and economics historically for thousands of years before the European colonial period. If India sincerely accepts the truth that the origin of its border problems with China was due to the high-handedness and injustice committed by their British colonial masters against China, when China was weak, then the India-China border dispute can easily be resolved.  The resolution of this made-in-Britain border dispute would bring the two historical superpowers, India and China, together, and in alliance with their common ally/neighbor, the great federation of Russia would definitely propel the power and economies of the 3 nations and the non-western majority world to greater heights.

RUSSIA AND CHINA:

Russia and China are combining their best for a more peaceful world. They are facilitating the transition towards a multi-polar world, dominated by multiple voices rather than the uni-polar world, dominated by a single voice, namely that of the USA and its "allies". Neither Russia or China have become the World's engine for growth by chance. China is energy-hungry and Russia is energy-rich. Collectively they lead the world in military technology, and China leads the world in manufacturing which Russia is happy to fuel with its oil, gas and coal. Despite the enmities of the past (created by many in the West with their scaremongering news games), the leadership in both nations not only recognized the mutual benefit of a closer partnership, but they also forged one.

For The West Making More Peace with Russia, China and India is the only battle worth waging if they wish to peacefully prosper and genuinely care in making the World a much more Safer Place for themselves and future generations.

The WHS Group of Companies  -  “It is our values and not our valuables which determine the worth of our life”.  We continue strengthening our business, asset protection C8 IND legal solution modules and cost-effective trade operations throughout the world so that many more good people/good companies who are not involved in war or terrorism can remain protected on many fronts.  The WHS Group Cyprus Business Trade Partner and Vice President of Project Investments Mr. Panikos G. Lapertas, is fully dedicated and focused on the growth of Cyprus while also making certain that more peaceful trade business services/investment solutions are increased in the region for people as well as for people in the Eastern countries. Mr. Ramon Cervantes our WHS Group of Companies Senior Partner and Vice President for Mexico Latin America Operations delivers the best commercial and land/trade investments and products from the regions so that many more people and businesses in the East also benefit. We hope that more peace among nations someday soon, returns again. There is no life worthy without peace and understanding among nations and people.

Joginder (Jo)  Singh Birring, The Global Chairman and Group President of The WHS Group of Companies. The views expressed are personal. 

The preamble of the Indian constitution reads “We the people of India having solemnly resolved to constitute India into a sovereign socialist secular democratic republic………do hereby adopt, enact, and give to ourselves this constitution.” The sovereign people of this land gave themselves a constitution, an essential rulebook for a constitutionally guided democratic order. Over the length of 395 articles, the Constitution contains the art of modern statecraft, division of power, rule of law, and a unique feature of a democratic polity: a set of rights for its citizens. Over the years, the country’s jurisprudence and scholarly discourses have successfully established that Fundamental Rights are the critical feature of the basic structure of Indian Constitution. In giving themselves the Constitution, the people had reserved these rights for themselves.

Once India commenced its journey of statehood and governance, citizens’ Fundamental Rights did come under threat. In independent India, A.K. Gopalan v. State of Madras (1950) opened Pandora’s box for numerous cases that shaped the constitutional discourse around Fundamental Rights. Interestingly, the prime contender of citizens’ rights is the State. Here, the story of Article 19 (1) (a) warrants special attention. Freedom of speech and expression although have been granted to the people of India, the framers have always treated these rights with caution. A series of diligent discussions around ‘due process’ to ‘reasonable restriction’ were some of the common sights of the Constituent Assembly Debates (CAD), to conditionally restrict the exercise of rights by the citizens. It is rather remarkable for a country that released itself from the spell of oppressive colonial rule, to adopt a constitution that legitimises preventive detention measures. Preventive detention was significantly thriving during the infamous Emergency period under Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.

Interestingly, what was a widely exercised law after the independence of the Indian state was the law of sedition (IPC section 124A). The legislative genesis of the law can be traced back to 1870, which briefly reads any attempt of expressing/inciting disaffection towards the Government established by law as seditious. Notably, sedition was widely instrumentalised during colonial period to curb decent, free speech, and most attempts of freedom struggle.  It is precisely in this context, the restriction on free political speech draws our attention. History of India’s jurisprudence presents us with a string of cases where the constitutional courts at times showcase some interesting stances. Whereas there are cases like Romesh Thapar v. State of Madras (1950), Sakal Papers (P) Ltd., And Others v. Union of India (1961), or Ram Nandan v. Sate (1958), the Court cemented a progressive outlook towards the right to free speech. But, at the same time, the precedents set by cases like Kedar Nath Singh v. State of Bihar (1962) where legal voids are filled by the Court to corroborate the executive’s narrative cast doubts over the Judiciary’s role as a defender of constitutional rights.

These concerns knock at our doors again owing to the recent increase in the widespread exercise of the sedition law and active effort to curb free speech. The polity witnessed two trends of behaviour on the part of the State: first, free speech was increasingly conflated with ‘hate speech’ and second, the courts became completely ignorant of the protection of citizen’s constitutional rights. However, in the subsequent years the Supreme Court’s verdicts in Shreya Singhal v. Union of India (2015), Anuradha Bhasin v. Union of India (2020), and Amish Devgan v. Union of India (2020) raised some crucial aspects that impel us to rethink the significance of Fundamental Rights and the role if the judicature as the ultimate guardian of these rights. The Court’s verdicts in these cases could be read through the following three lenses: first, the fundamental logic behind free speech is to encourage a rich democratic environment where free political thinking can take place. Second, the prima facie reason behind granting freedom of expression is to reinforce popular sovereignty where diverse political concerns can be equally represented, and third, laws concerning hate speech whose constitutional credentials are questionable, require a broader interpretation. Rather than clinging to the old standard of interpreting an act’s probability to disrupt public order, the Court noted an approach that takes cognizance of the direct consequences of a speech in question.

The Court’s behaviour in handling the cases of free speech where the executive is a contender raises some important concerns about the Constitution and the role of the judicature as its guardian. Parliamentary sovereignty and an independent judiciary, both constitute a significant part of the Constitution’s basic structure. However, over the seven decades of co-existence, these institutions raise some critical questions about their institutional arrangement and constitutionally granted roles: First, although the Fundamental Rights are justiciable, are they always under the threat of violation by the State?  Second, to what extent an independent judiciary is instrumental in keeping a check on the sovereign power uniquely exercised by the executive? Third, to whom does the Constitution belong?: to the right-bearing citizens or to the institutions of the State. 

The Supreme Court had in 2022 intervened to examine the constitutionality of the sedition law in India effectively suspending all pending and future cases under this law. However, section 124A is not the only stick at the hands of the executive. There are equally effective and arbitrary measures available for example, section 2(1)(o)(iii) of the Unlawful Activity Prevention Act (1963) which defines sedition as a criminal offense leaving its legal definition substantially vague and unclear. The frequent application of these laws by the State against the citizens poses some crucial concerns about the judicial protection of Fundamental Rights and the constitutional necessity of the basic structure.

The progressive transformation of human civilisation from the social contract to constitutional democracy is marked by a crucial feature: a set of rights that protect the citizens from the State’s sovereign power and at the same time offer them equal say in governance. The logic behind this reasoning can be found in constitutional morality, elaborately discussed in the Constituent Assembly Debates (CAD). The premise of constitutional morality encourages argumentative sensibilities against a singular mode of thinking. The ultimate goal is to preserve a system where popular sovereignty and right -bearing citizens can co-exist together. In representative democracies, citizens exercise their electoral rights to assert popular sovereignty. However, it is notable that notwithstanding the formation of a representative government, the right-bearing citizens do not reduce to something lesser than popular sovereignty. The constitution has created an arrangement where both equals can co-exist together. The basic structure of the Indian Constitution asserts the rule of law as one of the fundamental elements of Indian polity applicable to both the State and its citizens. It is the constitutionally granted duty of the judiciary to treat everyone equally under the law.

The author is a Research Scholar, Shiv Nadar Institution of Eminence

What does an academic do in her daily life? Whom does she serve by her pedagogical excellence? What topics are they covering for her academic score? What kind of books are they writing for her pupils or, say, for her own promotion and better placement and perks? What kind of research projects are they supervising? Are they superior human beings untouched by lowly million lives? Are they self-serving or serving their respective disciplines with scientific precision, mechanical rigour and disinterested selves? Are they slaves of the vast educational moguls? Or are they ‘free’ to investigate, visit and revisit their disciplines with individual resources, inputs and experiences?

Should they inculcate the spirit of inquiry and freedom into her students, researchers, social media fans and followers, and relatives and neighbours? Or should they live in furnished blocks with latest gadgets and a dozen of modern slaves—drivers, maids, ayahs, personal assistants? Should they be worried about the issues like politicization of religion, everyday communalism, corruption, violent rhetoric of the political leaders, ill health system, dismal transport facilities, job scarcity, unemployment, women trafficking, and so on? Or should they live a life equipped with a 24-hour surveillance system?      

Should they write textbooks for the benefit of the students? Should they write notebooks for the benefit of the students?  I am happy with both kinds of academics. Why? At least, they have been able to recognise the need of the students who come especially from rural backgrounds. Many of them are first generation learners. Many of their parents are labourers, drivers, agricultural hands, carpenters, masons, and other odd workers. Their mothers are agricultural hands, domestic helpers, ayahs, or keepers of cows, goats, chickens.

Should they write reference books for the benefit of the students? The academics of elite Indian institutes must do it for the progress of the students and for the progress of the country.  They enjoy writing. And when they write they become oblivious of their surroundings. Such tenacity they have. They can write theoretical works, or say, groundbreaking works, pioneering works. They can publish them with the help of publishing giants.  Book-opening ceremonies, book-events, book-tours will continue for years. Fellow ‘low-born’ academics, ambitious scholars, book wizards, book enthusiasts will dig Amazon for its quickest delivery. Coffee houses, cross-words will arrange gala event for the ‘authentic’ voice of the promoted academics. But, that ‘authentic’ voice has little no relevance outside the classroom, lecture theater or seminar hall. It is a tragedy. The elite academics and their theoretically ground breaking works are detached from the simmering issues the country is facing. Their ‘superior’ works fail to stimulate ordinary students. They are made for the especially chosen few who have some academic compulsion. They are simply a coterie of Ph. D and Post-doc holders. Many of them are living in the virtual world. Many of them, sorry, almost all of them have a single destination—America, the Promised Land.

Indian academics have lost credibility to the masses. People know that they can be bought and sold by the state power. People on the streets abuse them, accuse them, envy them. They call them opportunists. They hardly sacrifice anything for the poor, the jobless youths, and the employment seekers. They recommend their ‘own’ scholars for an academic contract or a university position. They are the gods and goddesses in their particular disciplines, and their scholars must worship her twice a day, at sunrise and at sunset. In many cases, Ph. D aspirants have no academic freedom in choosing topics of their research. They have to follow their academic bosses in order to keep them happy and to get the certificate at the earliest. The topics the students are bound to choose may not interest them. They need a certificate for a job, and the guides need numbers for their academic performance.      

Most Indian academics know the reality too much. They are too much in the world.  They have to pay a heavy price, they know, if they speak out. Silence is golden. Let the politicians talk. Let the journalists talk. Let the activists fight for their vested interests. Let the mob rule the country. Let the hooligans take laws in their hands and lynch the Muslims, Dalits and Christians in the name of a docile animal cow. Let the scientists deliver a most unscientific speech. Let the politicians polarise the country on the basis of religion. We, academics, have nothing to do with this chaotic dispensation. We are academics. Campuses are our world. Green campus! Greener students!

They know that if they speak out they will be marked. They will be harassed, abused, and even threatened with physical intimidation online and offline. They know the power of a digital army, recruited by the political parties. They are constantly under the scanner. So they choose the path of silence. They are witnesses to their colleagues’ trajectories. Some have been arrested. Some have been trolled mercilessly. Some have been warned with death threats, and some have been killed by the state.

Moreover, some academics have covert or overt political ambition. In India, a layman knows how to live a hassle-free life. From getting admission to a school or a hospital or a club to hiring a domestic maid or booking a flat or a doctor or buying a piece of land—everything depends on one’s political clout. Yes, even political leverage will be ineffectual for buying land or booking a flat if you happen to be a Muslim or a Dalit.

 In India, politics is the most viable way to be served with respect and dignity. An honest, industrious citizen whatever profession she professes must suffer in the daily transactions of her life. A file may not be signed for months, a ticket to a show or a bed or a hotel may be denied, a chauffeur may not be hired, a doctor or lawyer may not be booked, and so on. Political tag is the one and only distinguishing mark for pomp and power, for perks and patronage. So the lure of political power is irresistible to the academics also—high-born, low-born all. But most of academics try to keep it secret. Some of them have a secret inner line with multiple party bosses. So they keep mum to avoid any untoward impact on the upward mobility graph of their career. They speak only when there is a chance of getting a personal incentive in the form of an academic assignment in an academic body.

This is the general picture of especially rural Indian academics. Academics of Indian elite institutes, with their excellent publishing records and public commitments, may prove me wrong. But that is a different story altogether.  

Since the birth of India as a democratic state, the western notion of Democracy and knowledge and even the western Political pundits have apprehensions about the success of India’s democratic experiment. From the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom to the President of the United States of America, all predicted the demise of India as a nation-state. This western neo-imperialistic mindset is best reflected in the works of Selig S. Harrison ‘India: the most dangerous decades’. In this work, he claimed that India would be disintegrated into pieces during the 1960’s. India not only survived but came out much stronger. Western philosophers are always shy to call India the largest democratic country. The image of snake charmers is still used by the Western media in general and BBC in particular to represent the Indian state.

Many international reports architectured by the Western powers like the democracy index, human rights index, religious freedom index, global hunger index and many others, continuously try to portray a bleak image of India under the leadership of Modi. The government of India time and again proved this western propagandist indexes factually and methodologically wrong and baseless rather these reports are part of a larger framework to demean India’s democratically elected leadership. Present BBC documentary is no exception to it but a visual hatred propaganda which could be easily spread to hit the minds of common Indians against the current dispensation. The same prejudices and stereotypes of India’s capacity and growing heft in the international scenario is reflected in BBC’S documentary on Modi. It is a direct attack and shrewd intervention in the domestic political and social system of India which should not be tolerated at any cost as it is a challenge to the sovereignty and integrity of India as a nation-state.

A classic example of mediated neo-imperialism in globalised era was the restriction imposed on the then chief minister of Gujarat, Narendra Modi even when allegations against him had not been proven in any court of law. After the riots in Gujarat, a few European embassies in Delhi spearheaded the ‘Boycott Modi’ movement. For many years, even the ambassadors of European Union nations eschewed Modi and Gujarat. Narendra Modi is always being portrayed as an authoritarian leader in a democratic country. When Modi, however, became a recognised national figure, many of them immediately began making quiet inquiries about his potential roles. In the meantime, Gujarat began to draw tourists from various nations, including the Europen Union, owing to the Vibrant Gujarat events and the growth-led developmental model. The alleged ban began to fall apart when the Indian judiciary determined in 2012 that Modi played no part in the riots at all following a thorough investigation. Soon, a number of EU ambassadors began re-engaging with him.

Just to demean Modi and gain political leverage, the opposition has time and again elucidated the BBC documentary but it feels like they are forgetting the past when the same BBC had published posters demeaning Gandhi and Nehru and criticized Indira Gandhi for Bangladesh liberation and subsequent peace pact with Russia. The opposition should understand that this is not merely an attack on Modi but an attempt to detriment the integrity and sovereignty of India. The release timing of the BBC documentary a year before the general election is a blatant way to interfere in the democratic domestic domain of India. It is a sinister design to smudge the reputation of the Indian Prime Minister at a time when India is preparing to host the G-20 Summit and Modi himself is emerging as a key player on the world stage. This type of false narrative in the post-truth globalised era needs to be collectively countered.

BBC’S documentary is a well-planned attack to demean India’s image and India’s leadership. Parallelly it is also an attack on the world’s most powerful judicial system which has given clean-chit to the then Gujarat Chief Minister after an extensive and in-depth judicial inquiry. This is nothing but a continued saga and demeaning the growing power of India under the dynamic and visionary leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The media fraternity specifically and all of the citizenry in India is now well aware and equipped to dismantle such false propaganda perpetrated by the Western powers with a vested interest to destabilize the political stability in India under the vibrant and inclusive of leadership of Narendra Modi.

The author is Assistant Professor  

The Government of India’s mega project of building 3381 kilometers of Dedicated Freight Corridors (DFCs) passing through nine states, where goods trains have their own rail tracks separate from passenger trains, has the potential to revolutionize transportation in the Indian economy. This will make transportation cheap, fast and more accessible to industry and agriculture. Combining slow freight and fast passenger trains is complicated and leads to traffic congestion as freight trains have to make way for faster passenger trains. The freight railroad sector in the United States offers interesting insights into the impact of such a project on the economy. Railways are a government-run monopoly in India and so are the freight trains. Therefore, a comparison with the United States which has several privately run freight railway companies may be an unlikely one, but still offers interesting parallels. America’s freight network is universally recognized as among the best in the world and has served the nation as its transportation lifeline for over 40 years. After years of regulation, The Staggers Rail Act of 1980 took a major step towards deregulation by freeing rail fares and giving railway companies the freedom to charge market rates, enter into contracts with clients and manage the railroad networks independently. This move reinvigorated the freight railway sector in the United States. The freedom to run their business as they saw fit led to dramatic improvements which included a sharp rise in traffic and productivity and a fall in freight costs. Productivity rose by 172?tween 1981 and 2010, rates fell by 55% and the share of the freight market, measured in ton-miles, rose steadily to 43%, among the highest in rich countries. The average horsepower of the locomotives has risen by 72% since 1990 and the introduction of lighter stronger freight wagons such as those made of aluminum has led to higher energy efficiency lifting the ton-miles per American gallon of fuel from 332 to 457(The Economist: “High-speed Railroading https://www.economist.com/briefing/2010/07/22/high-speed-railroading). This sector has been sucking costs out of supply chains, so much so that Warren Buffett’s Berkshire Hathaway purchased $34 billion stock in 2009 in Burlington Northern Santa Fe (BNSF) which is, one of the seven main freight railways

The most interesting aspect has been the phenomenal growth in “intermodal traffic” in the US, which refers to containers or truck trailers loaded on flat railcars, which are carried by rail to the train station nearest to the final destination, and simply rolled off to complete the final stretch of the journey by road. The number of such shipments saw a staggering increase from 3 million in 1980 to 12.3 million in 2006. Big truck companies see the merit of putting trailers on flat wagons for long distances and using roads only for local pickup and delivery. In addition, freight trains, some of which can be a mile long, can carry on an average as much load as 280 lorries can and these factors together can help curb traffic congestion. A case in point is the special freight rail expressway, the Alameda corridor, which opened in 2002 to link ports to important national rail routes, bypassing hundreds of level crossings that caused huge traffic jams.  The “Roll on Roll off” service of the Indian railways which was first introduced by Konkan Railway in 1999 is a similar innovation where trucks are loaded through a ramp provided at the dead end of a loop on wagons that have been suitably modified to allow trucks to pass over them. This mode of transport can insulate prices of foodstuffs from the rise in diesel prices. The Government’s “Gatishakti” platform which aims to develop multimodal connectivity in an integrated and coordinated manner can help in seamlessly and efficiently developing intermodal traffic in India leading to fall in road congestion, significant savings in diesel and a reduction in carbon footprint. The reduction in transportation costs can enhance India’s export competitiveness as logistic costs constitute 14-15%, which is twice that of international levels (Economic Times, February 1, 2023).   

 Dedicated Freight Corridors can give a huge impetus to productivity in industry and agriculture by connecting geographically diversified markets and facilitating the transportation of critical inputs, raw materials and finished products. The single biggest cargo transported through this mode in America is coal as more than 70% is transported by rail. This highly efficient and fast mode of transportation has facilitated the efficient functioning of private “cash” grain markets in the US such as the Minneapolis grain exchange which trades several premium varieties of wheat. These markets provide a setting where buyers and sellers meet to discuss a transaction publicly or privately. The buyer and seller determine the price, quantity, quality and specific place and time of delivery.  For instance, samples of grain already loaded into railcars and ready for sale are made available to the buyer for viewing in the morning business hours. After the deal is concluded, grain is moved to the specific location by rail. The buyer pays for the grain and the seller conveys the title upon delivery. Such cash transactions cover grain that is on hand, grain scheduled to arrive at a specific time, or grain that is ready for shipment from rural locations. The sellers of cash grain may be represented on the floor by an agent or broker who charges a commission for his services. Buyers of cash grain may be exporters or grain processors such as milling companies. The three farm bills introduced by the BJP government and subsequently withdrawn amid protests envisaged the setting up of such agricultural markets in the near future outside the APMC (Agricultural Produce Market Committee)   network without the intermediation of middlemen. For example, big food processing companies such as Britannia, Kissan and PepsiCo could enter into contracts with local farmers for delivery of wheat, fruits, vegetables and even dairy products to their factories using multimodal transport using both rail and road networks thus reducing wastages, cutting transportation cost and helping curb food inflation by eliminating middlemen.

(The writer is a Research Scholar at DAV University, Jalandhar)

Last year Indian Air Force Chief said that Pakistan is changing its strategy and had indicated a new developing strategy which is denoted by “Triple R”. The triple R here means rearticulate, reorganize and relocate. The changing military strategy of Pakistan is a result of certain geopolitical changes or opportunities which began forming after Taliban takeover last year. However, with FATF's exit recently, It may solidify and New Delhi has to push up its guard to deal with changing Pakistan’s conventional and unconventional mixed gameplan.   

The Changing Strategy

There is not one regional or global level development but multiple developments spined in the past year which kept the matchstick burning in Islamabad.  The first one is the fall of Kabul. Islamabad saw Kabul's fall as an opportunity to attain strategic depth against India. Second growing Pak-China nexus. Since the past year since the pandemic has begun and China’s exercising provocative and aggressive maneuvers at the borders to create pressure on the other front which Pakistan saw as an opportunity to create two-front tensions for India. The growing Pak-China cooperation had also resulted in breaking some defense-related deals with Pakistan like Submarines and drones[ii]. Few instances of build-up in the PoK like infrastructural and military are also some visible signs of Pakistan China increasing cooperation[iii] and Pakistan’s intent to grow its capabilities with the help of China. Third is the recent exit of Pakistan from FATF which would be instrumental in giving some financial openings to Pakistan’s deep state. Things would be worse if gets added with the Chinese flavor of cooperation. Nepal elections have concluded, and though the present PM Sher Bahadur has emerged as the winner but  K.P Sharma’s deceitful political tactics may complicate things while forming and stabilizing the government and that might not be good news for New Delhi.[iv] As an obvious implication, crisscrossing of proxy dealings and terror funding viz-a-viz Nepal would surely get a boost.  China’s political lobbying would also get a good opening in Kathmandu. The recent appointment of Asim Munir as Pak Army chief who is called “Mulla General” because of his radical approaches moreover, he is a straight arrow who knows how to sharpen the tip of the knife and hence New Delhi has the watch the Af-Pak region with more caution. Both hostile neighbors, one is freed from long-standing shackles and the other is patiently waiting to assert its political and military charm. Islamabad’s comfortable repositioning and Beijing’s wait for an opportune moment is something for which New Delhi has to watch out in the coming time.  At the global level, the Central Asian region would again come under Pakistan-China strategic considerations to squeeze New Delhi’s footprints. Earlier, Islamabad’s regional and global syncing with China was disrupted with a series of sanctions and watch on Pakistan which was further at least to some extent still is complemented by its own issues at home. However, by freeing a tied hand, Islamabad would soon create something out of its franklin monster menu and revamp defunct unconventional and conventional machines against India. Perhaps, it would have consonance with what the IAF chief last year said about the “Triple R strategy”.  The Triple Rs- Rearticulation, Reorganize and Relocation becomes a key here for Pakistan to revamp its military and operational postures against India especially involving China factor in it.  It is also imperative to understand what exactly this acronym means:

Decoding Triple R

The Triple R stands for Rearticulation, Reorganization, and Relocation

Rearticulate- ReRearticulatehe the older conventional and unconventional strategies with new defense deals and military equipment to increase and upgrade operational capabilities against India. Given the fact that the Chinese are increasing their strategic acumen in the Central Asian region with Russia which would eventually exacerbate Pak-China diplomatic friendhood in the Central Asian region to squeeze New Delhi’s rapid efforts of increasing diplomatic influence in the Central Asian region.  On the unconventional front- Pakistan may increase their attempts to weave out new terror outfits in deep inside or clandestine locations in Afghanistan against India(a part of strategic depth strategy), revamping terror modules and making new ways for crisscrossing borders for infiltration and subversion purposes. Pakistan would not leave any stone unturned in articulation, especially in its terror networks and covert operations. Small-scale attacks in Jammu&Kashmir are quite visible in the recent past. Though, given some contradictory or adverse developments in Af-Pak region- Taliban and Pakistan army faceoff along with TTP threat, Islamabad may approach with caution that might delay some plans but cannot be ignored at New Delhi’s end.

Reorganize- After rearticulating its conventional and unconventional arms, Pakistan will look at to reorganize its military presence at the borders. Strategically, Pakistan seems to have begun with it by starting a new airport at PoK which may have involved some reorganization work of the military or strengthening of military presence along with terror outfits. It can be said that Infrastructural developments may see a rise in the coming time.

Relocate- Relocation works parallelly with reorganizing work. As indicated above that Pakistan may weave terror outfits, it is possible that Pakistan’s relocate its terror camps near or deep inside Afghanistan or scatter them deeper to avoid detection. Relocation also involves the relocation of military assets near borders which may involve Chinese military assets to gain strength at the war and operational fronts.

Pakistan’s Revival  Exercise And A Chinese Trap

Pakistan’s exit from FATF is most likely put Pakistan in a revival exercise with China’s backing. This exercise indicates that Pakistan would not leave any stone unturned in re-establishing the sync with China and playing diplomatic circus at regional and global levels especially against India. Islamabad more or less would now concentrate on reviving and re-strengthening the military structure. Pakistan a few days back made some strong choices of bringing Asim Munir as Pakistan Army Chief, this makes the picture slightly clear that Pakistan will go on to make some more choices which is absolutely hard. Islamabad would also start rapid efforts in making its military and national security apparatus capable to capitalize on possible opportunities emanating from the current geopolitical landscape. The indication is also towards possibilities of serious threats emanating out from Pakistan’s re-strengthening exercise at the unconventional front because Pakistan uses an unconventional front maximum against India. The recent clash at Tawang, Arunachal Pradesh indicates that China is planning to lock India in a protracted conflict inspired by Mao’s strategic thinking at the borders to hinder its resources capitalization and utilization at a juncture where India has assumed immense strategic significance and G-20 is at New Delhi’s doors, here Beijing also aims to disturb India’s external and internal strategic environment. In such circumstances, New Delhi has to develop a long view of the strategic realities of a Chinese trap and Pakistan’s nefarious intentions to flare up the cross-border terrorism post their FATF exit.  It is now required to boost all fronts(conventional and unconventional)  increasing the number of fleets and military equipment and defence procurements to make our war capabilities superior and strong. Maybe New Delhi has begun spreading its vigilant web across the South Asian region and deploying effective deterrence and combative countermeasures to thwart the Chinese trap, the recent visit of R&AW Chief to Sri Lanka to caution and discuss security and strategic issues especially on the issue of Chinese research ships which are most likely meandering in the Indian Ocean which led to the postponement of our ballistic missile test.   This indicates at the New Delhi’s part that New Delhi has started its heavy brainstorming to counter a slightly relaxed Pakistan and impatient China.

Owing to their self-claimed tag of being progressive and inclusive, institutions across the country have been successful in effortlessly ignoring and in a way promoting discrimination against caste minorities.

The blatant denial of institutional murder carried out along the lines of caste discrimination has been diverted to place the blame on the students for “lacking merit” and being unable to cope with academic pressure. This argument is in addition to that of reserved category students “taking up” seats that the general category students “deserved” and the former’s presence would depreciate the institution's education quality.

With students being forced to decide to end their lives, one can, without the need for statistical evidence, assume the heights of harassment the students faced and are still facing.

The statements and legal actions, although negligible, taken in this regard are absurdly inconsistent with the reality, with the very recent case of a bright prosperous medical intern committing suicide due to caste discrimination, adding how despite multiple FIRs being lodged, the student received no legal assistance and protection.

In accordance with a pan-India pilot survey conducted in 2023, with respondents belonging to these reputed elite institutions, survey results depicted the presence of discrimination either faced by the respondent personally or them witnessing their peers face such discrimination from general category students as well as faculty.

One respondent remarked how “ English proficiency is a huge issue, because allegations of lack of merit are put against SC/ST students. Classroom discussions where reservations are blamed for "brain drain" and lack of quality institutions is another thing that is normalized” while another respondent pointed out to the “progressive inclusive” hypocritical attitude of general category students and their “Use of certain words, certain connotations, having a savarna savior complex by being "okay" with reservation.”

Therefore there are two kinds of responses that are prevalent with respect to and in response to caste discrimination in institutions:

On one hand, we see the denial of any discrimination, which is what is more evident and quantifiable since the negative can be argued when cases of Dalit student suicides are brought up, and on the other hand, we see extreme normalisation of caste discrimination (especially in states such as West Bengal), where brahminical hegemony is so intrinsically woven into the ambits of the society that instances of caste discrimination and oppression are not only ignored but consciously practiced in everyday situations down to the very use of language that more often than not, contains casteist slurs.

As several pieces of literature has pointed out, there has been a consistent existence of the “included inconsistency” and the “graded distribution” of privileges, opportunities and experiences.

In a similar manner, Dalit students, although being given the opportunity of being a part of an elite institution, are deprived of the same experiences that an upper caste student gets very invariably.  As Ajantha Subramanium pointed out in her book, Caste of Merit, when general category students score bad grades, the response is they were merely “having fun” whereas if a reserved category student got the same grades, they are blamed for not having the “required merit” and intellectual competence to do well. Thus the former have the privilege of having the obvious “inherited merit” whereas the latter is forced to prove their merit at every turn.

Similarly, there have been instances of Dalit students being denied access to certain campus facilities, them facing unequal treatment from faculty and peers alike and also being shamed for their mere presence on campus as they are tagged as being undeserving, publicly shaming them for their academic ranks and subjecting them to negative attention, etc all while ignoring the reality of what general category individuals think “merit” (the core point of contention) to be - inborn representation of intelligence- whereas in reality merit is actually an outcome- of economic capital, access to resources, family support, ability to care, primary education access and quality and so on - which is denied in India’s ‘historically privileged, dominant caste’ run unjust society.

In a report published by The Wire, the Ministry of Education on March 15, 2023, presented data in the Rajya Sabha concerning student suicides. The report unveiled that across the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs), National Institutes of Technology (NITs) and the Indian Institutes of Management (IIMs), there were a total of 61 suicides between 2018-2023. Additionally, with 2500 IIT Roorkee students opposing OBC reservation (2006) - highlights the true social dynamics that exist and the discriminatory attitudes of the students.

Yashpal Jogdand, a professor at IIT-Delhi, whose work focuses on social identity, social psychology of caste, and stigma and well-being among marginalized groups suggests that members of the upper castes are generally aware of caste-related injustice and violence, but their response is usually ambivalent because of the sense of disruption to their worldview - this he had mentioned during an interview conducted by Scroll.

The fault lies not in the Dalit (students), but in their perception of the upper castes.

Jogdand goes not further in the interview to rightly point out the two pillars/determinants that qualify an individual as a human being: meaning and recognition by others. As the argument of this article follows, Dalit students are deprived of these two basic yet fundamental human markers when they are wrongly stereotyped as meritless and inferior, whether monetarily, socially, or intellectually.

Efforts to address the issue of caste-based discrimination in educational institutions have been ongoing, with initiatives such as SC/ST grievance cells or other academic support provisions and institutional mechanisms being established for addressing this issue, these efforts are only scratching the surface with institution’s ‘lacking the will to implement’ this corrective measure in full.

As Yashika Dutt, author of ‘Coming Out As Dalit’ has rightly pointed out how although “untouchability has been illegal since 1950… cacasteistsound ways to continue unchecked in insidious ways”. Thus, if institutions truly want to be diverse and inclusive as they claim to be, the first place to start would be to shift the narrative from falsely criticizing Dalit students to correcting the casteist mentalities as that is what is truly “diluting the reputation of the institutions.”

It was the afternoon of 23 February 2023, a contingent of Punjab Police, with lathis in their hands, was standing behind barricades outside the Ajnala Police Station in the Amritsar district of Punjab, facing a huge crowd, many armed with Kirpans. The crowd was also carrying the Guru Granth Sahib in a bus. And walking among this crowd, surrounded by armed men with rifles, was Amritpal Singh Sandhu, who is being seen as the new face of the resurging Khalistan demand in the country.

Within minutes, the crowd broke the barricades and using the bus as a shield soon attacked the police. Amritpal and his supporters occupied the police station for the next several hours and left only on the assurance that his aide, Lovepreet Singh would be released who was arrested on charges of kidnapping and assault.

This incident created big headlines in the media. The K-word surfaced everywhere. Equations started to be drawn between Amritpal Singh Sandhu and Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. It is being said that this is the repetition of the 1980s and is the resurgence of the Sikh separatist movement. 

But why are such demands surfacing again? And who is this guy— Amritpal Singh? To understand the current situation, we must have a look at the very roots of the Sikh separatist movement in the country. 

Militant Identity of the Sikhs

The idea of Khalistan started coming up in the 1920s but even before that Sikhs had developed a firmly militant identity due to persecution by the Mughals. The militancy was fostered, especially under Guru Gobind Singh who in 1699 established a special group called 'Khalsa'. Sikhs who chose to be baptised into the Khalsa dedicated themselves utterly to their faith. Guru Gobind Singh created and initiated the Khalsa as a warrior with a duty to protect the innocent from religious persecution.

Though not all Sikhs became baptised members of the Khalsa, Sikhism as a religious tradition generally accepts the legitimacy of violent resistance in the face of repression of faith. Sikh identity gradually became tied up with the Khalsa identity and its militancy. 

Before the Independence

In the early years of British rule in the country, Sikhs had proven their loyalty to the British, particularly as soldiers of the British Indian Army. But this loyalty started to wane away due to several things like the Rowlatt Act, Jallianwala Bagh Massacre, issues regarding separate electorates, etc. Several Sikh leaders wanted a separate Sikh State along the lines of Pakistan but that could not happen. Instead, Congress gave them assurances that after independence the political aspirations of the Sikhs would be honoured. 

Punjab Reorganisation Act, 1966

After the Constitution came into being, many Sikh groups claimed they were not granted the autonomy they had been promised. Thus, in the 1950s the 'Punjabi Suba Movement' started gaining momentum. Although the demand was for a state on a linguistic basis, it was seen to have religious overtones as the demand was mainly from the Sikhs in Punjab. The Central Government was not ready to create states on religious grounds, although, in 1966 it conceded to dividing Punjab on 'linguistic lines' into the Sikh-majority Punjabi-speaking Punjab and Hindu-majority Hindi-speaking Haryana. Chandigarh became a Union Territory and acted as the shared capital of the two states.

But this did not completely satisfy the demands of the Sikhs. Many didn't like the idea of sharing Chandigarh with Haryana and wanted Chandigarh to be completely a part of Punjab. Another problem was that some Punjabi-speaking districts went to Haryana and Himachal Pradesh, they wanted those too to be included in Punjab. 

Sikhs not “Hindus”

Another major contention was that the Constitution included Sikhs under the definition of “Hindus”. This was a major reason why when the Constitution came into being, Shiromani Akali Dal rejected it. It is because Sikhs have often been seen as a part of the larger umbrella of Hinduism. But the Sikhs feel that they are a separate religion and not just a category of Hindus. They do have various similarities with Hinduism but that does not make them Hindus.

The same thing happened when the Hindu Code Bills were brought in the 1950s. There too, Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains were included under the definition of “Hindus” and these laws also governed the people of those three religions. 

Anandpur Sahib Resolution

In Punjab politics, there were two major parties tussling for power—? Shiromani Akali Dal and the Congress party. The dilemma for the Akalis was that despite being a strong advocate of the Sikh culture and religion, they never enjoyed the full support of the Sikhs. Its rival, Congress, had been more effective in state politics. Concerned with their declining popularity and lack of unity within the party, the Akali Dal came up with the Anandpur Sahib Resolution in 1973. This declaration addressed the economic concerns of Punjab along with the religious and ethnic demands of the Sikhs. This resolution was not secessionist in content but called for greater autonomy for Punjab. There were 3 major demands in this resolution—?

1. Chandigarh should not act as a shared capital of Haryana and Punjab and should be returned to Punjab.

2. The resolution demanded that Punjab be an autonomous state. The Central government would be restricted to the management of foreign policy, defense, currency and communications. All other subjects would be under the jurisdiction of the state government. 

3. The resolution demanded redistribution of the waters of the Ravi, Beas and Sutlej rivers in the favour of Punjab. (I’ll talk about this later in the article)

This resolution didn’t play any important role initially and was forgotten but would later go on to become the foundation of Akali Dal’s future agenda as well as for Sikh separatism.

On the other hand, Congress under Indira Gandhi played a major role in undermining the Akali Dal. Indira adopted a highly authoritarian approach and centralised power in the country. The Emergency created anti-Congress and anti-Centre sentiments in Punjab. In 1980 nine states whose governments were unfavorable to Indira were placed under President’s Rule. Punjab was one of those states where the Akali Dal-Jana Sangh government was dismissed. 

Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale

It is believed that in order to split the Akali Dal’s vote bank, Congress in the late 1970s started cultivating the religious leader Jarnail Singh Bindranwale as an alternative. Bhindranwale was the leader of a prominent orthodox Sikh institution—? Damdami Taksal. He sought to promote the conservative aspects of Sikhism and emphasised the stringent following of religious doctrines. But why Jarnail Singh? What was special in him that Congress felt he could be helpful? The answer is his immense popularity. 

Green Revolution

In the 1960s the Green Revolution was introduced, resulting in a great increase in the production of food grains and Punjab was its biggest beneficiary leading to great prosperity in the state—? this is what we've been generally taught. But there’s a darker side to it too.

The Green Revolution was successful initially because of government subsidies and support prices. However, this could not continue indefinitely and with the rising cost of fertilizers and pesticides, small farmers were the worst hit. Also, the increase in productivity could not be sustained because the new varieties created new ecological problems by reducing genetic diversity and affecting soil and water systems.

And whatever gains Punjab earned from the Green Revolution weren’t distributed equally among various sections and regions of the state. This led to the growing numbers of marginalised poor peasants, who could neither reap the benefits of the land nor find employment in the industrial sector because the industries in the state remained underdeveloped. 

River Water Dispute

Punjab had a long grievance against the Central government regarding the distribution of water from the Ravi, Sutlej and Beas rivers. The three rivers flowed through Punjab but through an elaborate canal system water was being diverted to drier areas of Haryana and Rajasthan. In the wake of the Punjab Reorganisation Act of 1966, the Centre decided that Punjab would get only 23% of the water and the rest would go to states like Rajasthan and Haryana. This was felt as unfair and instilled a sense that the Central government is having discriminating tendencies against the Sikhs. 

Such factors added to the deepening sense of alienation and growth of separatist sentiments among the Sikhs. And at this very time, Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale started gaining popularity. His popularity grew especially among the poor farmers of Punjab’s rural areas. These poor people had lost all hope in the political class, who were mainly big landlords, and they felt more connected with Bhindranwale, who was from a small farmer family. They saw in him their leader who could be their voice.

In the late 1970s and early 1980s, he toured across Punjab to spread his teachings. He appeared at a time when leaders were not engaged in the community. He started to hold courts to settle disputes and addressed social grievances. He preached to the young Sikhs, encouraging them to return to the path of the Khalsa, to abstain from drugs and alcohol—? the two main practices which were badly affecting rural society in Punjab. As a social reformer, he denounced practices like the dowry and encouraged the reversal of the Green Revolution. These along with his remarkable ability as a preacher helped him gain enormous popularity. 

The Out-of-Control Genie

Bhindranwale was considered Congress’ masterstroke, however, as his popularity grew he started playing both Congress and Akali Dal against each other. And Congress soon realised that the genie it had unleashed refused to go back in its bottle.

Remember the Anandpur Sahib Resolution?

That resolution got revived in 1981 when Akali Dal and Bhindranwale came together. Akalis because they wanted to grab power from the Congress in Punjab and Bhindranwale because he was interested in the dominance of Sikhs in the state. Together they launched the ‘Dharam Yudh Morcha’.

Bhindranwale started directing his anger against the Centre regarding issues like Chandigarh’s inclusion into Punjab, distribution of river waters, etc. He believed that the Centre only served the interests of the Hindus. So he also started targeting Hindus in Punjab. He used offensive language against Hindus in his speeches.

“He exhorted every Sikh to kill 32 Hindus to solve the Hindu-Sikh problem.”
—?Khushwant Singh, author

He advised the Sikhs to acquire firearms to defend themselves. He also organised ‘killer squads’ in each village to eliminate the “enemies” of Sikhism. Violence in Punjab escalated with attacks on policemen and political figures becoming common. Many Hindus fled their homes due to fears of getting killed. Not only Hindus but Nirankari Sikhs were also being targeted by the followers of Bhindranwale as they were considered “fake Sikhs”. 

Why Hatred against Hindus?

Okay, but from where the Hindus came into the picture? Why did Bhindranwale target the Hindus? And what Hindu-Sikh problem?

The thing is that the very foundation of this separatist movement was that Sikhs have a separate identity and they are different, especially from the Hindus. And whenever the Sikhs of Punjab felt marginalised or discriminated against by the Centre, it was seen as the Hindu Government oppressing the Sikhs (Bharat being a Hindu-majority country).

Another reason was language. Although this should be a separate article in itself, still I’ll explain the thing in short. After the Punjab Reorganisation Act of 1966, Punjabi-speaking Hindus remained in Punjab. But many Hindus in Punjab started resonating more with the rest of the Hindi-speaking Hindu population of Northern Bharat rather than Punjabi-speaking people. Why did that happen? It was because, in the minds of many Hindus, ‘Punjabi Suba’ became “Sikh Suba” as there was a great emphasis on Punjab being the state of the Sikhs. And as Sikhs wished to be seen as separate, the Punjabi Hindus also got concerned about their identity.

Apart from this many Hindu organisations like RSS strongly believed in the idea of Hindi-Hindu-Hindustan. This was promoted aggressively and somehow it played well in Punjab. Lala Jagat Narain, the founder and editor of the Hindi newspaper Punjab Kesari, was a staunch opponent of the Punjabi Suba Movement and especially the Khalistan movement. Narain through his newspaper had urged Hindus in Punjab to disown Punjabi as their mother tongue. He was killed by the supporters of Bhindranwale in 1981 for writing against the Khalistan movement.

All such things played a significant role in encouraging the communal divide between Hindus and Sikhs in Punjab, and further added ghee to the fire of separatism in Punjab. 

Operation Blue Star and its Aftermath

Shaken by the scale of violence, President’s Rule was imposed in Punjab in 1983. Bhindranwale and his armed supporters had taken refuge at Akal Takht in the Harmandir Sahib complex (Golden Temple complex). He was being supported and accommodated by the Akali Dal.

After negotiations failed, Indira Gandhi rejected the Anandpur Sahib Resolution and armed forces were called upon to remove Bhindranwale and his supporters from the temple complex. On 1 June 1984, Operation Blue Star was launched and the fight continued for 10 days. At last, Bharatiya forces neutralised Bhindranwale and his supporters and gained control of the temple complex. This attack resulted in huge civilian and military casualties. And not just lives, the structure of the Akal Takht, the highest spiritual and political authority of the Sikhs, suffered heavy damage because of the attack.

The Sikh community all over the world was outraged by this action of the government. They felt that it was an attack on their holiest shrine, on their religion.

In the eyes of a simple Sikh farmer, the soldiers were invaders, and Bhindranwale and his supporters were protectors of their religious place.

4 months later on 31 October 1984, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her Sikh bodyguards. This, in turn, resulted in a violent organized massacre against the Sikhs all over the northern part of the country and especially in Delhi. Independent sources claimed 8,000-17,000 Sikhs were killed across the nation. More than 50,000 Sikhs fled their homes across northern Bharat to take refuge in Punjab which they not only saw as a safe haven but also a place they could call their own.

“Jab bhi koi bada ped girta hai, to dharti thodi hilti hai.
(When a big tree falls, the earth shakes.)”
Then PM Rajiv Gandhi justified the massacre at a public rally.

To our minds, the story ends here. But the real phase of militancy in Punjab started now.

Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale became a martyr in the minds of a large number of Sikhs. Bhindranwale did die but his ideas remained. Attacks by the Khalistani terrorists intensified both in the country and abroad. In 1985, Air India Flight 182 was bombed, killing 329 people. Former Chief of Army Staff, General Arun Shridhar Vaidya who led Operation Blue Star was assassinated in 1986. Punjab CM Beant Singh was assassinated by a suicide bomber in 1995. In March 1986, Khalistani terrorists again occupied the Golden Temple Complex which necessitated another action known as Operation Black Thunder. Several cases of mutinies by Sikh soldiers were also reported.

Due to several military and police actions, the Khalistan movement in the country became extremely weak by the mid-1990s. But it was through sustained political negotiations and peacebuilding policies that the government was able to gain the confidence of the people of Punjab.

Wait. There is no happy ending yet.

Many Khalistani leaders are still operating from foreign countries like the US, UK and Canada. And now it seems that these people got a representative within Bharat—? Amritpal Singh Sandhu. 

Amritpal Singh Sandhu

Amritpal is a 29-year-old guy who comes from Jallupur Khera village in the Amritsar district. In 2012 he went to Dubai. His social media shows him often taking up issues concerning Punjab but he never had much traction before 2019 when he came out in support of the farmers’ protest against the now-repealed Farm Laws. He became part of the protests, especially the strand of the movement associated with Deep Sidhu. Amritpal defended Deep Sidhu on social media, especially after the actor was arrested and most political parties and farmer groups shunned him following the 26 January 2021 Red Fort violence where Nishan Sahib was hoisted at the Red Fort.

Deep Sidhu started an organisation called ‘Waris Punjab De’ in September 2021. This organisation was originally floated as “a pressure group to protect and fight for rights of Punjab and raise social issues”. During the launch event in Chandigarh, Sidhu described it as an organisation that would “fight for the rights of Punjab against the Centre and raises voice whenever there will be any attack on the culture, language, social fabric and rights of Punjab”. Sidhu also added that his front would only support the party that talks of Punjab and its rights. Eventually, he supported the radical pro-Khalistan party SAD (Amritsar) of Simranjit Singh Mann and also campaigned for them ahead of the 2022 Punjab Assembly Elections.

After the sudden death of Deep Sidhu in a car crash in February 2022, a letter was published by ‘Waris Punjab De’ on 4 March 2022 declaring Amritpal Singh as the organisation's leader. Amritpal returned to Bharat from Dubai and became a baptised Sikh with long hair tucked into a blue turban, a long flowy beard, a steel bangle on his wrist and a kirpan hanging from his waist, looking very different from his old photos with trimmed hair and beard and no hint of the religious preacher’s look that he puts on now. In September 2022 he took over as the head of ‘Waris Punjab De’ and a ‘dastar bandi’ ceremony was held at Rode, the ancestral village of Bhindranwale. The ceremony was attended by thousands raising pro-Khalistan slogans.

Amritpal started tapping the followers of Deep Sidhu. He moved around Punjab, meeting several Sikh political and religious leaders and seeking their support. He also asked the young Sikhs to join the Khalsa.

Amritpal calls Bhindranwale his “inspiration”. He dresses like Bhindranwale and copies his mannerisms. Similar to Bhindranwale, he also preaches orthodox Sikhism. He has been travelling across the State, promoting ‘Khalsa Vaheer’— a traditional religious procession preaching Sikhism to youth and encouraging them to shun drugs.

He blames the Central government for the issues the Sikh community faces. He says that be it the farm laws, the water crisis in Punjab, the drug menace, migration of people from UP and Bihar into Punjab, arrest of political dissidents, and undermining of the Punjabi language are all part of a "silent genocide" of Sikhs.

Since his ‘dastar bandi’ Amritpal Singh has been calling for violence and urging secession and separatism, openly espousing the cause of Khalistan on all platforms. He also moves around with heavily armed Nihang Sikhs.

Interestingly, many within the pro-Khalistan sphere are a little distrustful of Amritpal Singh. This is mainly because the older guard understands the plot of state agencies and they don't trust new people easily.

But why is he getting so popular? There are two major reasons for that— Economic and Political. 

The economic condition of Punjab

While preparations were going on for the presentation of the National Budget of 2023, noted economists from Punjab urged the country’s Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman to take urgent steps to revive the growth momentum in the Punjab economy, as the State has transitioned over the years from being “debt-stressed” to “debt-trapped”.

In recent times, Punjab’s agricultural growth has been very slow. But Punjab still depends on agriculture which contributes to about a quarter of its GDP. Punjab had seen immense growth in its industrial sector in the past but since the Economic Liberalisation in 1991, the industrial growth has slowed down. According to the Economic Survey of 2021-2022, Punjab ranked among the worst in terms of unemployment.

“The first thing that Punjab had to do was to promote free markets and competition, through which the private sector would grow, and offer well-paying jobs. But the politicians themselves became industrialists and marred competition in the state. Investors feared spending in Punjab due to this.”
—?Lakhwinder Singh Gill, ex-professor at Punjabi University’s Khalsa college in Patiala.

The people of Punjab are not interested in doing low-paying industrial jobs, which is why industries rely on migrant workers from UP and Bihar. And due to this, many Punjabis look for employment opportunities in other states or even foreign countries.

However, despite the economy in tears, the state government has been making populist policies by promising freebies and making almost no fundamental changes to the existing structure of economic development.

What has Amritpal done regarding this?

He endorsed the concept, “Punjab is for the Punjabis” and jobs should be reserved for locals. He is encouraging the Punjabi Sikhs to join him and leave evils like alcohol and drugs, in return he would provide them with jobs and education. 

Political Vacuum in Punjab

The Punjabi society has been suffering from long-standing socio-economic crises like unemployment, drug addiction, and religious and political crises. A section of society has lost faith in the traditional political parties, like Akalis and Congress, to tackle these issues. And the biggest beneficiary of this vacuum has been AAP which swept to power with a record mandate in the 2022 Punjab Assembly Elections. However, now certain signs show that the people are not too happy even with the Aam Aadmi Party. Then there is a perception of the Bhagwant Mann government being controlled by AAP’s Delhi leadership.

Some loss of faith is visible in the fact that the protesters in the state are maintaining a distance from the political parties. Whether it is the protest against the Farm Laws or any other protest, political parties have not been welcomed anywhere.

“Politics is all about meeting the aspirations of the people. When it does not happen, people find ways to express themselves in one way or another. Amritpal’s rise reflects it.”
—? Baljit Balli, senior journalist and Editor of Babushahi.com

Because Punjab is suffering from deep political, social and economic crises, the extremist ideas of Amritpal are gaining some attention when he raises these concerns. Similar things also happened in the 1980s. 

Endnotes

At a time when the country is being branded as a "Hindu Rashtra", there is bound to be a sense of alienation in the other communities, they will feel sidelined. The same is the case when attempts are made for the imposition of Hindi. It creates fear and insecurity among various communities regarding their identity, language, culture, traditions, etc. Yes, Hinduism being the majority religion will reflect in various aspects of life in this country but overtly emphasising that ignoring the diversity of the country, gives way to demands like Khalistan.

What I’m not able to understand is why does the strongman-imaged Modi Government seem to be so casual about Amritpal’s prominence? There have been no overt signs of discomfort at his growing popularity.

“How can a person who lived in Dubai for many years suddenly surface in Punjab and project himself as a leader of the entire Sikh masses, besides interpreting the Sikh history, culture and ethics in his own way?

People can’t be easily swayed by this sentiment since they have seen the past repercussions. Those days are still fresh in the minds of Punjabis, particularly Sikhs and the state’s political class.”
—? Manjit Singh, ex-professor of Sociology at Punjab University in Chandigarh.

Yes, it is right that drawing parallels with Bhindranwale may seem like fantasization at this stage, but to deny any similarity would be foolishness.

It was the afternoon of 23 February 2023, a contingent of Punjab Police, with lathis in their hands, was standing behind barricades outside the Ajnala Police Station in the Amritsar district of Punjab, facing a huge crowd, many armed with Kirpans. The crowd was also carrying the Guru Granth Sahib in a bus. And walking among this crowd, surrounded by armed men with rifles, was Amritpal Singh Sandhu, who is being seen as the new face of the resurging Khalistan demand in the country.

Within minutes, the crowd broke the barricades and using the bus as a shield soon attacked the police. Amritpal and his supporters occupied the police station for the next several hours and left only on the assurance that his aide, Lovepreet Singh would be released who was arrested on charges of kidnapping and assault.

This incident created big headlines in the media. The K-word surfaced everywhere. Equations started to be drawn between Amritpal Singh Sandhu and Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. It is being said that this is the repetition of the 1980s and is the resurgence of the Sikh separatist movement. 

But why are such demands surfacing again? And who is this guy— Amritpal Singh? To understand the current situation, we must have a look at the very roots of the Sikh separatist movement in the country. 

Militant Identity of the Sikhs

The idea of Khalistan started coming up in the 1920s but even before that Sikhs had developed a firmly militant identity due to persecution by the Mughals. The militancy was fostered, especially under Guru Gobind Singh who in 1699 established a special group called 'Khalsa'. Sikhs who chose to be baptised into the Khalsa dedicated themselves utterly to their faith. Guru Gobind Singh created and initiated the Khalsa as a warrior with a duty to protect the innocent from religious persecution.

Though not all Sikhs became baptised members of the Khalsa, Sikhism as a religious tradition generally accepts the legitimacy of violent resistance in the face of repression of faith. Sikh identity gradually became tied up with the Khalsa identity and its militancy. 

Before the Independence

In the early years of British rule in the country, Sikhs had proven their loyalty to the British, particularly as soldiers of the British Indian Army. But this loyalty started to wane away due to several things like the Rowlatt Act, Jallianwala Bagh Massacre, issues regarding separate electorates, etc. Several Sikh leaders wanted a separate Sikh State along the lines of Pakistan but that could not happen. Instead, Congress gave them assurances that after independence the political aspirations of the Sikhs would be honoured. 

Punjab Reorganisation Act, 1966

After the Constitution came into being, many Sikh groups claimed they were not granted the autonomy they had been promised. Thus, in the 1950s the 'Punjabi Suba Movement' started gaining momentum. Although the demand was for a state on a linguistic basis, it was seen to have religious overtones as the demand was mainly from the Sikhs in Punjab. The Central Government was not ready to create states on religious grounds, although, in 1966 it conceded to dividing Punjab on 'linguistic lines' into the Sikh-majority Punjabi-speaking Punjab and Hindu-majority Hindi-speaking Haryana. Chandigarh became a Union Territory and acted as the shared capital of the two states.

But this did not completely satisfy the demands of the Sikhs. Many didn't like the idea of sharing Chandigarh with Haryana and wanted Chandigarh to be completely a part of Punjab. Another problem was that some Punjabi-speaking districts went to Haryana and Himachal Pradesh, they wanted those too to be included in Punjab. 

Sikhs not “Hindus”

Another major contention was that the Constitution included Sikhs under the definition of “Hindus”. This was a major reason why when the Constitution came into being, Shiromani Akali Dal rejected it. It is because Sikhs have often been seen as a part of the larger umbrella of Hinduism. But the Sikhs feel that they are a separate religion and not just a category of Hindus. They do have various similarities with Hinduism but that does not make them Hindus.

The same thing happened when the Hindu Code Bills were brought in the 1950s. There too, Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains were included under the definition of “Hindus” and these laws also governed the people of those three religions. 

Anandpur Sahib Resolution

In Punjab politics, there were two major parties tussling for power—? Shiromani Akali Dal and the Congress party. The dilemma for the Akalis was that despite being a strong advocate of the Sikh culture and religion, they never enjoyed the full support of the Sikhs. Its rival, Congress, had been more effective in state politics. Concerned with their declining popularity and lack of unity within the party, the Akali Dal came up with the Anandpur Sahib Resolution in 1973. This declaration addressed the economic concerns of Punjab along with the religious and ethnic demands of the Sikhs. This resolution was not secessionist in content but called for greater autonomy for Punjab. There were 3 major demands in this resolution—?

1. Chandigarh should not act as a shared capital of Haryana and Punjab and should be returned to Punjab.

2. The resolution demanded that Punjab to be an autonomous state. The Central government would be restricted to the management of foreign policy, defense, currency and communications. All other subjects would be under the jurisdiction of the state government. 

3. The resolution demanded redistribution of the waters of the Ravi, Beas and Sutlej rivers in the favour of Punjab. (I’ll talk about this later in the article)

This resolution didn’t play any important role initially and was forgotten but would later go on to become the foundation of Akali Dal’s future agenda as well as for Sikh separatism.

On the other hand, Congress under Indira Gandhi played a major role in undermining the Akali Dal. Indira adopted a highly authoritarian approach and centralised power in centralized The Emergency created anti-Congress and anti-Centre sentiments in Punjab. In 1980 nine states whose governments were unfavorable to Indira were placed under President’s Rule. Punjab was one of those states where the Akali Dal-Jana Sangh government was dismissed. 

Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale

It is believed that in order to split the Akali Dal’s vote bank, Congress in the late 1970s started cultivating the religious leader Jarnail Singh Bindranwale as an alternative. Bhindranwale was the leader of a prominent orthodox Sikh institution—? Damdami Taksal. He sought to promote the conservative aspects of Sikhism and emphasised the stringent following of religious doctrines. But why Jarnail Singh? What was special in him that Congress felt he could be helpful? The answer is his immense popularity. 

Green Revolution

In the 1960s the Green Revolution was introduced, resulting in a great increase in the production of food grains and Punjab was its biggest beneficiary leading to great prosperity in the state—? this is what we've been generally taught. But there’s a darker side to it too.

The Green Revolution was successful initially because of government subsidies and support prices. However, this could not continue indefinitely and with the rising cost of fertilizers and pesticides, small farmers were the worst hit. Also, the increase in productivity could not be sustained because the new varieties created new ecological problems by reducing genetic diversity and affecting soil and water systems.

And whatever gains Punjab earned from the Green Revolution weren’t distributed equally among various sections and regions of the state. This led to the growing numbers of marginalised poor peasants, who could neither reap the benefits of the land nor find employment in the industrial sector because the industries in the state remained underdeveloped. 

River Water Dispute

Punjab had a long grievance against the Central government regarding the distribution of water from the Ravi, Sutlej and Beas rivers. The three rivers flowed through Punjab but through an elaborate canal system water was being diverted to drier areas of Haryana and Rajasthan. In the wake of the Punjab Reorganisation Act of 1966, the Centre decided that Punjab would get only 23% of the water and the rest would go to states like Rajasthan and Haryana. This was felt as unfair and instilled a sense that the Central government is having discriminating tendencies against the Sikhs. 

Such factors added to the deepening sense of alienation and growth of separatist sentiments among the Sikhs. And at this very time, Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale started gaining popularity. His popularity grew especially among the poor farmers of Punjab’s rural areas. These poor people had lost all hope in the political class, who were mainly big landlords, and they felt more connected with Bhindranwale, who was from a small farmer family. They saw in him their leader who could be their voice.

In the late 1970s and early 1980s, he toured across Punjab to spread his teachings. He appeared at a time when leaders were not engaged in the community. He started to hold courts to settle disputes and addressed social grievances. He preached to the young Sikhs, encouraging them to return to the path of the Khalsa, to abstain from drugs and alcohol—? the two main practices which were badly affecting rural society in Punjab. As a social reformer, he denounced practices like the dowry and encouraged the reversal of the Green Revolution. These along with his remarkable ability as a preacher helped him gain enormous popularity. 

The Out-of-Control Genie

Bhindranwale was considered Congress’ masterstroke, however, as his popularity grew he started playing both Congress and Akali Dal against each other. And Congress soon realised that the genie it had unleashed refused to go back in its bottle.

Remember the Anandpur Sahib Resolution?

That resolution got revived in 1981 when Akali Dal and Bhindranwale came together. Akalis because they wanted to grab power from the Congress in Punjab and Bhindranwale because he was interested in the dominance of Sikhs in the state. Together they launched the ‘Dharam Yudh Morcha’.

Bhindranwale started directing his anger against the Centre regarding issues like Chandigarh’s inclusion into Punjab, distribution of river waters, etc. He believed that the Centre only served the interests of the Hindus. So he also started targeting Hindus in Punjab. He used offensive language against Hindus in his speeches.

“He exhorted every Sikh to kill 32 Hindus to solve the Hindu-Sikh problem.”
—?Khushwant Singh, author

He advised the Sikhs to acquire firearms to defend themselves. He also organised ‘killer squads’ in each village to eliminate the “enemies” of Sikhism. Violence in Punjab escalated with attacks on policemen and political figures becoming common. Many Hindus fled their homes due to fears of getting killed. Not only Hindus but Nirankari Sikhs were also being targeted by the followers of Bhindranwale as they were considered “fake Sikhs”. 

Why Hatred against Hindus?

Okay, but from where the Hindus came into the picture? Why did Bhindranwale target the Hindus? And what Hindu-Sikh problem?

The thing is that the very foundation of this separatist movement was that Sikhs have a separate identity and they are different, especially from the Hindus. And whenever the Sikhs of Punjab felt marginalised or discriminated against by the Centre, it was seen as the Hindu Government oppressing the Sikhs (Bharat being a Hindu-majority country).

Another reason was language. Although this should be a separate article in itself, still I’ll explain the thing in short. After the Punjab Reorganisation Act of 1966, Punjabi-speaking Hindus remained in Punjab. But many Hindus in Punjab started resonating more with the rest of the Hindi-speaking Hindu population of Northern Bharat rather than Punjabi-speaking people. Why did that happen? It was because, in the minds of many Hindus, ‘Punjabi Suba’ became “Sikh Suba” as there was a great emphasis on Punjab being the state of the Sikhs. And as Sikhs wished to be seen as separate, the Punjabi Hindus also got concerned about their identity.

Apart from this many Hindu organisations like RSS strongly believed in the idea of Hindi-Hindu-Hindustan. This was promoted aggressively and somehow it played well in Punjab. Lala Jagat Narain, the founder and editor of the Hindi newspaper Punjab Kesari, was a staunch opponent of the Punjabi Suba Movement and especially the Khalistan movement. Narain through his newspaper had urged Hindus in Punjab to disown Punjabi as their mother tongue. He was killed by the supporters of Bhindranwale in 1981 for writing against the Khalistan movement.

All such things played a significant role in encouraging the communal divide between Hindus and Sikhs in Punjab, and further added ghee to the fire of separatism in Punjab. 

Operation Blue Star and its aftermath

Shaken by the scale of violence, President’s Rule was imposed in Punjab in 1983. Bhindranwale and his armed supporters had taken refuge at Akal Takht in the Harmandir Sahib complex (Golden Temple complex). He was being supported and accommodated by the Akali Dal.

After negotiations failed, Indira Gandhi rejected the Anandpur Sahib Resolution and armed forces were called upon to remove Bhindranwale and his supporters from the temple complex. On 1 June 1984, Operation Blue Star was launched and the fight continued for 10 days. At last, Bharatiya forces neutralised Bhindranwale and his supporters and gained control of the temple complex. This attack resulted in huge civilian and military casualties. And not just lives, the structure of the Akal Takht, the highest spiritual and political authority of the Sikhs, suffered heavy damage because of the attack.

The Sikh community all over the world was outraged by this action of the government. They felt that it was an attack on their holiest shrine, on their religion.

In the eyes of a simple Sikh farmer, the soldiers were invaders, and Bhindranwale and his supporters protectors of their religious place.

4 months later on 31 October 1984, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her Sikh bodyguards. This in turn resulted in a violent organised massacre against the Sikhs all over the northern part of the country and especially in Delhi. Independent sources claimed 8,000-17,000 Sikhs were killed across the nation. More than 50,000 Sikhs fled their homes across northern Bharat to take refuge in Punjab which they not only saw as a safe haven but also a place they could call their own.

“Jab bhi koi bada ped girta hai, to dharti thodi hilti hai.
(When a big tree falls, the earth shakes.)”
—then PM Rajiv Gandhi justified the massacre at a public rally.

To our minds, the story ends here. But the real phase of militancy in Punjab started now.

Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale became a martyr in the minds of a large number of Sikhs. Bhindranwale did die but his ideas remained. Attacks by the Khalistani terrorists intensified both in the country and abroad. In 1985, Air India Flight 182 was bombed, killing 329 people. Former Chief of Army Staff, General Arun Shridhar Vaidya who led Operation Blue Star was assassinated in 1986. Punjab CM Beant Singh was assassinated by a suicide bomber in 1995. In March 1986, Khalistani terrorists again occupied the Golden Temple Complex which necessitated another action known as Operation Black Thunder. Several cases of mutinies by Sikh soldiers were also reported.

Due to several military and police actions, the Khalistan movement in the country became extremely weak by the mid-1990s. But it was through sustained political negotiations and peacebuilding policies that the government was able to gain the confidence of the people of Punjab.

Wait. There is no happy ending yet.

Many Khalistani leaders are still operating from foreign countries like the US, UK and Canada. And now it seems that these people got a representative within Bharat, Amritpal Singh Sandhu. 

Amritpal Singh Sandhu

Amritpal is a 29-year-old guy who comes from Jallupur Khera village in the Amritsar district. In 2012 he went to Dubai. His social media shows him often taking up issues concerning Punjab but he never had much traction before 2019 when he came out in support of the farmers’ protest against the now-repealed Farm Laws. He became part of the protests, especially the strand of the movement associated with Deep Sidhu. Amritpal defended Deep Sidhu on social media, especially after the actor was arrested and most political parties and farmer groups shunned him following the 26 January 2021 Red Fort violence where Nishan Sahib was hoisted at the Red Fort.

Deep Sidhu started an organisation called ‘Waris Punjab De’ in September 2021. This organisation was originally floated as “a pressure group to protect and fight for rights of Punjab and raise social issues”. During the launch event in Chandigarh, Sidhu described it as an organisation that would “fight for the rights of Punjab against the Centre and raises voice whenever there will be any attack on the culture, language, social fabric and rights of Punjab”. Sidhu also added that his front would only support the party that talks of Punjab and its rights. Eventually, he supported the radical pro-Khalistan party SAD (Amritsar) of Simranjit Singh Mann and also campaigned for them ahead of the 2022 Punjab Assembly Elections.

After the sudden death of Deep Sidhu in a car crash in February 2022, a letter was published by ‘Waris Punjab De’ on 4 March 2022 declaring Amritpal Singh as the organisation's leader. Amritpal returned to Bharat from Dubai and became a baptised Sikh with long hair tucked into a blue turban, a long flowy beard, a steel bangle on his wrist and a kirpan hanging from his waist, looking very different from his old photos with trimmed hair and beard and no hint of the religious preacher’s look that he puts on now. In September 2022 he took over as the head of ‘Waris Punjab De’ and a ‘dastar bandi’ ceremony was held at Rode, the ancestral village of Bhindranwale. The ceremony was attended by thousands raising pro-Khalistan slogans.

Amritpal started tapping the followers of Deep Sidhu. He moved around Punjab, meeting several Sikh political and religious leaders and seeking their support. He also asked the young Sikhs to join the Khalsa.

Amritpal calls Bhindranwale his “inspiration”. He dresses like Bhindranwale and copies his mannerisms. Similar to Bhindranwale, he also preaches orthodox Sikhism. He has been travelling across the State, promoting ‘Khalsa Vaheer’— a traditional religious procession preaching Sikhism to youth and encouraging them to shun drugs.

He blames the Central government for the issues the Sikh community faces. He says that be it the farm laws, the water crisis in Punjab, the drug menace, migration of people from UP and Bihar into Punjab, arrest of political dissidents, and undermining of the Punjabi language is all part of a "silent genocide" of Sikhs.

Since his ‘dastar bandi’ Amritpal Singh has been calling for violence and urging secession and separatism, openly espousing the cause of Khalistan on all platforms. He also moves around with heavily armed Nihang Sikhs.

Interestingly, many within the pro-Khalistan sphere are a little distrustful of Amritpal Singh. This is mainly because the older guard understands the plot of state agencies and they don't trust new people easily.

But why is he getting so popular? There are two major reasons for that— Economic and Political. 

The economic condition of Punjab

While preparations were going on for the presentation of the National Budget of 2023, noted economists from Punjab urged the country’s Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman to take urgent steps to revive the growth momentum in the Punjab economy, as the State has transitioned over the years from being “debt-stressed” to “debt-trapped”.

In recent times, Punjab’s agricultural growth has been very slow. But Punjab still depends on agriculture which contributes to about a quarter of its GDP. Punjab had seen immense growth in its industrial sector in the past but since the Economic Liberalisation in 1991, the industrial growth has slowed down. According to the Economic Survey of 2021-2022, Punjab ranked among the worst in terms of unemployment.

“The first thing that Punjab had to do was to promote free markets and competition, through which the private sector would grow, offer well-paying jobs. But the politicians themselves became industrialists and marred competition in the state. Investors feared spending in Punjab due to this.”
—?Lakhwinder Singh Gill, ex-professor at Punjabi University’s Khalsa college in Patiala.

The people of Punjab are not interested in doing low-paying industrial jobs, which is why industries rely on migrant workers from UP and Bihar. And due to this, many Punjabis look for employment opportunities in other states or even foreign countries.

However, despite the economy in tears, the state government has been making populist policies by promising freebies and making almost no fundamental changes to the existing structure of economic development.

What has Amritpal done regarding this?

He endorsed the concept—? “Punjab is for the Punjabis” and jobs should be reserved for locals. He is encouraging the Punjabi Sikhs to join him and leave evils like alcohol and drugs, in return he would provide them with jobs and education. 

Political Vacuum in Punjab

The Punjabi society has been suffering from long-standing socio-economic crises like unemployment, drug addiction, and religious and political crises. A section of the society has lost faith in the traditional political parties, like Akalis and Congress, to tackle these issues. And the biggest beneficiary of this vacuum has been AAP which swept to power with a record mandate in the 2022 Punjab Assembly Elections. However, now certain signs show that the people are not too happy even with the Aam Aadmi Party. Then there is a perception of the Bhagwant Mann government being controlled by AAP’s Delhi leadership.

Some loss of faith is visible by the fact that the protesters in the state are maintaining a distance from the political parties. Whether it is the protest against the Farm Laws or any other protest, political parties have not been welcomed anywhere.

“Politics is all about meeting the aspirations of the people. When it does not happen, people find ways to express themselves in one way or another. Amritpal’s rise reflects it.”
— Baljit Balli, senior journalist and Editor of Babushahi.com

Because Punjab is suffering from deep political, social and economic crises, the extremist ideas of Amritpal are gaining some attention when he raises these concerns. Similar things also happened in the 1980s. 

Endnotes

At a time when the country is being branded as a "Hindu Rashtra", there is bound to be a sense of alienation in the other communities, they will feel sidelined. The same is the case when attempts are made for the imposition of Hindi. It creates fear and insecurity among various communities regarding their identity, language, culture, traditions, etc. Yes, Hinduism being the majority religion will reflect in various aspects of life in this country but overtly emphasising that ignoring the diversity of the country, gives way to demands like Khalistan.

What I’m not able to understand is why does the strongman-imaged Modi Government seem to be so casual about Amritpal’s prominence? There have been no overt signs of discomfort at his growing popularity.

“How can a person who lived in Dubai for many years suddenly surface in Punjab and project himself as a leader of the entire Sikh masses, besides interpreting the Sikh history, culture and ethics in his own way?

People can’t be easily swayed by this sentiment since they have seen the past repercussions. Those days are still fresh in the minds of Punjabis, particularly Sikhs and the state’s political class.”
— Manjit Singh, ex-professor of Sociology at Punjab University in Chandigarh.

Yes, it is right that drawing parallels with Bhindranwale may seem like fantasization at this stage, but to deny any similarity would be foolishness.

The writer's views are personal, editorial support the views hence it is published.  

The dictatorial Xi's China is the biggest global jailer of journalists with more than 100 behind bars, according to a press freedom group, as President Xi Jinping’s government tightened control over society.

PRC Xi’s government also was one of the biggest exporters of propaganda content, according to Reporters without Borders.  China ranked second to last on the group’s annual index of press freedom, behind only neighbour North Korea.

The ruling Communist Party has tightened already strict controls on media in China, where all newspapers and broadcasters are state-owned. Websites and social media are required to enforce censorship that bans material that might spread opposition to one-party rule. The model is unique since the West is critical of human rights abuses yet the internal rebellion is far away within the country. 

In a tactical shift of setting up historical perspective right, "Gandhiji's death had magical effect on communal situation in the country", "Gandhi's pursuit of Hindu-Muslim unity provoked Hindu extremists" and "Organisations like RSS were banned for some time" are among the portions missing from the class 12 political science textbook for the new academic session.

The National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT), however, claims that no curriculum trimming has taken place this year and the syllabus was rationalised in June, last year. As part of its "syllabus rationalisation" exercise last year, the NCERT, citing "overlapping" and "irrelevant" as reasons, dropped certain portions from the course including lessons on Gujarat riots, Mughal courts, Emergency, Cold War, Naxalite movement, among others from its textbooks.

A text reading, "Communal Politics began to lose its appeal" in reference to the time after Gandhi's death in 1948 was also removed from the textbook. The rationalisation note had no mention of excerpts about Mahatma Gandhi. "The entire rationalisation exercise was done last year, there is nothing new that has happened this year," NCERT Director Dinesh Saklani said.

A note by NCERT on its website reads, "In view of the COVID-19 pandemic, it was felt imperative to reduce the content load on students. The National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 also emphasises reducing the content load and providing opportunities for experiential learning with a creative mindset. In this background, the NCERT had undertaken the exercise to rationalise the textbooks across all classes and all subjects".

"The present edition is a reformatted version after carrying out the changes. The present textbooks are rationalised textbooks. These were rationalised for the session 2022-23 and will continue in 2023-24," it adds.

Among the reasons cited behind the choice of dropped subjects during rationalisation are – content based on genres of literature in the textbooks and supplementary readers at different stages of school education; for reducing the curriculum load and exam stress in view of the prevailing condition of the pandemic; content.

Subjects easily accessible to students without much interventions from teachers and can be learned by children through self-learning or peer learning and content that is "irrelevant" in the present context were also dropped from the curriculum.

An official from the education ministry, who did not wish to be identified, said the new curriculum framework as per the NEP is still being worked out and the new textbooks as per the updated curriculum will only be introduced from the 2024 academic session.