Technology-based tools can change the narrative for farmers and protect the environment and consumers from an overdose of chemical fertilizers
The Indo-Gangetic Plain (IGP) is a 2.5-million sq km fertile plain that is the backbone of Indian agriculture. It has greatly contributed to the country’s food security and the green revolution. However, the pressure of the increasing population and uneven natural phenomenon like unseasonal hailstorms, failing rains, cyclones, droughts and so on, have adversely affected yield. These conditions have long required a sustainable solution so that the Indian agriculture sector can fight climate change on the one hand and maintain a respectable agricultural yield to meet the burgeoning demand of food grains on the other.
In these trying conditions, a study has established that the use of field-specific fertiliser in the IGP can not only increase grain yield and increase farm income but also significantly reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and farming costs when compared with traditional farmer fertilisation practices (FFP). The study, executed by an international team of scientists led by the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre, compared 1,594 farms across Haryana, Punjab and Bihar and published the findings in the ‘Nature Scientific Report 2021’. The management of nutrient input and balanced fertiliser use has emerged as the key mitigation option in agriculture that can pave the way for enhanced produce that does not come at the cost of the environment.
The study was conducted on two farms, wherein the fertiliser input was decided by the digital nutrient tool — Nutrient Expert (NE) — in one farm while the FFP was the determinant in the other. The application rates of nitrogen, phosphorous and potash were studied in each comparison trial in the rice and wheat fields under the NE and FFP. The NE is not a new concept and was developed in 2013 by the International Plant Nutrition Institute and the International Institute of Tropical Agriculture and provided nutrient recommendations for individual farmer fields in the absence of any soil health data.
Its usage has reduced farm nitrogen input by 15-35 per cent and also increased grain yield by four to eight per cent, besides reducing global warming. The study further established that more than 80 per cent of the participating farmers reported a rise in crop yield and farm income and a perceptible fall in agricultural expenses.
The study reported an actual increase in rice and wheat production by 13.92 million tonnes and 1.44 million tonnes respectively with less fertiliser use.
It also revealed a critical aspect pertaining to the quantum of nitrogen used in rice crops. As per the study, nitrogen input can be controlled considerably as compared to the traditional farming practices. Besides this, the study has also helped underline the fact that the excess and improper use of nutrients in crop production has many adverse implications on the environment, food security as well as on the farmers’ livelihood. The findings confirmed that a measured and balanced nutrient use is critical in safeguarding the environment. In the backdrop of this pathbreaking report, the Government can make a huge and considerable difference in the lives and financial well-being of the growers.
The digital tool can be used to rapidly map various geographical locations and accordingly evolve templates that determine the optimum balance of nutrients and fertilisers keeping the soil type, water availability and weather in mind. These templates can help drastically improve farm yields and reduce expenses by the farmers, especially those who are dependent on the Minimum Support Price guaranteed by the Government. This initiative can be scaled up by enlisting the active participation of the growers and sensitising the community and creating awareness for the well-being of the environment.
The polluted soils and groundwater table of farmlands of Punjab are a testament of the dangers of indiscriminate use of fertilisers to increase the yield. In the long run, the farmers have suffered as the chemical-laced lands have caused dreaded diseases such as cancer.
Advanced technology-based tools can change the narrative for farmers and protect them, the environment and the consumers of the farm produce from an overdose of chemical fertilisers.
The writer is an environmental journalist. The views expressed are personal.
India's first forest healing centre aims at letting people experience nature with all their senses
The country’s first forest healing centre was inaugurated recently at Kalika in Ranikhet, Uttarakhand. The forest healing centre, spread over 13 acres, has been developed by the research wing of the Uttarakhand Forest Department after a comprehensive study on the healing properties of forests and their revitalising impact on the overall health and well-being of people. Though it’s a step in the right direction, it is a sad reflection on humanity when we have to be taught how to commune with nature for our well-being. That we have forgotten how to feel the soil under our feet, smell the earth after the first rain, idly gaze at a spider spinning its web or at a star-filled sky or watch the canopy of trees swaying above us in awe, reveals that we live a poor life indeed, bereft of nature’s bounty. Given our tenuous link with Mother Nature and obsession with a fast-paced materialistic life, this loss of touch with our inner self and realisation about what really matters, was bound to happen. It is no wonder then that even as we touch new heights in medical science, an increasing amount of people are falling prey to lifestyle diseases, stress and mental health issues.
According to the World Health Organisation (WHO), close to one billion people are living with a mental disorder and one person dies every 40 seconds by suicide. Closer home, the WHO estimates that about 7.5 per cent of Indians suffer from some form of mental disorder, with 56 million suffering from depression and another 38 million from anxiety disorders. And now, COVID-19 has had further impact on mental health. However, every dark cloud has a silver lining and the pandemic, despite its crippling socio-economic impact, has taught us that we need to respect nature, live in harmony with it and that our mental and emotional well-being is as important as physical health. Consequently, we are going back to the basics with India’s first forest healing centre that draws inspiration from the Japanese technique of forest bathing (shinrin-yoku) and ancient Indian traditions. It will involve activities like tree-hugging, meditation and sky gazing. Trained guides will help people engage in activities that help them experience nature with all their senses and relax as the therapy reduces cortisol, a stress hormone. Research shows that forest bathing has a positive impact on blood pressure and blood sugar levels. That all this communing with nature will generate employment in Uttarakhand is a bonus.
After the spurt in COVID cases, several States are mulling partial lockdown. But is our laxity pardonable?
It is the fear of punishment and not respect for the law that makes most of us abide by the rules. Further, the “Chalta hai” (it’s okay) mindset towards a problem only aggravates the situation. Even the COVID-19 pandemic that halted the world in its tracks and took a toll on millions — physically, mentally, emotionally, financially and socially — has failed to dull our insouciance. However, when our ignorance and lackadaisical approach are no longer safe for society at large, the Government is left with no option but to intervene. The recent surge in COVID-19 cases has led to partial lockdown and restrictions in several States. We deserve these curbs which seem to be the best possible response to the fresh outbreak in the current situation. Umpteen requests made by the Prime Minister, health experts and celebrities to maintain “Do gaj ki doori” (a distance of two yards) and “mask hai zaroori” (wearing a face mask is must) have literally fallen on deaf ears as many citizens can be seen socialising in close proximity while travelling in Metros, local trains, buses, e-rickshaws and other public transport. Many others wear their face masks loosely, only covering their mouth but not the nose. Yet others don’t even cover their mouth and let the mask hang over their chin, pulling it up on seeing a policeman or civil volunteer to avoid paying the fine. We must keep in mind that wearing masks improperly defeats the very purpose of wearing them at all.
When the Mumbai locals were thrown open to all categories of commuters, people thronged the platforms and social distancing went for a toss. Similarly, the situation in Delhi is no better as despite restrictions and limited seating arrangements in Metro trains, there are violations galore. Seeing people jostle with one another on the stations, one is reminded of the pre-COVID days. One may argue that it’s the job of the authorities to control the crowds or restrict entry; however, they alone are not to be blamed. It is our despicable mindset of “Kuchh nahi hota” (nothing will happen) and “Sab chalta hai” (everything is okay) that should be held accountable for making us all vulnerable to the virus. With its indigenous vaccines, India certainly enjoys an edge in the war against COVID, and by undertaking the world’s largest vaccination drive we have proved our capabilities, but the jabs are no panacea. Besides, with the virus mutating into new perilous strains, it is certainly not a one-shot solution. The world has already learnt lessons from how the outbreak’s second wave has wreaked havoc. With our burgeoning population, we are certainly not ready for any such unfortunate situation. The Centre has already rushed high-level public health teams to Maharashtra and Punjab, among the worst hit in the second wave, to assist in COVID-19 control and containment measures. Lockdown has been re-imposed in 16 hot spots in Thane district and the Maharashtra Government is mulling the possibility of night curfew or partial lockdown in Mumbai. The Government will do whatever it takes to fight the contagion but we must stick by the mantra “Davaai bhi, kadaai bhi” (Yes to medicine and yes to caution).
What did Prince Harry Windsor and Meghan Markle’s interview to Oprah Winfrey teach us?
Let us make no bones about it; the interview that Prince Harry Windsor and Meghan Markle, the now effectively excommunicated members of the British Royal Family, gave American television personality Oprah Winfrey was a way for them to remain in the limelight. It shone brightly at them and it also reminded many of us who either watched the entire interview or even snatches of it on social media that Miss Winfrey remains a master at herf art. It is extremely difficult to feel sorry for the Duke and Duchess of Sussex. They are, and remain, extremely wealthy and privileged individuals, one by virtue of his birth and the other through the Hollywood hype machine. This interview is just a precursor to an upcoming series on streaming platform Netflix, which ironically also broadcasts a very lightly fictionalised story of Harry’s grandmother’s life, ‘The Crown’. But it was difficult to not feel sorry when Meghan and Harry spoke about the racism that they faced when the potential skin tone of their then unborn child, a son now known as Archie, was brought up. Neither of them mentioned who it was that spoke to them about this, whether it was a family member or a member of the royal household bureaucracy, but this again highlights that even an evolved family or institution can remain horribly rooted in a racist past.
The British Royal Family might reign over a realm that is uniquely multi-racial and multi-ethnic, but racist undertones still exist in Britain. Of course, this is not a problem unique to the country as the ‘Black Lives Matter’ that followed the brutal murders of black individuals by white members of the American police force highlighted that even eight years of having a black President hadn’t changed the racist mindsets of many Americans. And while racist undertones in India seem to be more subdued, make no mistake because they do exist. The attitude of the average Indian to African students or even those from the North-East is downright racist and, worse, casteism is still widespread. Many of us might have evolved with regards to our views on matters such as race and caste, but the institutionalisation of those views over centuries will take much longer to eradicate, not just in the British Royal Family but across the world.
It is not only participation in higher education that will provide a broad solution but skills training relevant to the market demand is also necessary
Every year on International Women’s Day the world celebrates the achievements of women in social, economic, cultural and political spheres. Not many are aware that this special day for women began as a labour movement in 1908, when 15,000 women marched through New York City demanding shorter working hours, better pay and the right to vote. March 8 was taken up as the official International Women’s Day in 1975 by the United Nations. This year’s theme was centred around celebrating the tremendous efforts of women/girls in shaping a more equal future and also in aiding recovery from the pandemic. However, it is imperative to highlight the gaps that remain and the way forward to address them successfully.
Gender inequality in the labour market, particularly in the context of developing nations, is one area of concern that still poses a great challenge, particularly in a country like India. Historically, women have been denied many opportunities due to deep-rooted biases in the social system. These eventually lead to labour market inequality as such discrimination is not limited to the domestic arena only but extends beyond the household. The underlying factors that cause such discrimination in India are the sex ratio at birth, life expectancy at birth, the infant mortality rate, the under-five mortality rate, the maternal mortality rate, nutritional deprivation, inequality in literacy rates and the gender gap at the highest level of political decision-making. These inequalities have direct implications for labour market outcomes in terms of women’s participation in economic activities. Even with similar educational attainments and skill sets as men, women are denied opportunities, which leads to significant differences in status of work, income and occupations. Despite the introduction of many affirmative policy actions, such exclusionary approaches remain.
Inequality in the labour market: While some studies have noted an improvement in employment conditions for women, with rising salaries and more participation in quality or decent jobs, other studies have highlighted jobless growth and declining participation in the labour market in the past decades. The pandemic severely hit economic activities of those who were at the lower rung of the occupation hierarchy, particularly women working in the informal economy. They were out of jobs for a significant period of the outbreak and those who managed to hold on to one had to face wage cuts. This has further precipitated the vulnerability of women.
Employment and education/skill level: Globalisation has led to an increase in women’s participation in the labour market in India. But there is still a huge gender gap, with only 18 per cent of women employed as compared to 47 per cent men. It is often argued that women are engaged in mostly low-skilled, low-paid work under precarious work conditions. Education and skill level play a key role in access to the labour market and in the quality of work one gets.
Almost half of the working women (42 per cent) are illiterate compared to 19 per cent men, and around 77 per cent are educated up to the upper primary level as compared to 62 per cent men. There is a significant difference between the higher education level of working women and men, i.e. 23 per cent of women as compared to 38 per cent of men are educated above the secondary level.
Job quality and occupations: More than half of working women (53 per cent) are engaged in self-employment, whereas one-fourth take up some form of casual work (25 per cent) and only 22 per cent are in regular salaried jobs. The share of men engaged in regular work (24 per cent) is relatively higher, while their share in casual employment (24 per cent) is slightly lower. Further, differences are also observed in terms of occupational segregation in the labour market i.e. the difference in the share of men versus women within an occupation. Such segmentation is widespread within occupational groups.
The occupational distribution by gender shows that women (28 per cent) are relatively more involved than men (22 per cent) in low-paid and unskilled jobs, such as elementary occupations (domestic helpers, cleaners, street vendors and garbage collectors), services (personal care, housekeeping and salespersons) and as office and customer service clerks. Women (10 per cent) are also under-represented in high-skill and well paid jobs, such as those of professionals, technicians and associate professionals, as compared to men (13 per cent). Additionally, the percentage of women (92 per cent) engaged in informal employment in the country is higher than men (88 per cent).
Unemployment, NEET and inactive people: The overall unemployment level among women (five per cent) is less than their male (six per cent) counterparts. The unemployment rate among young (15-29 years) women is not only significantly high (18 per cent) but also greater than men (17 per cent). The trend also shows a sizable increase in youth who are not in employment, education and training (NEET), among whom a large proportion is that of women. More than half of young women (55 per cent) are in the NEET category with only 13 per cent of young men featuring in it. Additionally, 84 per cent of young women are inactive as compared to 41 per cent of men. The inactive youth include those who face employment difficulties and may drop out of the labour force when jobs are hard to find, whether for study, leisure, illicit activities or due to inertia. Women face many social and economic hurdles which limit their participation in the labour market and this may lead to labour market inactivity.
Factors aiding inequality: There are many factors that contribute to labour market inequality. Mehta and Awasthi (2019) analysed various factors through an econometric decomposition exercise. Their study revealed four important factors: Educational qualification or skill level is one of the most important factors contributing to inequality, as individuals with high education or skill level can access better jobs or have higher chances of getting a decent job; access to a decent quality job or a regular formal salaried job, which provides better and secure income, while casual work is irregular and low paid; gender, as various socio-economic conditions and other restrictions cause women to have a lower labour force participation rate and lastly work experience, as people with experience are more likely to get better access to the labour market.There are other factors such as social groups, income level or poverty and rural and urban location which play a key role in gender inequality in the labour market.
The way forward: Rising inequality in the labour market is a reality, with the differences between the male and female population growing wider. Though, over the years, female presence in regular or high-skilled and better-paid jobs has improved but still a large number of them are engaged in low-paid and unskilled jobs. In recent years, the growing enrollment of young women in secondary and tertiary-level education has resulted in them being better-skilled employees and their proliferation in decent employment. This trend is seen particularly in the services sector, especially in financial services and information technology. Hence, apart from a gender-friendly environment, it is necessary to make education up to the secondary level universal and free.
However, the growing number of women in the NEET category and the higher unemployment level among educated or skilled women is negating the advances made through such measures. Therefore, it is not only participation in higher education that will provide a comprehensive solution but skills training relevant to the market demand is also necessary.
The writer is senior faculty at Institute for Human Development, New Delhi. The views expressed are personal.
Is Tikait using the farmers’ agitation to carve a place for himself in the Assembly or LS polls?
Riding the crest of farmers’ protests, Bharatiya Kisan Union (BKU) leader Rakesh Tikait is putting in his best efforts to find a firm ground for his political future, if his latest utterances are anything to go by. By saying that the “Government has gone to Kolkata and we will meet it there only”, he has made it clear that he will continue raking the farm laws issue to the BJP’s discomfiture wherever and whenever an opportunity presents itself. This might irk the BJP a bit but it’s certainly no reason for worry as Tikait most likely will not find any resonance in the West Bengal elections unless he gets to share the platform with the State’s big guns or openly sides with the TMC or the Congress against the saffron party. Tikait is up in arms against the Centre and the BJP; however, many a time what is seen on the surface is nothing more than eyewash, especially in politics. An overambitious leader who has had no political career might be used as a “safety valve” by the Centre to defuse the farmers’ anger. The nation witnessed how the Centre, despite all its might, failed to prevent the farmers from storming the Red Fort on the Republic Day. It was only after this incident that the protest’s focus shifted from Punjab’s growers to the cultivators of western Uttar Pradesh (UP) and Haryana, and Tikait acquired the centre stage while the more belligerent farm leaders from Punjab were gradually sidelined. Tikait then went through a gamut of manoeuvres including breaking down during a speech, threatening to hang himself if the farm laws weren’t repealed and of marching to Parliament with 40 lakh tractors, besides making many other inciting comments to keep the protest alive.
The political stint of Tikait — the son of legendary farmer leader Mahendra Singh Tikait who held sway over Jat farmers in western UP and founded the BKU and the Bahujan Kisan Dal — has been rather unsuccessful. He ended up at the sixth spot in the 2007 UP Assembly elections (though he was backed by the Congress) and lost his deposit in the 2014 Lok Sabha polls when he fought on the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) ticket from Amroha. Tikait is basically consolidating his position among Jat voters, the community he banks upon, in western UP. He is probably eyeing the 2022 UP Assembly or the next Lok Sabha elections. However, the jury is still out on whether he will float his own party or contest on another party’s symbol. If he forms his own party, it would be a severe setback to the RLD and the Congress who also count on Jat votes. The BJP naturally would have an advantage as the votes against it would split. On the other hand, seat-sharing may not be easy if he decides to join hands with the RLD or the Congress as the traditional parties will not like him to be in the driver’s seat. As of now, Tikait would like to use the farmers’ protest to get a leg up in his political career. However, the NDA Government’s “pro-corporate” and “anti-farmer” image is unlikely to help the BJP but its strategists would know what it means to win the Hindi heartland.
As the farmers’ protest against farm laws enters the summer season, they brave high temperatures and the paucity of basic necessities
As an orange sun hung over the Tikri border; Rakesh Tikait along with other leaders was addressing the gathering of farmers on the 99th evening of the farmers’ revolution. To mark the 100th day, plans were to be made. Farmers were preparing to block the National Highway into Delhi for five hours; a task they did well and peacefully. Tikait gave a call again to farmers around the nation “to be prepared for the harvest” and to bolster the revolution simultaneously. Speeches ended and a selfie frenzy began. The young, the old, the media and the police, all wanted to be in this moment as it was special in the history of the world. Winter, spring and now summer, yet the farmers’ revolution lives on.
But far from the maddening crowds, the revolution had got a new friend. Against public advice, he kept ramming into the yellow police barricades, trying to enter Delhi. I caught him red-handed. Shyly, he ducked and began to look at the carrot shavings. His mind was yet to understand why humans used barricades. The suspect was big, blackish and middle aged. His curved big black horns made him stand out; he was an Indian humped bull.
The advances in farm machinery and artificial insemination have made the indigenous bull redundant. Most farmers sell off the male calves at birth and the remaining ones roam the streets of cities and townships scavenging on garbage. The more lucky ones are sold to slaughterhouses to meet death quickly. There is also a special class of bulls that is part of the artificial insemination industry; they are bred and dishonoured by sophisticated instruments, robbing them of their spermatozoa. Today the Indian bull, far from being Shiv’s ‘Nandi’, is a pariah and first victim of industrial agriculture. With less than one per cent bulls working the farms, India flaunts a large dairy and cattle-rearing sector. The Indian species are so intermixed with foreign breeds, mainly Jersey and Holstein, that it’s hard to tell what is indigenous anymore. Many farmers fear that the story of the Indian bull will be their story, too, if the three farm laws and a neo-company raj enter India. Only with minimal farmers and maximum fossil fuel-based machines will the fields be cultivated.
The more immediate challenge to the revolution is, of course, the increasing heat — political and physical. Temperature variations have already started affecting people’s health. With hotter days ahead, the entire encampments are modifying their tents. Many farmers are now constructing high bamboo-and-canvas tents for better air circulation. The supply of drinking water and perishable items like milk is becoming slightly problematic. Food wastage may also increase due to insufficient refrigeration facility. Farmers have mobilised another round of fundraising for installing reverse osmosis (RO) plants within the encampments at Tikri border because the groundwater is highly contaminated with industrial effluents.
The Ghazipur border is also going for a summer makeover. Much of the encampment at this border is on the Asian Highway2 (AH2). Surrounding it are Ghazipur’s garbage mountain, posh apartments and an open sewage canal that flows underneath it. The summer will bring mosquitoes and diseases. Both the sites will have to be prepared to combat vector and water-borne diseases. As these fears grow, a farmer from Jind died by suicide at the Tikri border. An avoidable death!
The farmers’ revolution has transformed from an agrarian movement into a united opposition to the totalitarian Government. The BJP has suffered electorally in Punjab and Haryana and a strict boycott of the BJP and its leaders is in place in these States. While all eyes are on Bengal, the farmer leaders are expanding their base to the States of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh. The morale on the ground at the revolution sites has never been higher. Because the encampments have become a breeding ground for hope, camaraderie is the only cure for hate. Many of these farmers have stepped out of their region for the first time, yet they quickly learnt to work and endure suffering together. The movement is more disciplined than earlier and the farmers are ready to continue resisting.
Penance has been the path to spiritual awakening — Jesus on the cross or Buddha starving under the Bodhi tree — and the farmers are also suffering for the sins of our world. A bullet may bring them death as a slaughter may begin any day but they hope their deaths will not be in vain and shall wake up a sleeping world. It will bring together farmers and citizens all over the world to rise against this evil. Despite the odds, the farmers are hopeful.
Our world and democracy is at a dangerous crossroads — Earth and millions of farmers on one side and Big Ag and corporate tyranny on the other. If Indian farmers win, democracy of the world lives; otherwise, Aldous Huxley’s ‘Brave New World’ awaits us all.
(The author writes on agriculture and environment, and is the Director — Green India. The views expressed are personal.)
A young woman’s recent suicide in Ahmedabad must jolt our conscience and nudge us to correct course
We are living in the 21st century but it seems, for a majority of women in India, we are still living in ancient times when a woman’s worth was quantified by the amount of dowry she brought along at the time of marriage. What else can explain the shameful fact that when women are going into space, working as scientists and leading countries and global bodies, young women in our country are forced to end their lives because they are unable to bear the harassment meted out by their husbands and in-laws over “inadequate” dowry? The latest in the long line of victims of a despicable and archaic system, which was abolished and criminalised in India in 1961, is a 23-year-old woman from Gujarat who ended her life by jumping into Ahmedabad’s Sabarmati river. Before dying, she shot a video and made an impassioned plea to all Muslims for ending the dowry system as “it is illegitimate and forbidden”. Though the woman’s husband was arrested for abetting her suicide, and many prominent leaders from the community have condemned those who take dowry and asked people to end this social evil, it will not bring the woman back.
Dowry is a blot on our society and country where we worship goddesses and women are considered the incarnation of Lakshmi and Durga. It is a shame that in a nation whose Prime Minister has given a clarion call for “Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao”, our daughters are either killed or forced to commit suicide over dowry. The National Crime Records Bureau’s 2017 report is an indication of the gravity of the situation as India recorded nearly 7,000 dowry-linked deaths. Also, dowry deaths rose from 19 per day in 2001 to 21 per day in 2016. As usual, the fingers will point towards weak law enforcement and non-implementation of laws, but the fact remains that the laws are adequate to end this malaise. The Supreme Court recently made it abundantly clear that it will not tolerate harassment of women for dowry. It is we, the people, who have to change. Parents must educate their daughters and stop seeing them as a burden. If you have a self-reliant daughter with good education and a job, you don’t have to pay someone for her upkeep. Women, too, should refuse to marry men who seek dowry. It is only when the parents and women grow a spine that this evil practice will end. Don’t expect anyone else to come and help you. This Women’s Day, do take a pledge to help yourself.
Will Mamata’s decision to contest Nandigram backfire or bring her back to power?
Electoral politics is a tricky game and, for political parties that are practically a one-person show, it’s especially important for the supremo to choose to contest from such an Assembly seat that it sends a strong message among the masses that the leader is attached to the grassroots and doesn’t hesitate to take the rivals head on. This has a psychological impact on the voters, not only in the particular constituency the leader contests from but across the State, which helps consolidate the vote bank in that party’s favour. TMC chief Mamata Banerjee seems to have hit the right note by deciding to contest from Nandigram, the seat held by her one-time confidant Suvendu Adhikari who dumped the TMC to join the BJP in December. By doing so, Mamata — who is beleaguered by a spate of defections from the TMC in the five months preceding the Assembly elections — has taken the fight to the BJP’s camp and tried to project a pro-poor image by returning to her political roots. The Trinamool’s sweep of Nandigram in 2007 is one of the key factors that paved the way for her political resurrection and catapulted her to power in 2011. Adhikari, who wields considerable influence in the constituency, had thrown down the gauntlet to Mamata to contest from the seat. Now, Mamata seems to have accepted the challenge and asserted that “this is a smiley election”. It might appear to be a case of simple political enmity but there is no denying that it has deeper political connotations.
With almost 40 per cent Muslim voters and a sizeable number of Dalits in the constituency, Mamata might be confident of her win and Adhikari, after all, may not have very bright prospects of defeating her but the contest here will certainly be demanding on her in terms of time, energy and attention to other seats; in other words, a victory in Nandigram might cost Mamata a few other constituencies. At a time when Didi is already licking the wounds inflicted by scores of defectors, her special focus on Nandigram might cost the Trinamool dear in West Bengal. Undoubtedly, Adhikari — who was the architect of the ouster of the Left from Nandigram in 2007 — is the BJP’s biggest acquisition but the saffron party’s real objective is to oust the TMC from power and not just win the battle of prestige. So, from this viewpoint, Mamata’s decision to contest from the constituency might actually serve the BJP which has already launched its “Mission 200+”. Moreover, Mamata’s dropping out of Kolkata’s Bhowanipore seat, which she represented for two terms and where her party trailed in the 2019 general elections by a few thousand votes, has given the saffron party ammunition to mock her by saying that it shows her nervousness. Whether it is Didi’s apprehensiveness or a bold, calculated move, or the BJP’s ploy to make Mamata channelise all her energy and focus on to Nandigram, thus making her a spent force elsewhere, is the moot question which only voters will answer. For now, with the recent turn of events, West Bengal has become a hot spot of politics with the parties doing all that they can to win the elections.
The ‘One Rank One Pension’ imbroglio is tormenting our Defence personnel and veterans, who continue to lose hope each passing day
One issue that distinguishes the Narendra Modi Government from its earlier iterations is the manner in which it has used the military, quite successfully at that, to portray an apparently muscular foreign policy, not least for the domestic audience. This has allowed it to reap rich dividends at the hustings. Yet ironically, apart from praising the military in public, Modi has done little for them on the ground, displaying little concern for the morale or well-being of its personnel.
Take the issue of welfare of our servicemen. The Government has reduced Canteen facilities, is intent on opening up and monetising Cantonment lands, adding to the insecurity of families of servicemen separated over long periods due to their spouses being deployed either operationally or on training. In addition, he has refused to authorise the Non-Functional Financial Upgrade (NFFU), which is authorised to other Central Government services, including the Central Armed Police Forces, thereby lowering their status and emoluments in comparison to the other services. The plain fact is that the grant of NFFU to bureaucrats allows them to get OROP, through the back door as it were, because nearly all of them now retire in the Apex Grade.
All these little pinpricks rankle and more so this Government’s unwillingness to implement OROP in letter and spirit as envisaged by the Parliamentary Committee headed by veteran BJP MP Bhagat Singh Koshyari: A definition that had been accepted by both Houses of Parliament and the then UPA Government in power. What is particularly galling is that Modi used this very issue to galvanise the serving and veteran community during the 2014 general elections.
His sanctioning of a distorted version of what had been promised earlier forced the veterans to launch peaceful protests on June 14, 2015, which continue to this day. The fact that the Government has done nothing to resolve matters, and instead resorted to issuing misleading statements and even violence against them, is undoubtedly a precursor as to how this Government will handle the farmers’ protest in the long run.
At the end of the day, the issue is very simple. All that the veterans demand is a chance to live out their retirement with dignity, feasible only if their pensions are protected from rising inflation as the majority retires relatively young; that this Government is unwilling to do so reeks of hypocrisy.
For example, even while this Government opposes OROP for its military veterans, it lost little time in ensuring that all Members of Parliament receive pensions calculated in much the same manner that military veterans have been demanding. In 2018, it amended Clause 8A of ‘The Salary Allowances and Pension of Members Act, 1954’, to provide for an increase in the authorised pension every five years on the basis of the Cost Inflation Index, which clearly links pensions for all former members to what is received by the incumbent.
This unfair treatment, especially the Government’s refusal to put in public domain the Justice Reddy Committee (to look into anomalies in OROP) Report, submitted in October 2016, forced the military veterans to approach the Supreme Court. Over four years later, the case has made tardy progress mainly due to the Government’s efforts to delay.
By not taking cognisance of this issue, the Bench has not been kind to the veterans, who continue to suffer and lose hope as each day passes. What is worse, the Justices hearing the case, now in the final arguments stage, have repeatedly postponed the hearing on the grounds they have not had the requisite time to study and understand the case in detail. The next hearing is in a few days and one hopes the Bench will actually hear the case and not kick it down the road.
Oddly enough for the vast majority of us, not particularly conversant with the intricacies of the judicial process, this hearing in itself appears to be completely superfluous. This is because the Supreme Court had on September 9, 2008, in its judgment in the case of Union of India and Maj Gen SPS Vains and Others, ruled: “No Defence personnel senior in rank can get lesser pension than his junior irrespective of the date of retirement and similarly placed officers of the same rank are to be given the same pension irrespective of the date of retirement.” These are directions that the Defence Ministry has yet to fully implement and which in no uncertain terms accede to what the veterans have been demanding.
Interestingly enough in 2014, when the Supreme Court was passing directions to the Government to correct the anomalies in the pensions of High Court Justices, then Chief Justice of India P Sathasivam directed that “one rank one pension must be the norm in respect of a constitutional office”, a benefit which Justices of the Supreme Court already enjoyed.
Finally, can it really be the case that in a democracy like ours, the constitutional authorities do not see themselves as mere public servants and believe themselves to be superior to other Government servants and ordinary citizens?
(The writer is a military veteran, who is a consultant with the Observer Research Foundation and Senior Visiting Fellow with The Peninsula Foundation, Chennai. The views expressed are personal.)
The failure of the UN-led efforts to bring the warring parties to the negotiation table last month in Geneva has once again brought war clouds over Syria. Only with the collective efforts of the US, Russia, Iran and Turkey, peace can be brought to war-torn Syria. Also it demands a new approach with a purely humanitarian concern
The Syrian Civil War started as a non-violent uprising in the middle of March 2011. Today it is a full-fledged war which involves several nations and world’s prominent jehadi outfits such as Islamic State (ISIS), al-Qaeda and splinter groups of these two mainstream groups. However, the Baathist Syrian Arab Republic headed by President Bashar al-Assad has survived a decade in power despite military challenges from all corners of the country.
Estimates emerging from various human rights agencies and independent media reports say that by end of December last year, the death toll in the war was between 3,87,000 and 5,93,000. The UN reports that more than 5.6 million have already fled the country and over 6 million have been internally displaced so far.
Although many complex events pushed the Syrians into this war, one that stands out is the historic Arab Spring, started in the early months of 2011. This 21st century movement mainly inspired by digital platforms across North Africa through the West Asia finally triggered the uprising in Syria. But then quickly, the Arab Spring had turned into mass gathering in the form of non-violent protests against the authoritarian and family-ruled regimes in all these countries.
In Syria, in the month of March, 15 schoolchildren were arrested and tortured for writing graffiti which was rightly inspired by the Arab Spring. One of the boys was killed as well. The arrest of these schoolchildren sparked outrage across Syria. Soon after, people came out on the road and demanded the release of all the children and raised slogans for basic freedoms for all in the country. The Assad regime responded by killing many protesters and this led to the demand for his resignation by the demonstrators. Subsequently, the clashes broke out between the masses and the supporters of the Government. This gradually spiralled into the full-blown war, what the whole world is witnessing today, involving terror groups of various nations of the world. But at its heart, the conflict highlights the tragic Shia-Sunni divide among the Muslims in the entire region.
The failure of the UN-led efforts to bring the warring parties to the negotiation table last month in Geneva has once again brought war clouds over this West Asian nation. The United Nations should take the lead and restart the Geneva process. So far, the UN strategies have broadly failed for Syria. If it moves in the same direction, can it be so that the organisation is complicit in the crimes committed by the Assad regime?
Now, what America is doing to bring peace to Syria is that it is back again. The latest American strike in Syria has signalled President Joe Biden’s new war game in West Asia.
The so-called messenger of peace and reunion of America badly divided by former President Donald Trump, Biden is now targeting Iran-backed militias in Syria. His administration is justifying the attack as the missile sallies are directed towards rebels that are propping up the Assad regime. The US Air Forces dropped 500-hundred-pound joint direct attack munitions at a crossing used by Iranian backed groups reportedly killing 17. The particular groups hit by the limited US strike are Kataib Hezbollah and Kataib Syyaid al-Shuhada. Meanwhile, Deniss Ross, a former Senior US official and West Asian expert, says the attack was designed to show that there would be a military response if US forces were targeted, or the militias continued to strike. The Assad administration was quick to remind Biden that the American attacks were a cowardly act and urged Biden not to follow the law of the jungle.
The country’s Foreign Ministry condemned the attack on areas in Deir al-Zor, near the Syrian-Iraqi border. The statement released by the Ministry highlighted that Biden Administration is supposed to stick to international legitimacy, not to the law of the jungle as did by the previous administration.
It’s really ironic that Biden and Harris, the duo is repeating what once Trump simply did. When Trump ordered a strike on Iran in 2019, Biden sharply reacted and tried to offer a sermon to him: “Trump’s erratic, impulsive actions are the last things we need as Commander-in-Chief. No President should order a military strike without fully understanding the consequences. We do not need another war in the Middle East, but Trump’s actions toward Iran only make that likely.”
And what Biden is doing now? He knows very well how an American President responds to the crisis zones in the “Middle East”. Precisely, nothing has changed in Washington, except the man giving orders. What Obama did, Trump followed and now Biden is taking it forward. America clearly has no strategy for the West Asia and North African (WANA) region. Its policy towards the region is outdated and dangerous. It’s meddling carelessly with Iraq, Iran and Syria. Washington has no coherent policy to deal with Tehran, Damascus and Baghdad. So obviously, finding out a solution for the Syrian war demands a new approach with a purely humanitarian concern.
Only with the collective efforts of the US, Russia, Iran and Turkey, peace can be brought to war-torn Syria. Biden’s engagement with Putin, Erdogan, Rouhani and Kadhimi (Iraq) would matter the most in bringing a permanent solution to the chaos in Syria. That is why the stability in West Asia demands more than a deal with Iran from Washington. The experts and policy practitioners opine that regional issues in this part of Asia could no way be comprehensively addressed.
They all agree that Iran would no way concede its sustained support for regional proxies and halt its ballistic missile programme in the near future. It is widely felt that isolating Iran was purely counterproductive. So to address, Tehran’s troublesome behaviour in the region, it is better to handle each regional conflict through separate and parallel platforms at the same time.
Why is Moscow equally concerned about the chaos in Syria? It is not only to save the embattled Assad regime, an old ally of Russia, but also to stave off the growth of the Islamic terror in Russia. Hence, the Syrian conflict is not just a faraway battle for Putin regime. The life-time monarch is longing for stability at any cost. He knows fully well that the jehadists may get enough ground for their subversive models in his vast country. Of course, this might alter Putin’s long-term strategies to keep the opposition and western pressure at bay. His regime is not best equipped to counter the ISIS, the way it is raging its ugly head in the WANA region. Russia’s relationship with Syria dates back to 1950s and the Cold War. In those days, the USSR used to train the top brass of the Syrian military.
What lies ahead in Syria? By 2020, the Syrian civilians faced another year confronting life-threatening challenges. It is all about their survival as all of them are fighting for basic amenities such as food and medicines.
However, the last year saw the discernible decrease in violent conflicts across the country. But this does not mean that warring groups are retreating. No single rebel group is considering withdrawing from the war zones. The reason behind is that all these groups are backed by strong allies and they want to pursue the war till the fall of the Assad Government.
The Human Rights Watch notes, “With the unprecedented depreciation of national currency, the imposition of further international sanctions and crises in neighboring countries, the Syrian economy went into freefall for much of 2020. For ordinary Syrians, this translated into an inability to procure food, essential drugs, and other basic necessities. As a result, more than 9.3 million Syrians have become food insecure and over 80 per cent of Syrians live below the poverty line.”
This correctly reflects the situation on the ground and insurmountable challenges faced by the millions who are caught between warring zones.
Only way to solve the imbroglio in Syria is to establish a UN-backed transitional regime and pressurise Assad to step down. A presidential election is meant to be taking place in Syria this summer. It would be a total disregard to millions of those who are suffering and a sham on global governance platforms such as the UN. The world body is not talking anything about this. And it is abandoning the Geneva peace process.
In fact, the Syria Constitutional Committee that demands a political process would be useless if the UN does not stop the upcoming presidential poll for Assad. This election would offer full immunity and legitimacy to the torturous and autocratic regime in Damascus. It’s time to act. Ensure that no more civilians die. There is no need to secure peace when hardly anyone will be there to share the joy of the same. Washington should not employ the old tactics to handle the dictators in WANA.
(The writer is an expert on international affairs)
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