Declaring those still missing after the Chamoli tragedy ‘presumed dead' is aimed at helping their families
Nearly a fortnight after tragedy struck in the form of a glacier breach at Joshimath in Uttarakhand’s Chamoli district, the State Government has issued a notification to declare 136 people, who are still missing after the February 7 flash flood, “presumed dead”. Of the 204 people originally reported missing when the flood hit two hydropower projects near the Naina Devi National Park, search and rescue workers have recovered the rest of the bodies or fragmented body parts. This move by the Government, which has begun the process of issuing death certificates for those missing, would basically make it faster and easier for the bereaved families to receive compensation early. Treating the Chamoli incident as an “exception”, the Government decided to invoke provisions of the Registration of Births and Deaths Act, 1969. Usually, people who go missing in a disaster or natural calamity are declared dead if they remain untraced for seven years. But this law allows the Government to declare missing persons as dead before the stipulated seven-year-period. The death certificates for those missing would be made under three categories: One, locals belonging to Chamoli district; two, those belonging to other districts of the State; and three, tourists or people from other States.
While the Government’s decision is laudatory in the sense that it would help alleviate some degree of pain being felt by those families who are in the throes of uncertainty and suspense after their kin went missing, the need of the hour is for the authorities to address the real cause for the tragedy rather than just treating symptoms. While there is reportedly no imminent danger in the artificial lake formed in the upper catchment of the Rishiganga river as the volume of water is less than expected and it’s flowing through a natural channel that has been widened, the focus should be on containing mindless human and construction activity in the fragile ecosystem of the hills. Scientists are still debating the exact cause that led to the flash floods but there is little doubt that such disasters are likely to become more frequent. This could be because of long-term effects of human activity that brew slowly but lead to tragic developments — such as the climate crisis — as well as more recent developments, such as the construction of dams to generate electricity in the mountain terrain. Slowly but surely, we are beginning to feel the effects of climate change. It’s in the interest of our own self and our future generations that we heed these warnings and take timely action. Otherwise, it might be too late.
The Congress has failed to win elections or maintain its hold in several States
What the ‘Grand Old Party’ needs to learn from the BJP is not only how to win elections but also how to form a Government or at least dislodge the incumbent by triggering defections and fanning a rift in the rival camp. With the resignation of Puducherry Chief Minister V Narayanasamy ahead of a floor test, the Congress has lost its only Government in the South. That, too, when crucial Assembly elections in five States — Assam, Kerala, Puducherry, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal — are round the corner. The party’s failure lies not only in losing successive elections but also in its inability to maintain its hold over places where it has formed the Government. All of this points to a weak leadership, demoralised rank and file, lack of planning and coordination and factionalism. While the BJP has a league of leaders, including from the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and the Vishva Hindu Parishad, apart from its own cadres who reach out to various communities in a strategic and well-planned manner months ahead of an election, the Congress is literally bereft of such a “strong line” and its grassroots workers are apparently devoid of the confidence needed to win polls. The party still solely depends upon its age-old formula of banking on the Gandhi surname for electoral breakthroughs. However, the plan has now become obsolete and the Congress needs to roll up its sleeves and refurbish its image among the voters.
Even as the party tries its best to recuperate from various setbacks with Rahul Gandhi’s aggressive campaigning for the upcoming Assembly polls, the party does not have an elected president. Last month, the Congress announced that it will have an elected president by June 2021. This entails a message: Either the party doesn’t want to lose crucial time ahead of polls in conducting internal elections or it is shielding its “Yuvraj” from the ignominy of losing elections, if that happens. Further, most of the Congress leaders still toe the line of the Gandhis and the way important decisions are taken in the party shows the lack of democracy there. Recently, the party’s highest decision-making body — the Congress Working Committee — had authorised Sonia Gandhi to schedule the internal elections after the conclusion of the Assembly polls in five States. With the latest setback in Puducherry, the party’s political footprint has shrunk further and it is now in power on its own in just three States — Punjab, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan. For the Congress, the battle ahead is an uphill task. However, if it wants to even be in the contest, it needs to bring about systemic changes, both within the party as well as in its strategy of reaching out to the masses. The Congress must also learn from the BJP that in order to win polls, it’s more important to make tall promises rather than fulfil these on time. Else, it must stay contented with the Punjab civic polls victory. As of now, the BJP seems too formidable for the Congress.
The trump card has already been played as quid pro quo for Fingers. This round is win-win for both India and China
Some questions on disengagement from the Line of Actual Control (LAC) need to be asked again: Why did India withdraw from the commanding heights on Kailash range without quid pro quo like Return Status Quo Ante (RSQA) April 2020 integrally linked with withdrawal from Depsang and instead settle for vacation from just north-south banks of Pangong Tso? The answer was located in Northern Army Commander Lt Gen YK Joshi’s interviews last week; the details follow. For a year now, India has been claiming it has the skill and tenacity in high-altitude warfare, including Siachen, whereas the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) — which perhaps for the first time had occupied posts on Kailash range since 1962 — does not have similar talents. China has imposed additional deployment costs of Rs 1,000 crore, excluding Rs 20,000 crore in emergency operational acquisitions, which is a godsend as in normal course, the transactions would not have materialised.
To recap: Under the shadow of COVID-19 pandemic, China diverted the PLA on training in Xinjiang to intrude at multiple places from Depsang to Demchok across 300 km of east Ladakh. India looked like a tubelight bereft of counter-intrusion contingencies. China pushed the LAC westwards to its 1959 claim line, establishing a buffer zone at Galwan and refusing to discuss Depsang. The Galwan clash and an Indian coup de main in that order froze and nudged disengagement which secured an Indian vacation from dominating heights on Kailash range overlooking Chinese garrisons at Moldo and Spanggur lake. As in the first disengagement, it is advantage China. Beijing has imposed economic costs, transforming the LAC into LoC. While India has politically withstood China’s bullying, the perception in the neighbourhood about India’s ability to be a net security provider has been cast in doubt.
Still the Government has to be congratulated for providing, for the first time, critical operational information about the ongoing three Ds — Disengagement, De-escalation and De-induction. In the past, contradictory information would be leaked by the Government and military officials even as independent journalists claimed they had their own sources, all of which led to mammoth confusion. Last week Lt Gen Joshi, who was pilloried over last year’s multiple intrusions, explained how the disengagement deal came about following an audacious tactical operation by stealth to seize strategic heights on Finger 4 and on Kailash range on August 29/30 to turn the tables on the PLA. That these operations were on the Indian side of the LAC does not diminish their brilliance.
Elaborating, Lt Gen Joshi said placing tanks at Rezangla and Rechinla on Kailash range was the game-changer into reviving stalled talks and forcing the PLA to withdrawing from Finger 4 to beyond Finger 8. He noted that the withdrawal plan was in writing for the first time and that the talks would resume.
To be clear, details of withdrawal on the south bank are not as specific as on the north bank. In the written agreement, no mention is made of RSQA April 2020 though discussion on other friction points is included. Assuming Lt Gen Joshi has been quoted accurately, the Kailash trump card has already been played as quid pro quo for Fingers. He said no land was ceded to China, presumably referring to the Pangong lake sector and not across the intrusion sites. The field is still wide open — with India’s core concerns located at Galwan, and Depsang apparently left in a limbo without the towering Kailash heights available as a bargaining chip. This round is win-win for both India — with the vacation of Fingers — and China — securing removal of tanks and troops from Kailash range. But using the Ace of Spades in the first move is a big gamble though Lt Gen Joshi said it is not advantage in perpetuity. He called the entire episode — Indian seizure of Kailash heights and the PLA’s withdrawal from Fingers as a loss of face for China which has annoyed the Chinese.
The resumed dialogue on Saturday ended not in a written agreement but a joint statement to “push for a mutually acceptable resolution of remaining issues so as to jointly maintain peace and tranquility in border areas”. Key questions remain: Final disposition of troop separation at Galwan, Ghogra-Hot Springs, Demchok and Depsang. At Galwan, Indian troops were pushed back two-and-a-half km from their traditional patrolling point No 14 and a buffer zone created. China regards Depsang a legacy dispute and the absence of eyeball confrontation may probably preclude its inclusion from a friction point. But it is of the highest strategic sensitivity for India’s defence of the Karakoram range and an offensive towards Aksai Chin; and of vital strategic import for China for similar reasons. India could likely be left with China ensconced along its 1959 claim line, buffer zones predominantly on India’s territory, stalemate at Depsang, no RSQA April 2020, de facto loss of territory and most importantly collapse of peace, trust and tranquility along the border, the bedrock of sound and stable bilateral relations. China, on the other hand, wants decoupling of border dispute from bilateral relations. Depsang will prove to be a test case.
(The writer, a retired Major General, was Commander, IPKF South, Sri Lanka, and founder member of the Defence Planning Staff, currently the Integrated Defence Staff. The views expressed are personal.)
The Indian government is planning to ban all operations of cryptocurrencies in the country, except for a state-backed digital currency. The ban will be operationalised with a new law coming to effect. The Cryptocurrency and Regulation of Official Digital Currency Bill of 2021 is slated to be introduced in the budget session of the Parliament. In context of evolving digital finance globally, the Government of India should reconsider its thinking about these new financial systems that are being developed.
The move is expected to hit the nascent field in India and impact 342 companies and an estimated 5 million users involved in trading and holding cryptocurrencies. Reports also suggest that users holding on to these cryptocurrencies could be fined, once the new law comes into effect, with probability of them being given time to liquidate their holdings.
Cryptocurrencies like Bitcoin, Ethereum, Bitcoin Cash, Monero and Litecoin etc, are digital assets designed to function as a medium of exchange and records of ownership and transactions are kept on a decentralised-ledger called blockchain with strong cryptography. But these digital assets are known as tokens are not issued by a central monetary authority and are not backed by any physical asset. These tokens are "mined" by users who contribute computer processing power and are rewarded for their efforts. The price of these tokens is simply ruled by the forces of demand and supply.
The genesis for the idea for cryptocurrencies is older than people believe. The 1980s saw the rise of the Internet and along with it the idea of a sovereign cyberspace, which would transcend borders and free from all controls of nation states. But this utopian vision of a cyberspace still needed a currency for people to carry out transactions and conduct commerce. Following numerous experiments to create this system, the first cryptocurrency, Bitcoin, was created in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis. But its development was a culmination of various digital peer-to-peer payments experiments.
Bitcoin's enigmatic creator(s?) Satoshi Nakamoto noted a fundamental issue problem with fiat currency and the centralisation of finance. "The root problem with conventional currency is all the trust that's required to make it work. The central bank must be trusted not to debase the currency, but the history of fiat currencies is full of breaches of that trust," he (or they). The distrust of central banks by early adopters of Bitcoin was probably fuelled by the actions of central banks which ultimately bailed out the erring investment banks which caused the 2008 financial crisis.
India & CBDC
Contrast this with what the government is attempting to do with its virtual currency. Essentially, the government of India is looking to introduce the idea of Central Bank Digital Currency (CBDC) where it acts as a digital representation of a country's fiat currency and will be backed by a suitable amount of monetary reserves like gold or foreign currency reserves. These digital fiats will be regulated by the country's monetary authority.
In India's case, this would fall in the jurisdiction of the Reserve Bank of India (RBI). Both CBDCs and cryptocurrencies use blockchain technology as their backbone for maintaining an immutable ledger for the transactions that take place using these tokens. However, while the blockchain on cryptocurrencies are open to public where everyone can view and authenticate transactions, the blockchain on CBDCs are permissioned where limited entities can carry out the functions of authenticating and viewing transactions.
CBDCs are a ‘virtual store of value' and they can be converted to cash in local currency at a fixed rate. CBDCs tokens also would bear interest on the central bank's balance sheet. Currently there are two modes of CBDCs being developed in the world – a retail token (meant for direct use by savers) and a wholesale token (meant to be used by banks and lenders subject to central bank regulations).
The modalities are still being worked out, but it could also serve as an excellent vehicle to push the central bank's plan to increase retail investors participation in the Government Securities. However, there is a risk to them. The yield on government securities is a little higher than bank deposit interest rates and savers might find the returns on CBDCs more attractive than what banks are offering, thus banks could lose of their primary means of funding.
As more savers move their money from demand deposits, it will force them to rely on costlier means of funding. Central banks also would be on the risk on their balance sheet in the event of another financial crisis and will have to function as a crucial financial intermediary in those times. And if CBDCs also take shape as a viable payment system, it raises several privacy issues with the state being allowed to see all transactions by a user.
CBDCs do bring interesting potential uses for the Indian economy in general and it's heartening to see India join a growing list of countries like The Netherlands, China, Sweden, the United States, Canada and Norway are looking to introduce a digital version of their currency. It is a worthwhile experiment to follow, but it doesn't make sense on why they cannot co-exist with existing cryptocurrencies.
"Money for nothing?"
Reading of the proposed crypto ban indicates that the government might believe that there is no intrinsic value in cryptocurrencies; and also might not like the way its value is pegged to market mechanism. In its first attempt to eliminate cryptocurrencies was reactionary as many people fell prey to shady operators posing as cryptocurrency companies and the RBI issued a circular where it said that while cryptocurrencies were not banned, it did bar entities regulated by it, including banks, from providing services to any person or firm dealing with cryptocurrencies.
The Supreme Court of India had quashed the RBI's cryptocurrency order in March 2020 giving a brief respite to cryptocurrencies holders in the country and saw the resumption of services by different players.
Fundamentally, the Indian government thinking is ruled by the mantra that "Blockchain is good, but cryptocurrencies are bad." It's evident by the bulletin it put on the Lok Sabha where it said that it would allow "certain exceptions to promote the underlying technology of cryptocurrency and its uses." This seems contradictory statement when it is looking to stop all research into this space and innovations that it is creating.
This policy might have originated in protecting the interests of the common man. But this raises the question on who invests or cryptocurrencies? Is it the common man who buys Bitcoin or HNIs?
While it is true that few cryptocurrencies might be inflated and there could be few Ponzi schemes posing as crypto businesses, the Indian government can issue detailed signposts and guidelines for investors planning to invest in them, like what the Australian government has done. The Indian government's policy thinking to ban cryptocurrencies might also stem from the narrative that they are used for terror financing and money laundering. While during its inception, Bitcoin might have been as used for conducting illicit deals on the dark-web, today the cryptocurrency-related crime is on the decline.
In 2020, the ‘criminal share' of all cryptocurrency activity fell to just 0.34 per cent, or $10.0 billion, in transaction volume, according to a report by Chainalysis, a company the specialises in cryptocurrency investigations for governments, exchanges and financial institutions. The report also shows that cryptocurrencies are almost never used for terror financing and most cryptocurrency-related crimes are scams, ransom ware, darknet market deals, and stolen funds.
It stands to reason of course. A mal-actor would have to be extremely stupid to conduct terror financing on an immutable ledger which can be seen and must be authenticated by all nodes on a blockchain. In India, traditional offline assets like real estate and gold still account for most money laundering operations and financing mal-actors.
Real estate is still not covered under the Money Laundering Act while purchasing gold does not even require KYC. Legitimate cryptocurrencies in India have been pushing for better KYC to open wallets for cryptocurrency transactions. Government can extend these requirements formally to cryptocurrencies as well.
The paucity of understanding can also be seen in the language the government is using to describe non-CBDCs as "private cryptocurrencies" and not using established nomenclature. Cryptocurrencies like Bitcoin, Litecoin, Ethereum etc. are considered public cryptocurrencies as users can view and verify all transactions and their details using these tokens on a public ledger and the blockchain used is open-sourced.
Cryptocurrencies such as Monero, Dash and Zcash on the other the hand are designed to be private where transaction details are hidden. However, these cryptocurrencies are still public in the sense that they have public open ledgers, but transaction information is obfuscated in varying degrees to protect the privacy of the end users. And then there are efforts like Facebook's Libra, now re-named Diem, that use a private or permissioned blockchain where only a few trusted entities can keep a track of the ledger and allowed to mine the tokens for its transactions.
There are varying degrees of complexity and innovation that can be beneficial people in general, but the government is dismissing and banning all of them by using a catch-all phrase called "private cryptocurrencies".
Who should regulate Crypto in India ?
The reluctance to engage with cryptocurrencies in India could emanate from deciding on which regulator will have to deal with them. If it is treated as a currency, the burden of regulation would fall on the RBI. If it is considered a security or a commodity, the Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI).
Contrary to misperception that there are no regulatory frameworks for them now, the way how cryptocurrencies are being used and traded, is more akin towards a digital commodity. Cryptocurrencies are traded directly through exchanges and even through financial derivatives like ETFs, options and futures, and contract for differences (CFDs). Indeed, with the uncertainties in the world right now, cryptocurrencies and decentralised finance were the best performing asset class, beating gold, stocks, and other global commodities in 2020.
Cryptocurrencies are unviable as a currency right now due to the massive changes in corrections and the time it takes for a transaction to get authenticated by the various nodes on the blockchain. Take for example the online games marketplace Steam's decision to stop purchases using Bitcoin. The company explained that Bitcoin transaction fees to buy a game shot up to $20 in 2017.
Also due to the price volatility, if the price of Bitcoin shot up at the time of transaction, Steam had to refund the difference to the user and conversely, if the price went down the users had to pay the difference again. There is also an engineering concern to consider as every transaction needs to be authenticated by every node on the blockchain thus the time for a transaction increase.
Currently, the time for confirming a Bitcoin transaction is about 10 minutes. Though there are efforts being made by different cryptocurrencies to speed up the process of authentication for more real-life use cases. But still, it is nowhere close where users can buy a cup of coffee using a cryptocurrency.
With this in mind, the burden for regulating this new form of finance could fall in SEBI's court. Ideally, SEBI should strongly consider allowing cryptocurrencies as part of its regulatory sandbox and combine its learnings from jurisdictions like the United States, Japan and Australia.
Learnings from US, Japan, Australia
Though the United States does not consider cryptocurrencies as legal tender but recognizes crypto exchanges as money transmitters as the tokens are other value which substitutes currency. While the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) recognises them as securities and is working on enacting securities law on them. Meanwhile, the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) recognises them as property and have guidelines for the same.
The United States also takes a pragmatic approach to different offerings and takes a case-by-case approach. For example, the SEC cracked down on Facebook's Libra cryptocurrency project. As Libra used a private permissioned blockchain and controlled the number of nodes, it was able to drive down the time for a transaction and was also able to control its price volatility.
Essentially, it functioned more like are a stable private currency which could rival the US Dollar and less like a security. Hence, the project did not take off. However, it clarified how it was treating Bitcoin and said that they are not treating it as a security but rather as a store of value and noted that its rise was driven by the inefficiencies of the payment systems in the country. But in both cases, it was made clear that they are not legal tender.
Japan takes a longer view of the ecosystem. It does not consider cryptocurrencies as a security, nor does it treat it on par with fiat currency. Considering the many use cases by different tokens, it defines them under the broader umbrella of Crypto Assets. Exchanges are required to register themselves as payment service providers under its Payment Services Act.
Further, it requires these exchanges to maintain strict Know-Your-Customer (KYC) records of investors and users and comply with all anti-money laundering and combating terror finance rules (AML/CFT). In addition, the property rights framework will apply on these crypto assets.
Australia stated particularly that Bitcoin and other tokens which share its characteristics are considered property and will be subject to Capital Gains Tax. In addition, it has now come out with detailed signposts and guidelines for investors planning to invest in Initial Coin Offerings (ICOs) with clear warnings about these risks along with case studies.
Don't be cryptic or critical of Crypto yet
The government's push to ban all cryptocurrencies in the country is simply throwing out the baby along with the bath water. It is ironic that the Indian government is following the same policy decisions as China, which banned all cryptocurrencies as well in favour of its digital fiat currency. The Indian government should in all manners should emulate the idea that it is an alternative to China and not follow the same policy prescriptions set by Beijing.
There is a risk that India will lose out in the billions of dollars in the new cryptocurrency –led world of finance by enforcing the ban. There might be another brain-drain as more minds who believe in cryto-finance will leave India to set up shop in friendlier countries.
Thus, the underlying asset of all cryptocurrencies is the failure of governments globally and central banks to provide better financial outcomes for citizens. Thus, the best way to handle the proliferation of private cryptocurrencies is to make sure that state institutions and fiat products work well for retail participants. The Indian government's ban on cryptocurrencies is overprotective at best and at its worst, it could be viewed as an attempt to maintain an iron grip on how its citizens use their money.
(Srinath Sridharan is an independent markets commentator and visiting fellow, Observer Research Foundation. Shashidhar K.J. is an associate fellow, Observer Research Foundation)
The current upheaval in the developed world indicates that various issues have been systematically suppressed there as well for years
In various developed countries, the manner in which politics and society have unravelled in the last decade, suggests that certain factors that contributed to this had either been missed or were systematically hidden from the rest of the world i.e. developing countries.
My research in religious extremism, historical distortions in school textbooks, conspiracy theories and reactionary attitudes towards science, has produced findings that are universal. This century’s second decade (2010-2020) saw some startling political and social tendencies in Europe and the US, which mirrored those in developing countries. Before 2010-2020, these tendencies had been repeatedly commented upon in the West, as if they were specific to poorer regions. Even though many Western historians, while discussing the presence of religious extremism, superstition or political upheavals in developing countries, agreed that these existed in developed nations too, they insisted that these were present during their teething years.
In 2012, a British political scientist and an American historian emphasised at a conference that the problems that developing countries face, i.e. communal violence, a suspect disposition towards science and continual political disruption, were present at one time in developed nations as well, but had been overcome through an evolutionary process, and by the construction of political and economic systems that were self-correcting in times of crisis.
What they were suggesting was that most developing countries were still at a stage that the developed countries had been 200 years ago. However, eight years after that conference, Europe and the US, it seems, have been flung back 200 years in the past. Mainstream political structures there have been invaded by firebrand Right-wing populists and dogmatic “cultural warriors” from the Left and the Right are battling it out to define “good” and “evil.” In the process they are wrecking the carefully constructed pillars of the Enlightenment era on which their nations’ whole existential meaning rests. The most outlandish conspiracy theories have migrated from the edges of the lunatic fringe into the mainstream and science is being perceived as a demonic force.
Take for instance, the practice of authoring distorted textbooks. Over the years, some excellent research cropped up in Pakistan and India that systematically exposed how historical distortions and religious biases in textbooks have contributed (and still are contributing) to episodes of bigotry. However, this is not restricted to developing countries alone.
In 1971, a study by a group of US and British historians showed that out of the 36 British and US school textbooks that they examined, no less than 25 contained inaccurate information and ideological bias. In 2007, the US sociologist James Loewen surveyed 18 American history texts and found them to be “marred by an embarrassing combination of blind patriotism, sheer misinformation, and outright lies.” In 2020, historians in the UK wrote an open letter demanding changes to the history section of the British Home Office’s citizenship test. The campaign was initiated by the British professor of history and archeology Frank Trentmann. A debate on the issue, through an exchange of letters between Trentmann and Stephen Parkinson, a former Home Office special adviser, was published in The Spectator. Trentmann laments that the problem lay in a combination of errors, omissions and distortions in the history section pages, which were also littered with mistakes. Not only are historical distortions in textbooks a universal practice, but the many ways that this is done are equally universal and cut across competing ideologies.
Historian Joanna Wojdon says the methods that were used by the State in this respect in communist Poland (1944-1989) were similar to the ones that were used in various former communist dictatorships such the Soviet Union and its satellite States in East Europe, and in China. The same methods in this context were also employed by totalitarian regimes in Nazi Germany, and in fascist Italy and Spain. One can come across various similarities between how it is done in liberal democracies and how it was done in totalitarian set-ups.
I once shared this observation with an US academic. He somewhat agreed but argued that because of the Cold War many democratic countries were pressed to adopt certain propaganda techniques that were originally devised by communist regimes. I tend to disagree. Because if this were so, then how is one to explain the publication of the book ‘The Menace of Nationalism in Education’ by Jonathan French Scott almost 20 years before the Cold War?
In a nutshell, no matter what ideological bent is being welded into textbooks in various countries, it has always been about altering history through engineered stories as a means of promoting particular agendas. This is done by concocting events that did not happen, altering those that did take place, or omitting events altogether. This is a problem that is inherent in the whole idea of the nation State, which is largely constructed by clubbing people together as ‘nations’, not only within physical but also ideological boundaries. This leaves nations feeling vulnerable and fearing that the glue that binds a nation together, through fabricated ideas of ethnic, religious or racial homogeneity, will wear off. Thus the need is felt to keep it intact through continuous historical distortions.
Courtesy: Dawn. The views expressed are personal.
The Govt’s commitment towards this is evident from the increased outlay of Rs 260 cr from Rs 49 cr in 2017
Every year, the birth anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi is observed as the National Anti-Drug Addiction Day to honour his commitment towards eradicating the menace of drug and substance abuse. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has also time and again highlighted the perils of substance abuse and stated that it is a dangerous disease which traps a person in a never-ending vicious cycle. Unfortunately, this menace is on the rise as is evident from the findings of the ‘National Survey on Extent and Pattern of Substance Use.’ Even after 73 years of Independence, we frequently come across news reports of college students getting addicted to drugs or police nabbing drug peddlers near a school. It is seen that addiction typically starts with alcohol, moves towards nicotine and ganja and then graduates to hard substances like cocaine, MDMA and so on. The situation is grave and demands immediate attention. It is in this spirit that a concerted three-pronged attack in the form of the ‘Nasha Mukt Bharat Abhiyan (NMBA)’ has been launched to crush the hydra-headed monster of drug abuse.
The NMBA, which was launched on August 15, 2020, targets 272 districts which have been identified as most vulnerable, based on inputs collected by the Government. Considering the heightened adverse impact of drug abuse on the youth, the focus of the NMBA is more on schools, higher education institutions and university campuses. Consequently, youth groups such as the NSS, NYKS and NCC have been roped in to reach out to the target population. Modi’s message that “drugs are not cool” is being effectively delivered through these channels.
Also, community-based services are being provided for the identification, treatment and rehabilitation of addicts through voluntary organisations. The Government is providing financial assistance to NGOs for running de-addiction centres. A 24x7 national toll free helpline has been instrumental, especially during the lockdown period, in providing help to victims of drug abuse, their family and society at large. Outreach and drop-in centres (ODICs) with provisions of counseling, assessment, screening to provide safe and secure drop-in space for drug users are being developed. Apart from these facilities, referral and linkage to rehabilitation and treatment services to work for various dependents will also be offered.
Taking cognisance of the fact that addressing the problem of drug abuse requires concerted action at different levels of the Government, the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment has asked State Governments to plan specific initiatives, taking into account local considerations and devise specific and suitable strategies for drug demand reduction in their identified areas. Accordingly, a decentralised monitoring mechanism in the form of district-level committees has been formed to maintain the pace and momentum of the NMBA.
The commitment of the Government towards eradicating this social evil is evident from the increased outlay of Rs 260 crore from a meagre Rs 49 crore in 2017-18. The Ministry is implementing a comprehensive National Action Plan for Drug Demand Reduction through the multi-faceted approach of education, de-addiction and rehabilitation. With the programme picking up pace, the mission is gradually turning into a social movement involving the youth and society at large.
With the hard work, commitment and concerted efforts of the Government, society and voluntary organisations, India will be able to celebrate the International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking in the month of June in right earnest and realise the vision of Mahatma Gandhi of a drug- free society in coming years.
(The writer is Minister of State for Social Justice & Empowerment and Jal Shakti. The views expressed are personal.)
Apart from modern education, we have to orient the mindset of students so as to attune it to social realities and sensitise them towards emerging socio-cultural paradigms
Should State-run madrasas be shut and converted into regular schools like some States have proposed or its better if Muslim scholars and educationists prepare a road map to initiate modern education in Islamic seminaries across the country? The Assam Government has decided to close the 740 State-run madrasas and convert them into general educational institutions. Madrasa education was introduced in the Assam education curriculum in 1934 and the State Madrasa Board was also created then.
If we examine the history of Muslim education we find madrasas have been part of the Islamic learning system since very early times. They were usually part of mosques. These mosques became social focal points for growing communities; they doubled up as schools for learning the Quran, basic instruction in Muslim rituals and language instruction in Urdu, with accommodations for education and social needs. Throughout much of Islamic history, madrasas were the major source of religious and scientific learning, just as church schools and the universities were in Europe. It is only lately that education in these seminaries became ossifying and there were calls for reforms.
The reformists of madrasa education insist that knowledge in Islam is one whole, and that the division between dini (religious) and duniyavi (worldly) knowledge — with the two opposed to each other and which many contemporary ulema seem to have accepted — has no sanction in the Quran. The Quran is quoted as repeatedly exhorting the believers to ponder over the mysteries of creation as signs of the power and mercy of God. In the entire scripture, there are about 600 verses directly commanding the believers to reflect, to ponder, and to analyse God’s magnificence in nature, plants, stars, and the solar system, and far from leading to doubt and disbelief, scientific investigation — if conducted within properly defined Islamic bounds — can deepens one’s faith in Islam.
But madrasas are not immune to change. Many of them are trying to forge a Muslim identity that is compatible with modern culture and resistant to the blandishments of radicalisation. Likewise, few ulema could claim to be completely satisfied with the madrasas as they exist today. Indeed, leading ulema are themselves conscious of the need for change in the system.
The negative stereotypes presented in some sections of the media do not present the true picture. The majority of these Islamic schools actually present an opportunity, not a threat. For young village children, these schools may be their only path to literacy. For many orphans and the rural poor, these provide essential social services. They continue to serve parts of developing societies that Governments never reach. For parents mired in poverty and forced to work long hours with limited breaks, madrasas serve a vital role in ensuring their children are supervised, fed and taught to read and write.
As their graduates go out and take up a range of new careers and as pressures from within the community as well as from the State and the media for reform grow, these Islamic schools, too, are changing. Far from typifying one end of the polarising spectrum of traditional versus modern and religious versus secular education, the State must continue to use Islamic seminaries as part of the regular educational paradigm. It must evolve an educational grid that allows constant movement between madrasas and mainstream educational institutions.
The policymakers need to pay closer attention to how transitions from madrasas to mainstream spaces can be seamlessly achieved. The State should not interfere in religious instruction, which should be the business of private individuals and associations. Second, those who carry out the inspections should be properly oriented to the traditions of learning in Muslim communities and the history and status of madrasas in particular.
The general consensus is that madrasas can play a vital role in bringing secular and religious education. Since the students are taught in classical and modern science as well as secular and religious thought, they are better able to spot scriptural distortions. They also tend to be more connected to their own communities as well as to the mainstream society and their stable sense of identity, religious and otherwise, shield them from radicalism. The madrasas are allies in India’s fight against extremism.
Some recent reform efforts have focused on modernising the teachings. This includes the addition of computer proficiency and English language classes, which strengthen employment potential for madrasa students. However, the introduction of computer skills at many Deoband-type madrasas is focused only on equipping them with functional literacy and not enabling them to engage with the modern technological revolution.
Thus, apart from equipping madrasas with tools of modern education, we have to orient the mindset of students so as to attune it to social realities and sensitise them towards emerging socio-cultural paradigms. This must be the fundamental objective of the modernisation process of madrasas. The efforts to stay “politically correct” have contributed to an absence of structured debate and discussion on how to make modern education accessible to millions of poor Muslim youth so that they get jobs. We must remember that cultural isolation would only lead to stagnation. The madrasas betray a deeper dissatisfaction and fatigue with a redundant learning system.
Shibli Nu’mani, a renowned 20th century scholar from within the madrasa circles has himself noted: “For us Muslims, mere English (modern) education is not sufficient, nor does the old Arabic madrasa education suffice. Our ailment requires a compound panacea. One portion eastern and the other western.”
While it is true that most madrasas have outlived their role, they need not be decimated. What they need is essentially a makeover in a way that respects traditional sensibilities and attempts to synergise classical and modern learning.
Some of the modern progressive seminaries have turned a new leaf and many more are modernising. Students unfamiliar with the intricacies of their own faith can be swayed by arguments that seem to call for jihad when taken out of context. But students coming out of these new generation religious schools are grounded in both classical and liberal values.
The right approach would be to temper classical and traditional learning with liberal thought. It can foster a culture which will engender the two streams of learning to nourish each other. This will enable the students of these seminaries to lead lives that are as true to their faith as attuned to modem needs. It will build them into empowered stakeholders in the shaping of their own future as well as of their communities.
An enlightened and productive human capital is the most precious asset of a society, and madrasas can certainly be key enablers in this task. Modern subjects can also help the students gain a good grounding in secular subjects and technical skills so that they do not lose out in an increasingly competitive and globalised workplace.
The writer is a well-known development professional. The views expressed are personal.
Stars like Virat Kohli and Deepika Padukone will hopefully inspire society to discuss mental health
What do Amitabh Bachchan, Shah Rukh Khan, Dilip Kumar, Rajesh Khanna, Deepika Padukone, Tiger Shroff, Sanjay Dutt and Virat Kohli have in common? Well, apart from being celebrities, they all have battled mental health issues like depression one time or the other. However, all that the world sees is the glitz and glamour of their lives and not the extreme mental pressure such personalities go through as they publicly battle with fame, success and failure. For most of us, the burden of expectations of our families is heavy enough, so it does not take much imagination to understand the weight of the expectations of 137 crore people. Kohli has revealed that he battled depression during a harrowing tour of England in 2014 where he felt like the “loneliest guy in the world” after a string of failures with the bat. “I won’t say I didn’t have people who I could speak to but not having a professional to speak to, who could understand what I was going through, I think is a huge factor. I think I would like to see it change,” Kohli told commentator Mark Nicholas. “Lot of people suffer with that feeling…it carries on for months, for a whole season, people are not able to get out of it,” he rued.
In coming out and talking about the issue, Kohli has done yeoman’s service to fellow cricketers because, save for a few celebrities in the past like Guru Dutt and Parveen Babi, none ever had the courage to discuss the issue publically owing to social stigma till Bollywood A-lister Deepika Padukone talked about her battle with depression while going through failed relationships. Despite being at the top of her career then, she took the bold step of coming out. Since then she has tried to educate the nation on how it is okay to seek help and that there is no shame in admitting that one is facing a mental health issue. The level of lack of understanding and empathy for people facing mental health issues in India can be gauged by the fact that Deepika was mocked for talking about her depression by none other than her Bollywood colleague Kangana Ranaut on Twitter. To her credit, Deepika stood firm in her belief that she needed to use her celebrity status to help millions of Indians fight their mental disorders. Now Kohli has done the same for the cricketing world. And not just cricket, all sports federations should take note and have professionals on board to help their athletes. Hopefully, Padukone and Kohli will inspire the 7.5 per cent Indians suffering from mental health issues to seek help and beat the stigma. It’s time we talk about it.
‘Ram Rajya' as a concept is good but the nation wants to see positive changes on the ground
One can only imagine what ‘Ram Rajya’ would be like, a term that the BJP espouses and its leaders, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, use quite regularly in their public addresses. But it’s comparatively easier to understand Mahatma Gandhi’s concept of ‘Gram Swaraj’, which Modi touched upon in his recent speech at the Visva-Bharati convocation. During the event, just ahead of the announcement of the Assembly election dates in the politically sensitive West Bengal, Modi mentioned Rabindranath Tagore several times but it would certainly be in bad taste to read politics into it as the Nobel laureate was the university’s founder and the Prime Minister is the Chancellor. However, thankfully, unlike ‘Ram Rajya’ for which no time frame has been set, the Prime Minister seems to have a blueprint or a road map for realising the concept of ‘Atmanirbhar’ villages (self-reliant villages), somewhat akin to Gandhi’s ‘Gram Swaraj’. He called upon the students to frame a “vision document” with 25 major targets and work towards it in the next 25 years so that when the nation celebrates the centenary of its Independence in 2047, Visva-Bharati would have achieved these milestones. He suggested that the project should start by making the villages adopted by the university ‘Atmanirbhar’. Further, the students should strive to make the village youth, artisans and farmers self-dependent by helping their products reach big markets across the world. However, with big corporate houses ruling the roost in world economy, it is easier said than done.
Moreover, the reality is quite the opposite. Most of such projects launched by the IITs and other varsities see no light beyond the pilot trials which are mostly confined to few villages or pockets in adjoining areas. These are not expanded and, thus, fail to have a wider reach or impact. No doubt, engaging universities and educational institutes to empower the rural population and making it self-reliant is an excellent idea but it needs a coordinated, calibrated and comprehensive approach with knowledge and resource sharing among the institutes across India. Such institutes have the potential of becoming the torch-bearers of ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’ but the foundation for it has not been laid yet, nor have any sincere attempts been made in this direction. That said, these plans should not accumulate dust in Government files or fall casualty to bureaucratic red tape, else these would meet the same fate as other similar plans. However, with the Centre providing `50,000 crore in Budget-2021 for research, we should have no reason to doubt what the Prime Minister says. His approach appears to be in the right direction. However, in a country where rhetoric often overshadows the reality, we can only hope that the Gandhian philosophy of ‘Gram Swaraj’ or Modi’s ‘Atmanirbhar’ villages become a reality, not something like ‘Ram Rajya’ (which, according to Gandhiji, ensures equal rights to both, a prince and a pauper) with virtue, morality and justice at its core but nowhere in sight. Courtesy, vote bank politics!
The PSUs which the Govt desires to privatise should be managerially toned up, which only industrial managers, and not bureaucrats, can do
In India, it is better to go public fundamentally because we do not have sufficient number of entrepreneurs with enough free wealth to pay for the public sector undertakings (PSUs). Many houses, although efficient, have already borrowed more than ideally desirable, which explains why the Government’s privatisation push has so far been behind schedule. At this stage, a brief look at history would be useful.
At Independence in 1947, India had many more traders than industrialists. Take the textile mills, of which India had a fairly large number. How many have survived? With most mills, the problem was with the weaving looms. They were outdated and needed to be changed. Alternatively, the mills could be trifurcated into one, carding/spinning, two weaving and three finishing/packing. Instead, they carried on as long as possible and when they could not, the owners surrendered to closure. That the National Textile Corporation (NTC) inaugurated the expansion of what could be called the hospital sector of industry; it was really not public sector although the bureaucrats chose to mix up the two.
When the NTC could not absorb more sick mills, they were allowed to wind up, sell their fixed assets including the land, pay the employee dues, and then compensate the shareholders. New hotels, office buildings or residential flats have come on the graves of the wound-up mills. Yet people continue to dress up well, better than earlier. Spinners, new weavers called power looms and finishers are functioning profitably in place of many of the expired mills. The little industrial tragedy is one reflection of the industrial limitations of some of our entrepreneurs.
On the other hand, there were business houses which were functioning laudably well but their hands and legs were tied down by Nehruvian socialism, also vigorously practised by Indira Gandhi. Her plea was that the only way of co-existence for the rich and the poor was socialism. Apart from clamping down on business growth with the Monopolies Commission and other such laws, she nationalised 19 banks, the entire coal industry as well as general insurance. Little did she realise that the whole public sector represented State capitalism and not socialism at all. It would have socialism, provided the common people were given an opportunity to invest and obtain dividends. Even according to Karl Marx, socialism was “from each according to his ability, to each according to his opportunity”.
Thus Indian businessmen were denied the scope to grow and mature into industrialists. Those who did, managed to set up small and medium industries by even over-borrowing from the nationalised banks. Then Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao did yeoman’s service to the economy by liberalising the procedures and abolishing many a restriction. But in his temptation to get re-elected for another five years, he went easy on his reforms in the second half of his term. If one looks at his years in supreme power, he did more for India politically than economically. Ayodhya was his biggest achievement and the first step in national revival in centuries.
Keeping all Indian conditions in mind, the PSUs which the Government desires to privatise should be managerially toned up. Only industrial managers, and not bureaucrats, can do that. If they are structurally imbalanced, some of them may have to be merged with other suitable PSUs. The treatment of toning up would differ from unit to unit. The toned-up units should offer through one or more public issue of shares as per the SEBI and stock exchange rules. So long as the Indian State retains at least 40 per cent shares, let the public have shares. Many individuals have savings that they wish to invest but do not find suitable avenues. On debt instruments, the interest rates have fallen so low that they have been rendered unattractive.
Let us clarify that most of our bureaucrats, IAS and others, are first-rate administrators but they are unlikely to be effective managers. The former are primarily wedded to rules and procedures whereas the latter’s priorities are decisions, production and profits. The two cultures are quite distinct. Therefore, a PSU managing director should not be reporting to a bureaucrat but to his shareholders. The solution lies in the President of India parting with the shares of all PSUs to financial institutions like the LIC, GIC and its subsidiaries, banks, Unit Trust of India, and so on. When this happens, these new holders would behave like investors and not zamindars. Moreover, politicians would not any longer have ready access to recommend their candidates, use their guesthouses and cars, and so on. The PSUs would then operate like business and industries, not like jagirdaris.
If for nothing else, for taking share investments in companies from the panelled offices of the upper classes to the masses, the late Dhirubhai Ambani needs to be honoured. The best way to do so is to have the public as partners in preference to banks. His logic was that loans cost interest, shares do not. Shares compel the management to perform and deliver lucrative dividends, which is what Indians expect of the PSUs. Karl Marx believed that religion is the opium of the masses. It can be that loans are the opium of the classes.
(The writer is a well-known columnist and an author. The views expressed are personal.)
We should work towards breaking down barriers in international labour supply to ensure hassle-free movement of talent
The Indian diaspora can be found across almost every nation in the world and most of them are successful immigrants contributing to the larger good of the country they have chosen to live in. What has underpinned the success story of Indian emigrants across the globe has been their ability to leverage their personal skills, work hard and adapt to the local community. From the indentured labourers in Fiji and Mauritius to Punjabi farmers in Canada, to the more recent technology consultants in Europe and America, the Indian emigrant is a story of success.
Amid the current geopolitical churn, as India tries to cement its position in the new world order that is taking shape, its people can be its greatest strength. With 10 to 12 million youth entering the workforce every year, India should not only train and skill them for the domestic economy but for the world also. Apart from the current health crisis creating a great demand for healthcare professionals, in many other trades such as oil and gas, construction, diamond processing and Information Technology (IT), too, India has the advantage of skilling its youth for the global market.
There is clearly a demand for skilled talent from a wide variety of nations that include Scandinavian countries, Russia, Italy, Germany and even East European nations like Romania. Many of them have a State-supported programme to attract international talent. One such example is ‘Talent Boost’ in Finland.
India should leverage its image as a benign power with a strong democratic tradition and tolerant society to create partnerships with such countries, quite like that announced with Japan recently. A Government to Government (G2G) arrangement secures better terms for migrant workers and ensures better protection of their rights.
A part of the G2G arrangement should be to allow India’s National Skills Qualification Framework (NSQF) being accepted in the receiving country. If required, bespoke programmes can be created under the NSQF or bridge modules may be introduced to meet the assessment and certification framework of the receiving country. We could look to create regional centres of excellence, specifically for training of youth for international markets.
India should create formal and structured pathways for labour mobility by the private sector. There exist many organisations that facilitate this international mobility, but a code of conduct will prevent any potential exploitation of migrating workers. International mobility of labour should become an essential part of India’s economic diplomacy. We should work towards breaking down barriers in international labour supply to ensure hassle-free movement of talent.
This approach to skilling in India has multiple advantages. It helps the Indian youth find gainful employment and helps to channelise their energy towards productive purposes. This will also give a great boost to the international remittances India receives annually. This in turn will contribute to the growth of the country’s economy and help improve our living standards.
Hard-working youth contributing to the host country’s economic growth will help enhance India’s soft power. The host country benefits from accepting migrants who are tolerant, adaptable and easy to assimilate. The IT professional’s contribution in changing India’s image as a country of “snake charmers and bullock carts” cannot be exaggerated.
Further, those workers who choose to return home will contribute to the domestic economy by bringing new knowledge, experiences and methods that will enhance productivity.
India could leverage the G2G partnerships to bring in world-class pedagogy, technology, curriculum, content and the infrastructure required for the delivery of vocational education.
We should aspire to become the skill capital of the world. India needs to enter into cooperation agreements with many more countries, like it has done with Japan, to build formidable partnerships in areas of skill development. It is only then that it will transform into an international skills hub.
It is, however, a surprise that the recently-launched ‘Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana’ 3.0 fails to elucidate the Government’s strategy to achieve this aspiration. It lacks the road map to make India the skill capital of the world by overlooking the chronic challenges of quality infrastructure, training, pedagogy and the involvement of international partners in the delivery of skilling programmes.
The new normal of the post-Covid world presents exciting opportunities for India to leverage its power in the skilling sphere, because it has brought a completely new framework for virtual operations with robust digital platforms to deliver skilling programmes to trainees and connect them to international employers.
The Government should move quickly to formulate policies to address the vital aspect of international mobility for our youth in a post-Covid world by imagining new paradigms of digital skilling by augmenting the adoption of digital technologies.
Prasad is a public policy consultant and Kumar works with the international division of the Confederation of Indian Industry. The views expressed are personal.
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