Amazon forest blaze is fast blocking sunlight and enveloping the entire north-western region of Brazil with thick smoke. Brazil must understand the global importance of these evergreen forests. It is not simply Brazil that is affected, but the entire planet
The extraordinary blaze engulfing the Amazon forest, popularly known as the “Lungs of the Planet”, is at the centre of global attraction with many trying to reason out the root cause of the forest fire that militates against the war on climate change.
Of several reasons doing the rounds, two popular ones are that the forest fire in the Amazon may be caused by the dry season which runs from July to October. These fires may occur naturally because of events such as lightning strikes. But others believe that they are the results of farmers and loggers clearing lands for crops or grazing. Herein the activists add that anti-environment rhetoric of Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro has strongly encouraged forest clearing operations. On the other hand, Bolsonaro has accused NGOs of starting the fires themselves to tarnish his Government’s image.
The Brazilian space agency, the National Institute for Space Research (INPE), says its satellite data shows 85 per cent increase in fires on the same period in 2018. In fact, the official figures show more than 75,000 forest fires were recorded in Brazil in the first eight months of the year, the highest number since 2013. According to the Copernicus Atmosphere Monitoring Service (CAMS), a part of the EU’s earth observation programme, the smoke has been travelling as far as the Atlantic coast. The fire has brought black smokes to Sao Paulo, more than 3,200 km from the Amazon. What is worrying for the international community is that these fires are releasing a huge amount of carbon dioxide, equivalent of 228 megatonnes so far this year, highest since 2010. They are also emitting carbon monoxide beyond the coastlines of South America. Further, the Amazon basin, home to about three million species of plants and animals and one million indigenous people, is critical for fighting global warming as it can absorb millions of tonnes of carbon emissions each year.
But with the burning of these precious forests, the carbon they store will be soon released into the atmosphere and hence, the rainforest’s capacity to absorb carbon emission will be fast reduced.
Primarily, tensions have arisen between France and Brazil in the latest round of G7 talks after French President Emmanuel Macron tweeted that fires in the Amazon basin amounted to an international crisis and should be discussed as a top priority at the G7 Summit. Bolsonaro immediately responded by saying Macron’s statement is a manifestation of his “colonialist mentality”. Later, the G7 group of industrialised nations announced a $20 million assistance package aiming to provide it to the Amazonian nations such as Brazil and Bolivia, primarily to pay for more firefighting planes. But unfortunately in the whataboutery, the chief of the staff of Bolsonaro appreciated the offer and asked the same resources to be used for reforesting Europe. This has stirred up a hornets’ nest between France and Brazil.
Interestingly, the Constitution of Brazil describes the Amazon as “national treasure”. So it should be treated accordingly and every inch of it must be saved and preserved. Besides, amid global concerns for saving the Amazon, one must note what “principle of non-regression”, one of the basic tenets of the international environmental law, enunciates. This principle lays down that some basic legal rules should be non-revocable in the common interest of mankind. Thus, once a legal regime is set and protection is granted, essentially, there should not be a question of tempering with such rules. And ironically, this global environmental dictum is clearly reflected in the “Right to Healthy Environment”, guaranteed by the Article 225 of the Brazilian Constitution.
The Article says, “All have the right to an ecologically balanced environment… and both the Government and the community shall have the duty to defend and preserve it for future for present and future generations.” So why does Brazil need to be told that the Amazon is an integral part of its heritage and this forest must be saved? All Brazilians are well aware and it has a democratically elected regime that must take enough to safeguard the “lungs” of earth.
What might drive the Brazilian Government to open the rich Amazon is to create wealth for the country? And this is driven by years of recession and high unemployment. Indeed, Brazil has witnessed the worst ever political and economic upheaval during the time of both the predecessors of Bolsonaro, namely Dilma Rousseff and Michel Temer. Of course, when the ordinary Brazilians have chosen a right-wing President like Bolsonaro, the expectations are high as to see a change in the current economic downturn.
Succinctly, mining and other economic activities in the Amazon are not the answers to arrest Brazil out of the economic gloom. Simply to say, mining operations offer a little economic benefits to the locals. Instead, such operations, attract large number of outsiders that leads to deforestation, violent conflicts on land rights and finally, adding mercury pollution to nearby rivers.
This blaze might torpedo a huge trade agreement between the South American nations, including Brazil, and the European Union (EU), which took nearly two decades to come to the current stage. Over the last four decades, this verdant rainforest has witnessed one of the record high deforestation. This huge Amazonian blaze is fast blocking sunlight and enveloping the entire north-western region of Brazil with thick smoke. The states of Northern Brazil such as Roraima, Acre, Rondonia and Amazonas are badly affected by the inferno. Meanwhile, the Amazonas, the largest province of Brazil, has declared a state of emergency.
And in such a situation, Bolsonaro’s mere hard-hitting statements would not work. Rather his administration must display strong public actions in the form of sending more fire-fighters and soldiers to tackle the situation. Blaming either the international media or the opposition forces will not douse the fire. It’s time to act and save the planet.
Precisely, Bolsonaro is not solely responsible for the current mess in the Amazon. But then he has made the situation worse by weakening the environment agency, opening of the Amazon to mining, farming and logging, and finally, pounding on the NGOs and civil society organisations (CSOs) working in the field of conservation. Also what has added fuel to the fire is that the extreme pressure from the agricultural lobby in Brazil. This lobby is very strong and as a result, it is absolutely easy for it to break the once powerful environmental protection system existed in the country, between 2005 and 2014.
Going by the records, one can rightly state that massive moves towards deforestation came up in the last five years when Dilma Rosseff and Michel Temer were in power.
During the time of Temer, he removed the protection status of the National Reserve of Copper and Associates, a national reserve much larger than the size of Denmark.
This reserve forest, called “Renca”, covers 46,000 square kilometres. It is widely believed that it contained rich reserves of copper, gold, iron ore and other important minerals. With this policy, nearly 30 per cent of the Renca was made open for mining operations by the Government. Besides, environmental hazards, the Renca also provided home to a number of indigenous ethnic communities who were not much exposed to the outside world till then.
But, the rate of deforestation has accelerated in the first few months of Bolsonaro’s presidency. Simply to blame right-wing Bolsonaro may not put an end to the blaze in the Amazon as fires are also rampant currently under a Left-wing populist regime in Bolivia as well.
Beyond the political gimmicks and blame game played by the G7 leaders in its last conclave, the international community needs to see that the Brazil Government takes immediate measures to curb the raging fires in the Amazon.
At the moment, the UN and many other international organisations are expressing concerns and urging responsible players to act swiftly. But that is not enough. The top priority should be placed on building a buffer against all the tipping points across the Amazon and bringing an end to massive emissions emerging from the fires.
So it is not just protection of the Amazon, but also concrete policies to be laid down for reforesting the entire zone on war-footing. And for this, Brazil must ensure that more finance comes on its way of both resettling the locals and reforesting the region.
Hence just saying no to the financial aid offered by the G7 may not support the rebuilding efforts of the Bolsonaro Government. Much beyond all these, the Government and international environmental agencies must listen and align their policies to the indigenous groups and reverine communities living in around the Amazon. Also Brazil must understand the global importance of these evergreen forests. It is not simply Brazil that is affected, but the entire planet.
(The writer is an expert on international affairs)
Writer: Makhan Saikia
Courtesy: The Pioneer
Sanjay Mishra known for his one liners rose to fame as Babli in Golmaal. He then went on giving stellar performances in films like Masaan, Dhamaal and Welcome. He speaks with Musba Hashmi about his debut and best moments of his journey
I was studying in National School of Drama (NSD). A couple of months before passing out, I got selected for DD National’s historical drama — Chanakya. I was offered the role of Nipunak. When the team came to our institute they were in search of some fresh talent and they selected a few people from my batch. This is how I got my first role.
Yes. It was day one on the sets and my first shot. It took me 25 to 28 takes for a scene. The scene was that I had to imagine a finger as my mother and had to read out the dialogues. It took forever to shoot the scene. I was facing the camera first time. I didn’t know how it worked. Acting for shows or films is very different from what we do on stage. Though, I had done all my preparations, I had read the script thoroughly before going to the sets, but nothing worked. The people on the sets started questioning my acting skills. I heard taunts like pata nahi kesey kesey log NSD se actor ban kar nikal kar aatey hain, kuch aata jata hai nahin inhey, kyon aagayein hain. But, it didn’t demotivate me. Instead, I feel fortunate that I didn’t receive appreciation for acting back then. Because if I would have then I wouldn’t be here today. I would have become overconfident. From that day I have stopped reading the scripts, I have cut short the expenses related to preparing scripts. (laughs)
I am a born artist. I was confused of what to choose — music or acting. I was in search of the right path. It was all of a sudden when I realised that I am an actor — a lazy one. I thought if I will go in the music industry then it will take me at least 15 years to make a place for myself and it was uncertain. The easy way out for me was to enrol myself in short plays and then it got me interested in acting.
Yes. My whole family was very supportive all through. They still are. In fact, there was a time when I was not willing to leave Delhi to shift to Mumbai. Then my family thrashed me and sent me to Mumbai. (laughs)
I came to Mumbai with only one thing in mind that I need to explore cinema. It wasn’t like that I had to become an actor. It was only my love for cinema that took me there. I wanted to explore the industry. For this, I was willing to do anything — from being an art director to a camera person to an editor, I was open for everything. Also, I had to earn a living.
First and foremost the director. As I mentioned earlier, I don’t read the scripts. I go by what the director is saying. If there is a good director for instance say Satyajit Ray, then he will make you visualise the whole film with his narration. There will be no need to read the script. Second, I see what my character is about. I don’t go for big banners like most people do. The commercial value of the film doesn’t matter to me, the story does.
I don’t have words to describe that moment. I was always a fan of Mr Bachchan and when I was offered to stand with him in the ad, I was on cloud nine. I remember the product was Mirinda and I was calling it Meranda. Then, Mr Bachchan stopped and asked me if I was from Delhi. I said yes and he replied tabhi aap Mirinda ko Meranda Meranda keh rahe hain. The other funny moment was when I reached the sets, the first thing that I did was to touch his feet and said ek hi ichcha thi ki marney se pehle aap se mil loon. To which he replied kiskey marne se pehle. And we both burst into laughter. I remember after the shoot, he said that I was good and I felt like recording his words but sadly we didn’t have voice recorders in mobile phones back then.
Yes. I am highly obliged that the film received a National Award. The film is about the scarcity of water. It was a small initiative to brought the issue to light. It is everyone’s duty to do their part and save nature. Few months back, I also did a film called Kadwi Hawa. It was on pollution. There is a need to make more films on social causes to create awareness. I am glad that my work has been recognised but there is much more that the Government should do to help tackle such issues.
I am shooting for 108 Maryadit. It is the most challenging project for me till now. However, when I take up a new project mujhe bukhaar chadhney lagta hai, ki yeh kya musibat apney sar le li maine. Then there are Bhot Hua Samman, Color Black, Gwalior, Death On A Sunday and #Gadhvi in the pipeline.
Writer: Musba Hashmi
Courtesy: The Pioneer
Given the boom in the e-commerce sector, it is crucial for the Government to fram relevant laws that help in regulating the use of packaging and shipping materials.
E-commerce companies are one of the least studied and under-reported generators of plastic and non-plastic waste. In 2017, the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) conducted a study to estimate the environmental impact of online shopping in the US. To the dismay of the EPA and the American public in general, it emerged in the study that the US e-commerce packaging accounted for 30 per cent of solid waste generated in the country.
On the other hand, India’s burgeoning e-commerce packaging industry was worth $32 billion in 2015 and is expected to grow to about $73 billion by 2020.
Flipkart, for instance, does around eight million shipments every month. Given this scale of online shopping, it is surprising that there are no official estimates available nor studies conducted to assess the amount of e-commerce packaging or the disposal of waste, as no organisation has bothered to investigate the same. E-commerce packaging and the disposal of waste have huge environmental costs. This is due to multiple layers of packaging which are made of plastic, paper, bubble wrap, air packets, tape and cardboard cartons that accompany the usual online shopping product delivery.
While most of these packaging materials are recyclable, India’s abysmal record indicates that a large portion of these materials will end up clogging our drains and landfills. The problem of excessive packaging has been exacerbated due to the growth of priority customer services that place a premium on ultra-fast delivery which do not allow for consolidated delivery of packages. This is leading to multiple individually packed deliveries, thus increasing the generation of waste. In addition to increasing waste, the trend of excessive packaging is poised to cause considerable loss of forest cover, as wood pulp remains the main raw material for making packaging cardboard.
For instance, around 85 million packages are shipped in India each year, and the cardboard used would roughly equate to more than 70 million trees being chopped. Moreover, the toxic chemicals used in the production of these packaging materials are bound to affect human health as they enter our food cycle.
Many e-commerce companies use a possible carcinogen called Styrofoam, which is used as a common filler. Long-term exposure to even small quantities of Styrofoam can cause fatigue, nervousness and sleep disorders. Vinyl chloride, which is used to manufacture PVC, can severely impact the central nervous system, causing headache and dizziness. Long-term exposure to vinyl chloride can result in cancer and liver damage. Yet, the Government is not doing enough to undertake the required studies to establish this link and then take corrective measures.
Given the booming e-commerce activity, the Government must frame laws that can govern and regulate the most sensitive parts of the e-commerce process, such as e-commerce packaging. At present, there is no law in India that regulates e-commerce packaging. It is clear that there is an urgent need for the creation and stringent implementation of the same. Such a law must be grounded in the doctrine of Extended Producer Responsibility, which mandates that the producer of the waste shall be responsible for its end-of-life recycling and disposal. The EPR doctrine is a proven doctrine that has resulted in some of the highest recycling rates in the world.
The Solid Waste Management Rules, 2016, state that producers of packaging products, such as plastic and corrugated boxes, must take up the responsibility of collection, recycling and disposal of such waste in accordance with environmentally sound principles. Further, the Plastic Waste Management Rules, 2018, place the responsibility of recycling and collection of plastic waste on the producers, importers and brand owners who introduce the material in the market.
Any law that aims to regulate e-commerce packaging must address critical issues. First, standard packaging rules akin to those Legal Metrology (Packaged Commodities) Rules, 2011, must be framed and enforced. Second, the law must regulate the method and materials used for e-commerce packaging based on scientific and environmentally sound principles. Companies must invest in smaller and more sustainable, environment-friendly packaging. This will automatically reduce packaging volumes as well as costs.
At the same time, e-commerce companies must factor in three different aspects of sustainability to ensure sustainable packaging — those of reduction in the amount of packaging materials used; increase in the recyclability of the packaging materials; and increase in the use of recycled packaging materials. They should also explore the possibility of implementing buy-back policies, or even provide customers with the choice to choose more sustainable methods of packaging. A carefully drafted law and genuine cooperation among stakeholders, including e-commerce companies, consumers and local municipalities can ensure that the law is successfully implemented. The recent extension of Maharashtra’s plastic ban to e-commerce companies is a welcome step and one whose implementation could hold valuable lessons for other States.
While it is understandable that sturdy packaging materials must be used to reduce damage to products in transit and during handling, but excessive use of plastic and other materials is environmentally unsustainable. Optimisation and innovation hold the key to a sustainable packaging revolution. Online shopping companies must also bring down their carbon signature, which is created by their humongous diesel guzzling transport fleet. Instead, the Government must set up regulations under which these companies must mandatorily use renewable energy-driven commercial vehicles to affect their deliveries. This will bring down the pollution levels.
(The writer is an environmental journalist)
Writer: Kota Sriraj
Courtesy: The Pioneer
Choreographer BOSCO MARTIS, who debued with Mission Kashmir speaks with MUSBA HASHMI about his best moments and judging a reality show
You have been in the industry for almost two decades now. How do you think you have evolved as an artist?
It has not been an overnight thing. It takes time. Every day is a learning process. At the end of the day, I analyse the mistakes and try not to repeat them. I learn by seeing myself. I am still evolving. I try to improve and keep progressing.
How has your journey been? Were there more ups or more downs?
The truth is that you have to hit the lows to go high. It is important for one’s progress. If you are already on that high, then there is only downfall. I would rather like lows coming in my life so that it can prepare me for the highs.
You have choreographed for people like Shah Rukh Khan and Kareena Kapoor Khan. How is it like to work with them?
It is more of a giving process since I am choreographing them. While working with actors, you have to understand that this is what they are and you have to bring out the best in them. The audience doesn’t know if they can dance or not, it is up to me see see how to present them. This is when our expertise come into work. It is also a challenge to figure out how to present a particular actor, since everyone has their own strengths and weaknesses, so that they come out as a better version of themselves.
Out of all the actors you have worked with, which one is your favourite?
Ranbir Kapoor is my favourite. I love working with him. The reason being he has nothing to say. If I am giving him a step he just does it without any ifs and buts. He just does everything that is taught to him for the love of dance and for the love of what’s happening around him. He knows that he is with professionals who will give him the right moves and what it takes to make the song a hit.
What was the most challenging project for you?
The song Senorita in the movie Zindagi Na Milegi Dobara was challenging. We had to be in Spain and had to complete the song in just 10 days. There was a lot of hard work that went into it and the appraisal was so well done. It also got a National Award for us.
What are some of the best moment of your journey?
I have enjoyed each and every moment of my life. It is not a single memory that turns out to be best for you but it is a collaborative effort of each and everything in your life. It will be wrong to term any particular incident or memory as the best one. But, yes one of the best moments can be the year 2000 when my debut film as a choreographer — Mission Kashmir released.
How do you define dance?
Dance is a way to release your energy. If you are happy you can dance, if you are sad you can dance.
What does success mean to you?
Success is what you embed in yourself and what you derive from it. It is not as if you got a big offer and you become successful. Success for me is the little things that makes me happy. If a child comes and hugs me, it is asuccess.
How is the experience with Dance India Dance?
I am thoroughly enjoying it. There is a lot of fresh talent. Then, there is Kareena Kapoor Khan as a judge this time. It is a wonderful experience.
What is your mindset while judging a reality show?
I try to give the best of my knowledge to the performer. I try to give the best of my expertise to the contestants so that they can benefit from it. And, I hope that I do it the right way.
Writer: Musba Hashmi
Courtesy: The Pioneer
Gauahar khan | Known for her role in Begum Jaan, Khan has won hearts through her acting and bold nature. She speaks with Musba Hashmi about her latest projects and journey. In order to get fame, one needs to work hard, she says
What is your character in The Office about?
I play Riya Pahwa. She is the boss’ boss. She sits in the Delhi head office. She has a lot of critical decisions to make. She keeps telling Jagdeep Chadda (played by Mukul Chadda), who is a branch manager, that he has to listen to her advice otherwise the company will suffer losses. Basically, time and again she makes Chadda realise that she is the boss. She is confident and a sorted woman.
What made you say yes?
It is a character that I haven’t played before. In my first film — Rocket Singh, my role was set-up in an office environment but it was of a receptionist and here I play the boss. It is a different role altogether. Moreover, it is a web series and being aired on Hotstar. When the team of Applause Entertainment approached me for the role there was no reason to turn it down.
What is that one thing that is attracting people towards remakes or adaptations of foreign shows?
When you see a movie and if you like it, you want to see it’s sequels too. Same goes for this. If there is a good adaptation people will watch it. The Office is an adaptation of a cult show which was an international format. It’s not as if it’s a scene to scene pick up. You have to make the required changes. Here comes the connectivity with the audience. For example, it is an Indian adaptation so accordingly everything has been decided keeping in mind the Indian audience — be it the characters or the work environment. This makes it an interesting watch. A big show like this deserves an Indian adaptation.
Is there a checklist that you follow before signing projects?
First, the script should be good. Second, I look for the production house. Third, good director is a must. Fouth, the platform on which it will be shown. For web series, the platform is decided at a much later stage but then good names should be associated with a project.
You have worked in films, TV and now web. Where do you find yourself most comfortable working in?
I find myself most comfortable in front of the camera. Medium doesn’t matter. I love playing different characters. I am comfortable working in any medium as long as I am performing. I have also done Zangoora, which was Bollywood’s first musical. I have done everything and I hope I continue to add newer mediums and genres in my list.
You have been a part of a lot of reality shows. Any plans to step into the mainstream TV?
If I am offered a good lead character, then yes. But, the role has to be appealing. I would love to do something around love, drama and romance because I haven’t done that yet.
How was the experience working with Vidya Balan in Begum Jaan?
There were so many lessons that I took back home from her. More than an amazing actor, she is an amazing human being. She takes care of people around her and is very much aware of what’s happening around. I love her to bits. She is very professional, throws no tantrums and never causes any trouble to anyone just because she is a big actor.
A lesson learnt in the industry.
You don’t need to be affiliated to some big name from the industry to earn fame. Your hard work earns you work. Doing good work brings more good work in your way.
Good, bad and ugly of trolling.
Trolling is only bad and ugly, there is no good. The only good can be that it teaches you how to ignore people who want to bring you down.
How has your journey been thus far?
I only see my journey as a glass half full. I don’t care about the time when things didn’t turn out well. I am a very optimistic person.
What are your upcoming projects?
There are two web series in the pipeline. I don’t want to talk more about it but I have completed shooting for one and have signed the other.
Writer: Musba Hashmi
Courtesy: The Pioneer
The effects of habitat destruction, overexploitation of natural resources and degree of climate change is continually threatening the survival of wildlife species. To protect and reverse this effect, the government needs to take quick action.
By any standard, forests around the world are the last barriers between mankind and the ill-effects of climate change. How the human race has so far managed to stay outside the grasp of worsening environmental conditions is a miracle and can be attributed to the neutralising capabilities of the forests and their inherent wildlife.
But the health of our forests largely depends on the health and the number of wildlife species they host. It is also a fact that this insurance cover against the vagaries of environment is now depleting at a rapid rate. There has been a 53 per cent decline in the number of forest wildlife populations since 1970, according to the first-ever global assessment of forest biodiversity by the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF).
Wildlife is an essential component of natural and healthy forests. They play a major role in forest regeneration and carbon storage by engaging in pollination and seed dispersal. Thus, the loss of fauna can have severe implications for forests’ health, the climate and humans, who depend on forests for their livelihoods, said the WWF report titled, Below the Canopy. Until now, forest biodiversity had never been assessed but forest area was often used as a proxy indicator.
The new findings were based on the Forest Specialist Index, developed following the Living Planet Index methodology — an index that tracks wildlife that lives only in forests. In total, data was available for 268 species and 455 populations of birds, mammals, reptiles and amphibians. Of the 455 monitored populations of forest specialists, more than half declined at an annual rate of 1.7 per cent, on average between 1970 and 2014.
While the decline was consistent in these years among mammals, reptiles and amphibians (particularly from the tropical forests), it was less among birds (especially from temperate forests), said the report.
Further, the report found that just the changes in tree cover — deforestation or reforestation — were not responsible for the decline in wildlife populations. Other major threats were habitat loss, forest exploitation and climate change. In fact, the loss of habitat due to logging, agricultural expansion, mining, hunting, conflicts and spread of diseases accounted for almost 60 per cent of threats.
Nearly 20 per cent of the threats were due to overexploitation. Of the 112 forest-dwelling primate populations, 40 were threatened by overexploitation (hunting), the report showed. Climate change, on the other hand, threatened to 43 per cent of amphibian populations, 37 per cent of reptile populations, 21 per cent of bird populations but only 3 per cent of mammal populations. More than 60 per cent of threatened forest specialist populations faced more than one threat, the report noted.
Not only are forests a treasure trove of life on earth, they are also our greatest natural ally in the fight against climate breakdown. Protecting wildlife and reversing the decline of nature require urgent global action. The need is to preserve harmonious land use in our region, including forest management and protect the most valuable surviving ecosystems. Given these circumstances, there is an urgent need for global leaders to kick start an action plan immediately to protect and restore nature and keep our forests standing. Only a quarter of the land on earth is now free of the impacts of human activities.
In a bid to conserve nature, world leaders have agreed to launch a ‘New Deal’ for Nature and People in 2020 in China. The new set of commitments will likely draw together a global biodiversity framework with reinvigorated action under the Paris Agreement and the United Nations-mandated Sustainable Development Goals.
The state of affairs of our forests is not at its best phase. Nations across the world are aware about the growing problem of disappearing forests and wildlife, which is becoming extinct. India, too, is no stranger to this situation but unlike the global forum, our country is yet to take concrete steps that can ensure that our forest remain replete with ample flora and fauna. The annual forest reports and allied data show that since independence, India has lost quite a lot of forest cover, mainly due to man-made reasons than climate change. The usurping of forest land by land mafia is emerging as the biggest reason. This situation is made worse due to poaching activities, which put an end to wildlife.
How can the Government or the judiciary stem the loss of green cover in India and prevent wildlife from poaching remains to be seen. The Government must ensure that Indian forests are treated with priority and protect the wildlife within. Unless immediate measures are taken, the loss for our country would be permanent and the green barrier that stands between us and impacts of climate change would be gone forever.
(The writer is an environmental journalist)
Writer: Kota Sriraj
Courtesy: The Pioneer
Late Col Dalip Singh narrates his story of transporting Muslim refugees to Lahore and bringing Hindus and Sikhs to India during partition.
After having read many discourses on the subject of refugees, I listened to my inner voice, which told me that there are not many with my experience who can relocate refugees from both sides. A few months before Partition, I was posted at an Army transport company stationed in Lahore Cantonment. A unit had just come back from Iraq to India and all jawans and officers had guns. Still, there was shortage of ammunition. During Partition, this unit came under the jurisdiction of Pakistan and had men from all States, religion and caste. Non-Muslim jawans had to stay in Lahore until the unit had the required strength of Muslims. Our company was also assigned the responsibility of relocating the Muslim soldiers’ families, who were in India as also the Indian soldiers’ families residing in the villages in Pakistan.
August 15, 1947, passed and after a few days, I was deputed with a couple of lorries to go to the ammunition depot at Kasu Begu and bring the ammunition for the armoury. The depot was located near Ferozepur on the Indian side. When we reached Kasu Begu, the depot commander told us that he had just received an order saying that ammunition should not be dispensed to the units based in Pakistan. A problem had arisen. I made earnest supplications but the commander seemed tied. I tried to find a way out and told him that he had received the signal only that day and could simply backdate the release order. The officer understood that this would solve the problem and we loaded the ammunition in the trucks.
A friend of mine, Nur Mohammad Gondal, was posted in the Ferozepur Cantonment. Both of us had returned to India from the supply depot in Aden (Saudi Arabia now Yemen). Later, I was posted to Lahore and Gondal was posted to Ferozepur. When I went to see him, I came to know that he had gone to a village to fetch the family of a Muslim jawan. I waited for him and camped in his unit. Soon after arriving from Aden, Gondal got married and was staying with his family in Ferozepur. At the gate of his house, there was a guard with a sten gun and a few riflemen. His house was on a main street that was being patrolled by many groups shouting anti-Pakistan slogans. At night, we discussed the possibility of transporting him and his family to Lahore. We both went to his commander and he agreed. The whole night we packed his household and prepared for our departure. When offices opened the next day, Mohammad got his duty slip and we left for Lahore. On the way, there were a few sloganeers on the road and many groups indulging in loot, who seeing military vehicles, would give way. On the day of our arrival, similar scenes were to be seen. Here, I would like to mention a scenario. About 200-300 yards near the Ferozepur border, one could see (if one knew) the Kikar (Acacia arabica), where Shaheed Bhagat Singh was hanged. Military guards were posted outside my house — the only bungalow between Sadar Bazaar Lahore and Mughalpura railway station — allotted to me and shared with another officer.
On reaching Lahore, Gondal and his family were sent to Gujarat (north of Gujranwala) and the lorry brought back non-Muslim families from there. Three brothers of my father used to stay in Arif Wala near Mandi Montgomery. To fetch them and other families from that area, I got two vehicles and on reaching, we found that all of them, together with other refugees, had left via Pakpatan to India. Deadly scenes on the Pakpatan Fazilka road were seen. Driving through the deserted habitats, innumerable dead bodies lay scattered. At many places, the stench was so overwhelming that we had to block our noses while passing through. At many places enroute, we had to get off the lorries and clear the road of dead bodies blocking our way. Ultimately, we did make it to Fazilka. In these lorries, the seat next to the driver had a shutter above that could be opened. For almost the entire journey, I stood in this opening. Passing through the middle of Fazilka Bazaar, I spotted my father’s elder brother running and stopping the lorry. It was a moment of happiness as he told me that they had all reached Fazilka and some relatives were at the refugee camp. After picking them up, we spent the night in the Fazilka dak bungalow.
The next day, we left for Lahore via Ferozepur. I made the mistake of taking that route instead of another direct road to Lahore via Ludhiana. After crossing the border on our way to Lahore, we came across a number of Pakistani military check posts and I had to explain myself everywhere. At many places, they checked the lorries. Since my unit came under the Pakistani command, there were no major problems. After a couple of days in Lahore, I applied for a visit to Ludhiana. During the Raj, all the big units were commanded by a British officer. Our unit commander, a Major, turned out to be an extremely helpful person. Our unit used to get many requests to supply vehicles. I transported some more non-Muslims to Ludhiana and when we reached the Jalandhar check post on our return, I was shown a communiqué stating that any vehicle going to Pakistan, before proceeding further, was to report to the camp commander of the Jalandhar Cantonment refugee camp. There were a few affluent Muslim families waiting at the check post, who asked me if I could take them to Lahore. I informed them that these vehicles were for ferrying the Muslim families of the military personnel and refused their requests. Earlier in Ludhiana, I had requests from friends to carry some Muslim families across and I refused them, too. Along with the refugees from the Jalandhar camp, we proceeded towards Lahore. On reaching, I got an order for my platoon to pick up refugees from the Sikh National College, take them to India and on our return, bring back the refugees assembled at Khilchia, a big Muslim village between Beas and Amritsar.
As soon as the lorries entered the college, people filled up the vehicles without permission. When I reported to the camp commandant for further instructions, he showed his constraints. People were sitting on the bonnet cover of the engine. I tried in vain to convince them that we would take all of them in turns. When we started and were about to exit Lahore, we met a magistrate at a police control. He insisted on checking every single vehicle as they were Pakistani property and we were taking them out of the country. I made him understand that my vehicles would return with refugees from Khilchia and if the vehicles were stopped constantly, I would not be able to do my duty. I promised him that in return, I would not get the vehicles checked that would come with refugees from Amritsar. He understood the situation and we moved on. The refugees were taken off at a Hindu camp, set up in an orchard on the left side of the road and we proceeded to Khilchia. While returning with Muslim refugees, we were stopped by a non-Muslim refugee leader, who on seeing the Muslims, wanted to seize them. I made him understand that it was my duty to bring non-Muslim refugees from Pakistan and take back Muslim refugees from here. On reaching Lahore, I got the vehicles emptied in front of the Sadar Police Station. Next day, when I repeated the same procedure, the Thanedar requested me to drop the refugees at the refugee camp outside Lahore on the Ferozepur road as they were spreading a lot of filth around. After that, I never faced any problems. Evacuating the refugees from the Sikh National College, I was also asked to evacuate the refugees from DAV college hostel to Amritsar.
In due time, all the Sikh and Hindu refugees were evacuated from Lahore. Everyday, the Kafilas (caravans) and the trains were attacked and finally, we got orders to transport non-Muslim jawans in lorries and to report for duty at Jalandhar Cantonment. There was so much bloodshed near Mughalpura that we were asked not to take the Amritsar road but to go via the Ferozepur-Ludhiana route. After crossing Ferozepur, continuous downpour forced us to break our journey in Ludhiana. We parked our vehicles near the old courts down the Mall road. I went to see the Sessions Judge and requested permission to stay for the night in his office premises.
Next day, we passed through Philaur, Guraiya, Phagwara and crossing Railpur, on the right hand side opposite the railway station, we came to know that both the bridges on the river Wayin had been blown up. We had to stop and camp at the railway station and we arranged to get rations and vegetables from Jalandhar Cantonment. Rail and road communication from Jalandhar and Amritsar was stopped. One day, after crossing the broken bridge over the hanging girders, both the Majors, Commanding Officers (British) of the Lahore and Jalandhar transport companies, arrived on foot at our camp and ordered me to go to Ludhiana and take up the command of the Platoon of the Jalandhar transport company there. After a while, our Brigade was ordered to shift the refugees from Doraha refugee camp (which was under Patiala State that time), Ludhiana camp, Mulanpur camp, Jagraon camp up to Bahina Police jurisdiction and look after the safe movement of the Kafilas to their destinations. When those moved on, I had orders to provide transport for the sick and elderly, who were neglected and left behind at the camps and to transfer them to the next refugee camp. After the Kafilas had been moved, the roads looked almost empty. I was lucky that my village was only five miles from Ludhiana.
One day, three men, Sohan Singh, Bachan Singh and Tota Singh, visited me. That day, a Kafila was stationed for the night at a camp where there is an agriculture university now. The following day, I went to my village and found that the three men had not reached the village. We got worried as they had to pass by the refugee camp on foot and might have been cornered. When we went to the campsite next day, we saw some freshly spread soil and after digging the site, we found their bodies. Our apprehensions proved right. During this period, a Patwari from our village went with cash to a refugee camp to pick up a good breed horse. Neither did he return nor was his dead body recovered.
Besides being used for the refugees, my vehicles were also deputed to the PWD for constructing the refugees rehabilitation camps at a site where there is now a new model town. One of the camps was raised by my school friend Jagjit Singh Gill. One day, passing through my village on my return, an old woman stood in front of my jeep and said, “Oh my son! What is this creation of Pakistan? My married daughter is sitting in my house and her husband has kept a Muslim woman in his house. I came to know that his house was in Ramgarh village in Patiala State.” Lt Ajmer Singh Gill of the Patiala Lancers was a good friend of mine and he was in charge of the Doraha refugee camp. Whenever I had to go to Doraha, I would visit him and when he came to Ludhiana, he would visit me. When I told him about the story of the old woman, he assured me not to worry and that we would see her settled. Lt Ajmer Singh used to go hunting near Doraha. One day in the evening, after eating and drinking, we went to Ramgarh village with two or three vehicles. A word was spread in the village that the vehicles had come to transport all Muslim women to Pakistan. There in that village, the liquor shop was auctioned from time to time and during that period, the contract was held by a classmate friend of mine from Lalton village. He was very happy to meet us and invited us for food and drinks and assured us that he would settle the girl from my village. After meals we found the entire village empty, menfolk with the shady women hid in the fields. That day we did not succeed. In a few days time, however, my friend successfully rehabilitated the girl from my village. Those days, when the Kafilas would move on the roads, the scene would be the same everywhere. Once, when I was returning from Doraha at night after a meeting with Lt Ajmer Singh Gill, my jeep toppled over. The three people in the rear fell out but the driver and I remained trapped in our seats under the jeep. Grateful that my head was sticking out of the jeep and the driver was breathing heavily behind the front glass frame. The three people managed to lift the jeep a little and rested it on a stone but could not turn it over. After a little while, a truck stopped and four people climbed out and straightened our jeep. The driver tried to start the engine and we drove directly to Brown Hospital, Ludhiana. The doctor on duty there gave me first aid and tranquilisers, enabling me to sleep for the night. Next day, I was transported by military ambulance to the military hospital in Jalandhar Cantonment. My shoulder and left hand were fractured and were put under plaster. At the hospital I would listen all day long to the radio in the Officers Mess. On the evening of January 30, 1948, the radio was interrupted and we heard that Mahatma Gandhi had been assassinated. It was being continually repeated and I was informing everybody around.
Readers can very well imagine that from before the creation of Pakistan up to January 30, 1948, my entire time was spent in the service of the refugees. My life was spared because of the honesty in the delivery of my duty. When I was struck under the jeep, many instances came to my mind. One instance I want to mention is that an elderly acquaintance stopped me near the Ghanta Ghar, Ludhiana, when I was transporting Muslim families of jawans to Lahore. He came over to my side and said, “Dalip, there are many rich families, who have not been able to go to Pakistan, if you can take them to Lahore, they can give you money in abundance.” I told the person “Masterji, these vehicles are only meant to transport the families of the army jawans, not anybody else.” Also, while stuck under the jeep, I was thinking if I had not done my duty honestly, my life would not have been spared.
(Translated by AR Ranjit Singh, son of the author)
Writer: Late Col Dalip Singh
Courtesy: The Pioneer
History is replete with instances where Governors failed to adhere to the principles of the Bommai judgement and the Supreme Court had to intervene to uphold the Constitution
Despite several judicial pronouncements and recommendations of Justice RS Sarkaria and Justice Punchhi Commissions, Governors are known to have acted differently in seemingly similar situations with Constitutional consequences. Ultimately, it has been left to the Supreme Court to restore balance and uphold the principles enshrined in our Constitution.
According to the 38th Constitutional amendment of 1975, presidential proclamations issued under Article 356 were beyond the scope of any judicial review. This was later revoked by the 44th amendment of 1978. The Bommai judgement of 1994 not only laid down the principles to be followed in a Constitutional crisis — in the context of Article 356 — but also held that if the proclamation was invalidated, then notwithstanding its approval by Parliament, the court could lawfully revive the dissolved Legislative Assembly. Some of the cases, which illustrate the role of the Governor taking recourse to Article 356 and where the apex court had to intervene, have been discussed here.
In 1991, a peculiar situation had arisen in Meghalaya where the Speaker himself, with the help of the principal Opposition party, became a chief ministerial candidate. Earlier, he had disqualified five independent MLAs who had been supporting the Government, thereby precipitating a crisis. The Supreme Court intervened on a petition by the MLAs and gave an interim stay against the order of the Speaker, who then issued a Press statement to the effect that he did not accept any interference in his orders.
On a contempt petition being moved, the apex court ordered that all authorities of the State, including the Governor, must ensure that its earlier orders are implemented. The subsequent proceedings of the House showing a tie, the Speaker voted against the Government and adjourned the House sine die. It was discovered that the Speaker had not counted the votes of the Independents while declaring a tie. As such, the House continued the proceedings under a freshly elected Speaker and conveyed to the Governor that the House had confidence in the Government and had passed a motion of no confidence against the Speaker. Not paying any heed to the direction of the Supreme Court, the Governor observed that the matter was between the Supreme Court and the Speaker and recommended to the President dissolution of the House, which was so proclaimed under Article 356.
This matter came up to the Supreme Court, which in its orders stated: “The unflattering episode shows in unmistakable terms the Governor’s unnecessary anxiety to dismiss the Ministry and dissolve the Assembly and also his failure as a Constitutional functionary to realise the binding legal consequences of, and giving effect to the order of this court. What is worse, the Union Council of Ministers also chose to give advice to the President to issue the proclamation on the material in question. Prima facie, the material before the President was not only irrational but motivated by factual and legal mala fides. The proclamation was, therefore, invalid.”
Since fresh elections had been held to the Assembly and a new House had come into existence, the court did not issue the writ and direction for the restoration of the Lyngdoh Ministry or the Assembly.
Yet another case where the Governor’s action drew the public’s as well as the judiciary’s ire was from the State of Uttar Pradesh. As a former diplomat, the Governor had earlier held several important assignments. While the details of the case would be of immense interest to the reader, let me first quote the Supreme Court’s ruling in the matter:
“It appears that the Governor had proceeded on the basis of such information, intimation, letters or telephone calls. Nowhere has he mentioned that he had verified the issues himself before coming to any conclusion. His assessment was based on the intimation given to him by leaders of some of the political parties.”
The most interesting part of the events was that the Kalyan Singh Ministry was dismissed on February 21, 1998, just a few hours before the Lok Sabha elections were to be held. In the meantime, a petition was moved in the Allahabad High Court before the swearing-in of the successor Government. The proceedings in the High Court were taken up the same evening itself and continued till the next morning. In between, the Governor swore in Jagdambika Pal as the Chief Minister on the night of February 21 at 10 pm. The new Chief Minister was asked to seek a vote of confidence on February 24 but on August 22 itself, the High Court stayed the dismissal of the Kalyan Singh Government. This in effect meant that Jagdambika Pal could remain the Chief Minister for a few hours.
The matter went up to the Supreme Court, where Jagdambika Pal appealed against the stay on the dismissal of Kalyan Singh. Unprecedented in the judicial as well as legislative history, the top court fixed the time for the Assembly to meet on February 26 for a composite test. The order was unique as it was for the first time that the apex court was not only actively participating and facilitating a democratic processes but was also fixing the agenda for the legislature. The extracts from the historic order of the Supreme Court are reproduced here :
“(i) A special session of the Uttar Pradesh Assembly be summoned/convened for February, 26, 1998, the session commencing forenoon. (ii) The only agenda in the Assembly would be to have a composite floor-test between the contending parties in order to see which out of the two contesting claimants of chief ministership has majority in the House. (iii) It is pertinently emphasised that the proceedings in the Assembly shall be totally peaceful and disturbance, if any, caused therein would be viewed seriously. (iv) The result of the composite floor-test would be announced by the Speaker faithfully and truthfully.
Further, “It appears that he (the Governor) had sought to find out himself about the loss of confidence on the basis of information, as mentioned in his order, from the leaders of some groups or parties and had calculated himself to come to the conclusion that Jagdambika Pal had mustered support of the majority.” He had also mentioned that “it was not for me to do the count of heads. I have to go by what the leaders of the political parties maintained.”
According to him, no opportunity to Kalyan Singh to test his strength on the floor should be given. The reason for such a decision was sought to be supported on the ground that there was chance of horse-trading on the basis of his experience of what had happened in October, 1997. He also recorded that he received telephone calls from some people, who had informed that they were on their way to Lucknow from different places. He also mentioned that he wished to adhere to the principles of floor-test, “the essence of Bommai judgement.” In fact, this reference to the Bommai judgement was completely misplaced.
Further, according to the Supreme Court, “prima facie, it appears that the decision is based on materials, which in our view, cannot form materials for the Governor to form such an opinion. It is such a serious and a touchy issue and in such a hot haste on the eve of Lok Sabha election scheduled to be held on February 22, 1998, a few hours later, it cannot be ruled out that power has been exercised for purpose not warranted by law.”
As ordered by the Supreme Court, a composite floor-test was undertaken in the Uttar Pradesh Assembly where Kalyan Singh carried the day. Thereafter, within a few days, the Governor submitted his resignation, which was just a few months before his tenure was to come to an end.
In yet another case in Uttarakhand, the Governor had fixed the date for the Chief Minister to seek a vote of confidence but a day before it, the Assembly was suspended under Article 356. The suspension was overruled by the High Court and when the matter went up to the Supreme Court, a date for a floor-test and the modalities for conducting the same were assigned. The law and judicial secretary of the Government was entrusted the task of overseeing the process of voting where the sitting Government won the confidence of the House. Here also, the date for the Assembly to be convened and the agenda for its proceedings was fixed by the Supreme Court.
In the case of Arunachal Pradesh, in a landmark judgement, the Supreme Court led by Chief Justice of India, Justice Khehar, along with Justice Misra and Justice Madan Lokur, restored the status quo of the Assembly as prior to the declaration of President’s Rule. The Governor’s decision to advance the Session from January, 14, 2016, to December 16, 2015, was quashed as also the President’s Rule. This also led to the resignation of the Governor and restoration of the Nabam Tuki Government.
It would not be out of place to mention that in the four cases discussed above, one Governor was a politician and the other three were from the IAS, IPS and IFS. From time to time, instances have come to notice where the principles laid in the Bommai judgement have not been followed by Governors and as such, wherever and whenever warranted, despite the provisions of Article 212, where courts are not to enquire into proceedings of the legislature, the Supreme Court has assumed a proactive role to ensure the majesty of the Constitution.
(The writer is a former Governor and a Senior Advisor at the Pranab Mukherjee Foundation)
Writer: KK Paul
Courtesy: The Pioneer
Mukesh Ambani looks forward to changing how Indian consumers consume everything.
At another time, Mukesh Ambani’s announcement at the Reliance Industries Annual General Meeting (AGM) — where he formally announced the launch of his fibre-optic data network for Indian consumers, bringing his war on the telecom incumbents from mobile data networks to landline data connections — would have raised more questions than answers. There is little doubt that Ambani’s long-planned entry into mobile data networks has dramatically changed the way Indians treat data consumption, from carefully monitoring their usage to being carefree about their monthly bill or running out of data as prices across the board have crashed. Ambani plans to do the same with his ‘Jio Fibre’ service, bringing high-speed fibre networks to every nook and cranny of India. His proposals are not just an existential threat to current operators, but when combined with his plans to provide a free 4K television set and set-top box, could fundamentally change the way Indians consume entertainment at home. Just the way he changed the way Indians used their mobile phones. As much as people might complain about how the rise of apps such as Tik-Tok have corrupted Indian youth, the fact is that without Reliance Jio that would not have been possible. For better or worse, Mukesh Ambani has changed the way Indians behave and in doing so, has dramatically changed the way most Indians view him and his monolithic business empire. Once, any association with Ambani and Reliance Industries was pilloried by the likes of Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal. Today thanks to the fact that Ambani revolutionalised data pricing, the general public has a favourable view of him in urban centres.
However, one must not forget that Ambani’s entry has made life difficult for the incumbents. He has indirectly driven the merger of Vodafone and Idea, saddled them and others such as Airtel with massive losses and put others like Tata Teleservices and even his younger brother Anil Ambani’s Reliance Communications out of business altogether. And much as many consumers in India do not feel much sympathy for some of the incumbents, as their reputation as money-grabbing operators was not completely unfounded, it is vital that competition in the country survives. For this, the financial viability of other operators must be ensured. At the very top, Mukesh Ambani should not be allowed to dominate the market and become a monopolist. That is not good for the Indian economy and the general sense of competitiveness in India.
Writer & Courtesy: The Pioneer
Children from a children’s parliament in Thane are taking small responsibilities to spread environmental awareness and bring a positive change in society.
Rohini Richard Marri remembers her early teenage years, when she was 13 and used to cross an area filled with contaminated sewage water on her way to school every day in Uttan village, Thane. She and many other children contracted rashes on their legs on a regular basis because of the dirty water and complained to their parents. The sewage water had also started getting merged with the water of a well where people washed clothes and utensils. But no action was taken to clean the area despite many reportings of the problem.
Later, Rohini and a group of other children discussed the matter at a children’s parliament and in their school. They decided to take things in their own hands. With the help of a teacher, Rohini penned a petition letter to the local municipality with signatures of 50 children. The letter asked the municipal authorities to immediately clean the gutter. “We also wrote that if no action was taken, the children themselves would get on ground to clean the gutter, but bore no responsibility if any harm came to them,” says Rohini, adding that within three days, workers had arrived to clean the area. The children also informed their neighbours to not litter the streets and dispose garbage only in designated municipality bins to avoid such contamination.
Reflecting on her actions, Rohini says that if adults had intervened, the authorities would have still responded. “But since nobody was willing to step forward, the children decided to do something on their own. We were eventually appreciated for our actions,” she says. Even though Rohini’s parents were not convinced that the authorities would pay heed to the children, “they did not stop me. It took a matter of some time and they were impressed with my confidence. They felt that I had become capable of raising my voice against the wrong and for justice. They are now encouraging my younger brother to attend the children’s parliament too.”
Today, Rohini leads the children’s parliament, which was started by the Centre for Social Action (CSA) in 2010. She had joined the group in 2012. She says, “Initially, I thought this was a place to come and play. But in the parliament, we began realising our duties and responsibilities and that children do play a huge role in bringing about a change in our society. We learnt about what is wrong and needs to be spoken against. We made sure we preach what we learnt and also make others follow it, irrespective of their age since elders need to realise certain issues too and act accordingly.”
Rohini prefers the children’s parliament over her school because she feels that only bright and expressive children manage to progress in school, whereas in the parliament, everyone is given a chance. “I feel more confident. I also dress neatly and comb my hair before attending the parliament which I would not do earlier. I feel more responsible here,” she says.
Two years ago, the parliament tried to take action against an alcoholic man in the village who would beat his wife and children. The kids would also be irregular in school. Roshni, their tuition teacher and 30 children from the parliament visited the man’s house and warned him not to hit his wife and children, else they would approach the police and take forward the case legally. According to the teacher, the trick worked. “The man does not beat his children anymore. And now, they are becoming regular to school as well.” The children’s parliament had also conducted awareness visits to a police station, a local post office and an orphanage.
Rohini loves to go out with her friends and play. But recently, her parents have started asking her to stay put and study. “We tell them that as children, it is our right to play,” she says and her otherwise serious and thoughtful face breaks into a smile. Now that she is an adult, she notices that her mother treats her differently. “Earlier, I would be ordered to not miss tuitions and study. But now, my mother says that I must decide what I want to do,” she says, agreeing that the rights of a child and a recently-turned adult are different. Parents start allowing them more space as they start growing up and become mature adults. Their own rights and decisions are also taken into consideration rather than directly imposing something on them. She also thinks that humans are born with intrinsic rights.
Rohini has an aptitude for Mathematics and wants to teach the subject for which she plans to enrol in a teaching course. What are her marriage plans? Are her parents asking her to consider getting married now that she is 18? “No. I will marry later. In our community, girls marry at 27-28 years of age,” she says.
—Charkha Features
Writer: Urvashi Sarkar
Courtesy: The Pioneer
Sushma Swaraj showed how humanism and politics are never at cross purposes and how women can overcome glass cliffs
“The old order changeth, yielding place to new…..lest one good custom should corrupt the world,” wrote Alfred Tennyson. But in the passing away of BJP veteran Sushma Swaraj, who embodied this philosophy, one wishes that “one good custom” could have, should have continued. For that showed how it could endure and reinvent itself. If only to rescue the faith in our democratic system. If only to believe that compassion and grace are a tougher play than any muscularity of purpose. And that alone makes for legacy. It would, therefore, be unjust to confine Sushma Swaraj to her role in the BJP. No. In the end, she became a global woman politician, who never said “no” to anything that was thrown her way, rose to the top despite challenges, and owned every task as if she were cut out for it and unachievable for anybody else. Most importantly, she kept her humanism separate from politics, which she saw as a way of getting the job done, never letting it define her. In fact, she defined it. So it is understandable why thousands of tributes are pouring in from across the world, even from nations with whom we have had a troubled relationship, appreciating her ways of engagement and relieving crisis with her direct intervention and action. A people’s person, she helped Indians across the world as much as she did other nationals who needed help at our embassies, particularly those who required medical treatment here. In many ways, Swaraj will forever remain a pioneer in the annals of women’s leadership in India. In a bindi and sari, she wore tradition easily. She chose the difficult option in politics, making her path through the male-dominated leadership of the BJP, an arduous climb compared to her counterparts in the Congress, most of whom had the mantle of entitlement. Swaraj broke through as the party’s first woman Chief Minister, Union Cabinet Minister, general secretary and even spokesperson. She was perhaps one of BJP’s most proactive I&B ministers, ushering in industry status for film producers and propagating community radio. A passionate and arresting orator after Vajpayee, she has had Parliament in thrall with her speeches, particularly as the Leader of the Opposition from 2009 to 2014. The House will surely miss that fire and brimstone. She famously vowed to shave off her head if Congress supremo Sonia Gandhi was made the Prime Minister and fought her creditably from the Bellary Lok Sabha seat. But that didn’t stop Sonia from exchanging pleasantries with her at Central Hall.
Her toughest stint was within the BJP despite her dedication and commitment to every role the party assigned her, particularly glass cliff challenges vacated by her male colleagues. Though she was among the second-rung leaders that BJP has a culture of grooming, she didn’t have the Sangh Parivar’s endorsement, which chose a monolith called Modi. Yet she survived and re-calibrated her loyalties to her one-time peer and newly-anointed leader, compelling him to admire her performance as his Minister. But it was a stifling tenure. Though she was the only woman foreign minister after Indira Gandhi, she was seldom allowed operating space, the bulk of foreign policy being conducted by the PMO. Still, Swaraj pushed the envelope, adding a personal touch to resolving people’s procedural problems and holding her own in forum discussions like ASEAN. She became a pro in social media diplomacy, helping in cases that users put up for her intervention and attention, something that led Washington Post to call her the “supermom” of diplomacy. With tremendous grace under pressure, she bowed out of the electoral race of 2019, knowing full well that it was better to let go of things not meant to be. She was wiser to step back as a protege of the Vajpayee-Advani school than being benched. When she transferred an official for refusing passports to an inter-faith couple, she came into direct confrontation with hardliner trolls, some of whom followed the present leadership and were seen as having their tacit endorsement. With hardly any peer support or defence, that episode highlighted the ideological gap between two generations of the BJP and how she was too different to negotiate a DNA switch. An old BJP leadership, operating in a different contextual dynamic, could afford to be more omnitheistic and share the spotlight. The new leadership, coming as it does on the back of a consolidated verdict, will predictably go by with what it succeeded with in the first place, a presidential style of operations. Yet it could not neutralise her free spirit, one that will continue to inspire us.
Writer & Courtesy: The Pioneer
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