Use it to produce fuel, textiles, electricity, raw materials and have more natural end-products with a significantly smaller environmental impact
An average of 50 million tonnes of agro-biomass such as rice straw are set on fire every year in Uttar Pradesh (UP), Punjab and Haryana, contributing significantly to the air pollution woes of these States as well as the national Capital. Data released by the Central Government revealed that in September, the concentration of poisonous PM2. 5 particles in a cubic metre of air averaged at 47.64 micrograms, 17 per cent higher from the same month last year. In places like Haryana and Faridabad, the average Air Quality Index (AQI) ranged from 203 to 245 and the AQI of Delhi ranged from 234 to 269, which is “poor.” Frighteningly, this is almost twice the “safe” level prescribed by the World Health Organisation (WHO). Much has been debated about this pollution problem and some solutions have been proffered. A very practical remedy that can not only do away with the practice of crop-burning but improve the livelihoods of farmers is using agricultural waste to produce valuable products and growing alternate crops that provide both ample food and substantial biomass.
Why agricultural waste isn’t really waste? Agro-residues and woody biomass can be used to manufacture high-value products that can replace fossil-based and other environmentally detrimental raw materials. Biomass is fractionated in refineries to its main components — lignin, cellulose and hemicellulose, with high yields and purity. These fractions can be used to replace fossil-derived raw materials in many industrial and consumer sectors. Hemicellulose, for instance, can be used in the manufacture of food ingredients, while lignin finds applications in construction materials. Cellulose, meanwhile, has many uses in the textiles industry. All these facts, especially the last one, are highly significant as they give farmers an additional avenue for income generation while also meeting a national need.
Instead of burning straw and other agricultural waste on their fields, farmers can sell them as raw material for producing textile fibres.The production of cotton usually requires huge amounts of water and pesticides. If, however, a cotton field was replaced with wheat, and 30 per cent of the resultant wheat straw was used for manufacturing textile fibre, we would get the same amount of fibre as from the cotton crop but with substantially less water usage. At the same time, the wheat produced in the field would help in meeting the food requirement of the region.
Raw material for sustainable clothing and sustainable fashion: Agricultural waste can be used to produce highly sustainable textile fibre, as was demonstrated at the Textile Exchange Sustainability Conference in Vancouver in October 2019, where the world’s first clothing made from wheat straw was introduced. Encouragingly, there is a growing demand for sustainable textiles around the world as well as in India. Apparel stores and even fashion shows have begun hosting events with sustainability as one of the themes. This is just as well for studies suggest that it takes up to 2,700 litres of water to produce the amount of cotton needed to make a single T-shirt.
In view of the water crisis that looms on the horizon of most countries of the world, sustainable apparel made out of biomass must be viewed not as a passing fad but as a future necessity. India has an abundant labour supply, a strong domestic market, and well-established capacities for spinning, weaving and apparel-making. Simply by growing the right crops and by using biomass “waste” as raw material for its textiles, the country can reduce imports significantly and play a dominant role in the global market for apparel and fashion.
An environment-friendly source of fuel and power in the future: Rice, as the staple food in many parts of India, is one of the most widely-grown crops in the country. However, after the rice grains have been separated from the stalks, the rest of the plant — a sizeable part — is usually discarded. This “waste” can instead be used to produce biofuels. There is also potential for making ethanol from rice straw. Ethanol-blended petrol can reduce emissions from sectors such as heavy-duty vehicles, aviation and shipping. The National Policy on Biofuels has, in fact, set a target of 10 per cent ethanol blending with vehicle fuel by the year 2022 and 20 per cent by 2030. Bamboo is yet another crop that can provide ample biomass while, at the same time, improve rural livelihoods. Like in the biorefinery in Assam, bamboo can be used to produce bioethanol, biochemicals and even excess electricity. The idea is to use biomass to produce fuel, textiles, electricity, raw materials for industries and have more natural end-products with less resource usage and significantly smaller environmental impact. With a bit of foresight and the willingness to work towards sustainability for all, we could see significantly higher usage of biomass in the years ahead. It will play an important part in our journey towards achieving carbon neutrality and reducing the use of non-renewable resources.
(The writer heads a clean energy company)
Limiting learning to theory and skipping practical applications hinder the learning process of students. A hybrid template is needed
Every year, there are nearly 37.4 million enrolments in higher educational institutions in the country. This reflects the student density in India and also the expanding horizons of the education sector, which has been growing at a rapid pace every year. However, the sudden “Covid shock” created a tremendous negative impact. As a result of the outbreak and the danger it posed to human lives, universities and colleges had to be shut down and their syllabus curtailed. That was until the sector decided to initiate a revolution instead. Making a conscious choice to grow even in the time of crisis, it reinvented its approach and pedagogy and decided to digitise several fundamental processes, which were core to its functioning. The education process reforms seen in India and globally, too, in the COVID-19 era are a perfect example of how necessity is indeed the mother of invention. However, getting back to “normal” is a long way off and in the current scenario, higher education institutions in India are facing two major challenges.
Operational challenges: Maintenance of staff, faculty and infrastructure is becoming difficult as fee payments have been pushed ahead. Expensive infrastructure and expert faculty members make up a substantial part of the expenses for most higher education institutions. Due to the impact of late payments and the unexpected changes in schedules, universities are struggling to cover costs. Across the nation, institutions are facing issues with cash flow as are families, faced with major salary cuts or job losses in a crumbling economy.
Another challenge comes from the parents and students, who are unable to accept the ways and tools of online classes and find it difficult to adjust to the new methods of pedagogy. Besides, the fear surrounding classes in brick and mortar classrooms, even with social distancing norms in place, is widely prevalent and does not seem to be a viable solution for the moment.
Poor network in far-flung areas: Geography, too, becomes another hurdle as far as acceptance of the “new normal” is concerned. Numerous students residing in remote areas do not have a proper mobile network or alternative means for having a seamless digital experience. For example, a student who lives with his family near the suburbs of Kolkata faces regular network problems due to which his classes get disrupted and his learning gets compromised. Similarly, there is a lack of cyber connectivity even in cities like Jaipur. Students from tier-II and tier-III cities have to struggle a lot due to connectivity issues and often use dongles to be able to study online. That has its own challenges.
Earlier, students had to attend five or six classes a day but now this has been curtailed due to online education. Plus, given the lack of blackboards at home, which are used by most teachers to demonstrate practical models of application, the faculty finds it difficult to explain problems and share solutions. And even if teachers research and share findings with the students online, they cannot be assured of student participation as they cannot monitor them remotely.
Absence of peer to peer learning: Learning goes far beyond classroom education and also involves inter-personal engagement with fellow students. Extra-curricular learning has been known to provide a significant impetus to overall personality development. Peer to peer learning, which is a major source of new skills and knowledge in higher institutions, has been majorly compromised by distancing norms. Apart from this, there are tremendous problems being faced by design and engineering students as they can learn through simulations but are now sadly devoid of real experiences.
Limiting learning to theory and skipping practical applications hinder the learning process of students. The psychological and mental challenges that will result from prolonged isolation and lack of interaction for many students is another factor that needs to be addressed. Many institutions will need to create in-house expertise for the same.
The way forward: What is the solution to the challenges that the education sector is facing? While institutes struggle to provide an integrated and holistic learning experience to students, they need a blueprint to bring back a certain level of “normalcy” in the sector.
There is a need for Government intervention at this point. Even though it is doing its best to bring the outbreak under control, it will be a while before the pandemic goes away. Even then, fear and doubts will exist for a long time to come. Which is why there is an urgent need to create a plan for students and higher education institutions in order to sustain and increase the pace of growth of the sector in the coming days. Additionally, the nature of teaching should be such that it does not compromise on learning outcomes, particularly in courses which require laboratory practicals, case studies or group activity. These, too, merit some portions of the courses to be conducted in normal ways as opposed to online.
(The writer is Vice-Chancellor, JK Lakshmipat University, Jaipur)
The west gave the world exciting adventures with the secret seven and the famous five. Now, with the fabulous four, comes a new, exciting adventure full of eastern story-telling magic. Four children with unique abilities from different, parts of the world come together to fight powerful, dark forces.
Zoozoo, an evil wizard, kidnaps Princess Samara’s parents, the king and queen of Nonamia. The princess journeys to the far corners of the world to meet and befriend three young people to help her plan and carry out the rescue of her parents. In Wetlands she meets Raja, who can balance a candle on his head while swimming in swirling waters; in Hotlands she meets Nandu, the Fire Boy, who can casually walk through a blazing wind; while in Snowlands she meets Prince, the Snow Boy, who sips ice-cold beverages in freezing temperatures wearing only a T-shirt. With the help of Khabar, a magical bird, and Barado, the fastest horse in the world, the Four under-take the fearsome task of challenging Zoozoo and his army, headed by General Zombo, together with Churail, the evil witch. If they are to defeat Zoo-zoo, they will need to resort to magic and wizardry of their own.
In this story of a battle between good and evil played out in a fantastic world, there are echoes of the world we know.
About the Author
Rajesh Talwar studied at Harvard, Oxford, Nottingham, London, Delhi and Lucknow for shorter and longer durations, with varying degrees of enthusiasm. His previously published children’s books include The Bearded Prince, The Three Greens and The Sleepless Beauty.
Taiwan, Isreal, Afganistan, Iran, North Korea are huge foreign policy nightmare to Narendra Modi led right wing NDA government in India. Indian foreign policy between 1947-1991 was guided by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru socialist legacy and it look dramatic rightist shift from 1991 under PV Narsimha Rao legacy wherein closure US ties, south south cooperation, LEP was focused rather than puristic socialist approach. India undertook the path of economic liberalisation and the foreign policy started being guided by economic diplomacy. Off course, the bitter lessons from 1962, 1971 wars forced India to spend huge money on defence establishment to counter PRC & Pakistan aggression. Today, India is emerging super power so it must have an independent foreign policy to serve its long term strategic interests.
Taiwan is a part of the geographical area of operation of India’s Look East Policy (LEP). Although India does not recognise Taiwan as a sovereign state, its functional and people-to-people contacts with Taiwan are explainable under the LEP. Besides, India’s economic activities are on the rise in the vicinity of Taiwan. Though commercial in nature, India’s presence in the South China Sea, along with improvement in its bilateral relations with Asia-Pacific countries — especially in the realm of politics and defence cooperation — is of strategic significance. In the overall strategic context of the region, increasing functional ties with Taiwan without undermining the support to the one China Policy would be a stiff challenge requiring clarity of vision and skilled diplomacy. Thus, it is imperative for India to have a much better understanding of Taiwan, and the Asia-Pacific region.
In experts view, functional ties/cooperation and people-to-people relations could make a separate category without attaching any diplomatic, political or strategic meanings. The main attributes of this category can be listed as below:
A comprehensive package that includes cooperation in education, culture, science and technology, trade and investment and other similar issue-areas.
The package could also be characterised as people-to-people relations.
Cooperation without manifest strategic underpinning and implications.
Engagement with Taiwan would lead India to have a more informed Taiwan policy. Its unique geographical location and political situation would also contribute to India’s understanding of the Asia-Pacific region. Taiwan is situated in the middle of the disputed waters of the South and the East China Seas. Considering the continued threat from the People Republic of China (PRC) to its national security, Taiwan not only has a natural interest in the affairs of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), China-Japan tensions, and the dynamic of Sino-US relations, but also a natural expertise on them. Taiwan and China have historical and cultural affinity, but political and strategic distance.
Strategically, Taiwan is close to the US and figures in Japan’s security considerations. It is obliquely mentioned in the US-Japan Defence Guidelines, 1997. But the US and Japan’s support for PRC’s One- China Policy has set a limit on their relations with Taiwan. Thus, Taiwan is not fully open to either of the major regional players. This situation leaves it marginalised and dissatisfied with every major power in the region and makes it a neutral interpreter of the region’s politics. India could tap into this consultative potential of Taiwan.
Functional cooperation with Taiwan is even more valuable. Taiwan is a thriving and industrialised economy that is closely integrated with the international economy. It is amongst the world’s leading exporting and importing countries. It is the leading producer and manufacturer in the world in foundries, IC packages, blank optical discs, mask ROMs, mobility scooters/powered wheelchairs and chlorella. If the products made by Taiwanese companies outside Taiwan are also taken into account, the list of products commanding a high share in the world is even longer. Notebooks, Tablets, LCD monitors, IC packages, motherboards (System & Pure MB), WLAN CPEs, cable modems, and digital bloodpressure monitors are a few examples. Apart from electronics, Taiwan’s agro-industries, particularly food-processing, maintain international standards. It also holds high rank in the international rating by agencies like the Institute for Management Development (IMD), Business Environment Risk Intelligence (BERI), the World Economic Forum (WEF), and the Heritage Foundation. Its business environment, research and development, and innovation are recognised worldwide. Further, Taiwan’s education system ranks quite high. For instance, fourteen Taiwanese universities in 30 disciplines are on the list—compiled by the QS World University of the UK—of the top 200 universities in the world.
India could become an important destination for Taiwan’s new GO South policy for diversifying Taiwan’s trade and investment basket. India could also become an alternative to China for many Taiwanese companies in view of rising wages and costs in that country. In fact, a regulated flow of skilled labour from India can help overcome the problem of high costs in Taiwan itself. Taiwanese FDI can contribute to India’s manufacturing, infrastructure and other sectors. India and Taiwan make a case for mutual benefit by being substantial complementary economies, as India’s computer software industry complements Taiwan’s computer hardware capability. India’s demography, with a more than 300 million strong middle class, offers an economic opportunity for Taiwanese entrepreneurs. India is also one of the leading suppliers of natural resources. It can be a gateway to South Asia, and even West Asia, for Taiwanese companies. Further, like Taiwan, India too has a reasonably impressive record of achievements in science and technology. For instance, India has gained international recognition in the automobile, electronics and space science sectors.
In education, India has internationally recognised institutes— like the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) and Indian Institutes of Management (IIMs). Besides, there is sufficient space for cooperation between the two countries in the spheres of culture and tourism. This monograph deals with Taiwan as it exists in the world today. It does not deal with the legal question, whether Taiwan is an independent state or a Chinese province. Despite its ambiguous diplomatic status, Taiwan remains an important factor in the East Asian security scenario. In spite of the Cross-Strait relations in their best phase, the solution to the Cross-Strait conundrum remains elusive. Taiwan and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) have signed 19 agreements related to functional areas since 2008. However, a formal political dialogue or a peace agreement that the PRC is pushing hard for, is not in sight. Taiwan does not appear inclined to yield on the question of sovereignty. Any formula that would down-grade Taiwan’s international standing is unacceptable to both Taiwan’s political class and the common Taiwanese. Contrary to Chinese expectations, the prospects of economic cooperation and integration have not made the Taiwanese amenable to Chinese claims over Taiwan. Similarly, on the other side of the Taiwan Strait, Taiwan’s unification with China continues to be a powerful reference point for Chinese nationalism. China still has its missiles deployed against Taiwan. Moreover, it is yet to renounce the use offorce as an option to resolve the Cross-Strait problem. This reinforces Taiwan’s perception of China as a threat to its security. Finally, the US, the security guarantor of Taiwan under the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) 1979, continues to maintain diplomatic ambiguity over the Cross-Strait issue. Therefore, any conflagration in the volatile waters of Taiwan Strait could result in a US-China face off.
Taiwan is also a part of problematic territorial claims in the East China Sea and the South China Sea. Its claims overlap with those of China and are ignored by the other concerned parties. Taiwanese claims mostly address domestic constituency. It appears content with the practical arrangements for resource-sharing. A good example is its fishery pact with Japan in 2013. However, since these claims stoke popular sentiment in Taiwan, it is difficult for the Taiwanese government to ignore the public opinion on these issues. Therefore, overlooking Taiwan in the regional security map would bring pressure on the US alliance in the region, of which Taiwan is a part. Taiwan successfully drove this point during the standoffs between Japan and China in the East China Sea over the Senkaku/ Diao Yu islands in 2012-13 by its diplomatic manoeuvrings. In fact, the Japan-Taiwan fishery pact has effectively made the dispute tripartite, and implies that Taiwan is a player in the dispute. In May 2013, the government of Taiwan conveyed that diplomatic recognition or not, it is capable of taking care of its citizens when it flexed its economic muscle against the Philippines over the killing of a Taiwanese farmer-fisherman by the Philippines coastguard. Finally, accelerated interaction and cooperation in functional areas between India and Taiwan would, in the long-term, also contribute to increased mutual awareness. The Cross-Strait unification would not be the only eventuality in the dialectics of Cross-Strait relations. Whether Taiwan would eventually unify with China, or the status quo would persist, or some other form of Cross-Strait relations would emerge, is difficult to predict. To study and engage Taiwan is important irrespective of the scenarios, because each scenario will shape the regional security dynamics in its own way.
This monograph begins by establishing a narrative of India-Taiwan relations. Though not very long, the historical relationship between India and the Republic of China (ROC) during the 1930s and 40s was fascinating. It encompassed British colonial rule in India, the Japanese aggression on China, India’s freedom struggle, the Second World War, the camaraderie between India and the ROC, the charming personalities of Jawaharlal Nehru and Chiang Kaishek and Madame Chiang Kaishek, and the civil war in China. In the late 1940s, the ROC versus the People’s Republic of China (PRC) conflict became a test case for Indian policy of state recognition. Later, in the 1950s, Cold War determined the Indian position on Formosa (the ROC). This monograph illustrates a lesser known fact that has now faded from public memory: that apart from Tibet, the issue of Formosa was also raised by Indian opposition parties to criticise Nehru’s China Policy. The monograph briefly discusses the Cold War to understand the history of no-contact between India and Taiwan. It proceeds to discuss and analyse the state of India-Taiwan relations after 1995 within the framework of India’s Look East Policy and Taiwan’s Pragmatic Diplomacy. Finally, it concludes by making an attempt at reinterpreting Nehru’s policy on Taiwan.
In fact, the LEP initiated by Narsimha Rao government in 1992 offered a huge space for Taiwan because of the strategic shift from conventional foreign policy to economics driven foreign policy. The entire ASEAN block was suspect of India due to its proximity with USSR during cold war era but post 1991 when Indian government liberated itself from socialist pattern of governance, LEP attracted every ASEAN country towards India because of the simple reason that India offered huge market to any country offering world class product & services. There is a strong desire in the public mind and the Taiwanese and Indian establishments to strengthen their relationship. However, the two sides are still hampered by mutual ignorance. This is the result of the four decades long rupture in the relationship between the two countries. A fresh start is confined to people-to-people contact. Because India is adhering to One-China policy, it is prudent to begin building the relationship between the two countries through people-to-people contact. People-to-people contact requires far more coordinated, institutionalised, and sustained initiatives by the governments of India and Taiwan.
This monograph, thus, endorses people-to-people relations as a comprehensive package for functional ties in education, culture, science and technology, trade and investment, as well as in other such areas where cooperation has no manifest and direct political or diplomatic constraints. The new NDA government have a strong mandate with a decisive leadership to bring about drastic changes in governance and foreign policy. Narendra Modi government have shown a keen interest in LEP foreign policy initiated by Congress government of late PV Narsimha Rao and followed by BJP led NDA government of AB Vajpayee. Early avatar of BJP, the Jan Sangh had a clear Taiwan policy that stated a soverign country status to ROC but the times have changed and PRC is a global power today. The present government must articulate innovative diplomactic tools to balance Taiwan interest viz mainland China to bring macro level foreign policy change.
Writer is Editor-in-Chief, Courtesy content from - PK Singh book for IDSA
Name: Sanskrit Non- Translatables
Authors: Rajiv Malhotra and Satyanarayana Dasa
Publisher: Amaryllis Publishing, an imprint of Manjul Publishing House
Sanskrit is a divine language; therefore, it is called deva bhasha, or the language of gods. The letters of Sanskrit are called akshara, which means imperishable. They are neither created nor destroyed. When we speak them with our tongue, we do not create them but make them manifest. According to Bhagavat Purana (12.6.43), the letters of Sanskrit manifested from the mouth of Brahma with their various divisions such as svaras (vowels) and vyanjanas (consonants), according to the place of pronunciation.
It is from the sound of these letters that the world was created. There are 33 vyanjanas and they represent the 33 devas namely, 12 Adityas, 11 Rudras, 8 Vasus and two Ashvini Kumaras. The first 25 vyanjanas beginning with k are grouped in five groups, each group having five vyanjanas. They represent the five sets of Mahabhutas (material elements), five karmendriya (working senses), five jnanendriya (cognitive senses), five tanmatras (subtle elements), and five vishayas (sense objects). The sixteen svaras represent the sixteen types of creatives energies, also referred to as sixteen kala. Therefore, every Sanskrit word has a specific energy, or vibration attached to it.
Modern science has proven that matter is nothing but energy, or a vibration. Therefore, it makes sense that the world was created from the sound vibration of Sanskrit letters. This is also the reason that the great sages who had perfected the science of mantra could bless or curse someone. Their words could create the corresponding objects. According to the philosophy of Sanskrit vyakaranam, there is an eternal relationship between a Sanskrit word and its meaning. For example, by chanting the mantra related to a specific deity, one can have an experience of that deity because the deity of the mantra and the mantra have an inseparable relationship. In Bhagavad Gita (8.13), Krishna says that if one leaves one’s body while reciting the divine sound of Om, then one will become free from material conditioning. This is so because although Om appears to be an ordinary sound, it is actually the name of the absolute reality and carries all the powers in it of the supreme person.
Traditionally, before one studied the Sanskrit Vyakaranam, one has to study Shiksha, which is the science of pronunciation. In Sanskrit a great stress is given on proper pronunciation of the words. It is specifically true of Vedic words which have an intonation. The meaning of a word can changes with a change in intonation. One of the very important parts of Hinduism is recitation of stotras (prayers) and chanting of mantras. Recitation of these Sanskrit verses and mantras brings spiritual benefit. Even those people who do not understand the meaning can derive benefit just by reciting them. However, if one translates these stotras and mantras into English then one cannot get the benefit of reciting the translation. Sanskrit words have an inherent potency in them, which is not available if it is translated into English. There is an interesting story in the sixty books of Bhagavat Purana to depict this point. There was a man called Ajamila, who was born in a pious family. However, due to bad association, he became attached to a prostitute and thus became deviated from his religious life. In the association of the prostitute, he began drinking alcohol and to please her, he would steal from others. He was so enamored by the prostitute that he married her and had a few children from her. The name of his youngest son was Narayana. When the time for Ajamila’s death came, he became frightened. Out of fear, he shouted out the name of his youngest son who was very dear to him, “Narayana!” Because Narayan happens to be the name of God Vishnu, incidentally, he got the benefit of reciting Vishnu’s name. This protected him from going to hell. This story depicts the inherent potency in Sanskrit words, especially the names of God. Such a benefit is not possible if the word Narayana is translated into English as, “One who resides in every living being.”
It is not only that by translating Sanskrit words, one loses the spiritual benefit, but there is also a loss of the original sense of the word. For example, the word Rishi, in Sanskrit means, “One who sees the mantra,” (rishayah mantra-drishtarah) or, “One who has the direct experience of the truth.” But if we translate Rishi as, “A sage,” then the original sense of the word Rishi is lost. According to the dictionary meaning, the word Sage means, “A profoundly wise man, especially one who features in ancient or legend.” Therefore, it is not wise to translate some of the important words into English.
Enacting laws sans assessment only leads to diverting attention from long-term comprehensive solutions to short-term myopic interventions
A legislation on air quality management in the Delhi-National Capital Region (NCR) is perhaps an idea whose time has come. With the Supreme Court hot on its heels on the issue of air pollution, the Central Government has taken a holistic view of the matter. A new law will seek to put a permanent statutory body in place with participants from the affected States of Punjab, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh (UP) and, of course, Delhi to reduce air pollution in contiguous areas. Delhi’s air quality has been in the “very poor” category and is predicted to remain so till the end of winter. The National Aeronautics and Space Administration’s satellite imagery also showed a very dense cluster of fires in Punjab, Haryana and nearby regions. Air pollution in urban areas arises from multiple sources, which may vary with location and developmental activities. Anthropogenic activities, such as rampant industrialisation, exploitation and overconsumption of natural resources and the ever-growing population size, are major contributors to air pollution.
The Delhi-NCR region bears the brunt of farmland fires that contribute heavily to the annual air pollution crisis. Dense smoke billows from smouldering paddy fields, which are set on fire to prepare the ground for sowing the next crop. The smoke rises and settles over vast swathes of north and north-west India. Coupled with local emissions and dust, it has in recent years turned cities into what the apex court once described as “gas chambers.”
According to data compiled by the Union Agriculture Ministry, Punjab accounted for 82 per cent of the stubble burning cases, besides Haryana and UP, between October 1and 23. This contributed heavily to the foul air choking Delhi-NCR.
In a recent order, the top court had ordered the deployment of the National Cadet Corps, National Service Scheme and Bharat Scouts and Guides for assisting in the monitoring of crop residue burning in the fields of Punjab, Haryana, UP and Delhi-NCR, saying all it wants is that the “people can breathe fresh air without any pollution.”
The law intends to address the issue of multiplicity of authorities that hampers coordinated action, though it has to address State jurisdictions involved in implementing steps. There are enough laws to deal with the situation, experts feel, saying multiplicity of institutions and overlapping laws may end up creating even more confusion and friction.
Both the Centre and the States have enough powers under the existing laws and more than any new legislation, there has to be actual action on pollution sources while implementing existing rules and regulations effectively, say experts.
As of now, the Central Government has been using its powers under Section 5 of the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986 in order to issue directions to control pollution. Both the State and Centre have enough powers under existing laws — the Air (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1981 and the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986 — to take preventive and remedial measures to deal with air pollution. In case the Centre intends to enact a law regulating farming practice, it will have to ensure that it does not encroach upon the domain reserved for the State. Agriculture is a State subject while the environment is in the Concurrent List. In case it directly impacts agricultural practices, it is likely to face both social opposition as well as legal challenges, say environmental experts, who rue that the Supreme Court, Environment Pollution (Prevention and Control) Authority (EPCA), the National Green Tribunal (NGT), the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB) and the State Pollution Control Boards (SPCBs) may not be that clear as to what needs to be done. They say that if the Government is keen on resolving the issue, it must undertake a thorough review of the various laws and institutions in order to look at their efficacy and utility.
Enacting laws or issuing directions without any assessment and consultation only ends up as a way to divert attention from long-term comprehensive solutions to short-term myopic interventions.
“The problem lies in the fact that political will is missing when it comes to implementation. Having said that, it will be a welcome step if there is a specific provision to deal with crop residue burning at the national level. It should not be left alone as a problem in Punjab and Haryana only. Satellite images from central and southern India show the extent of crop waste burning in these parts as well, which have an impact on local climate resilience,” says Polash Mukerjee, Air Quality Researcher.
There is no dearth of power under the law, the question is of adherence, says Anumita Roy Chowdhury, Executive Director, Centre for Science and Environment.
The moot question, according to former counsel for the CPCB in the Supreme Court Vijay Panjwani, is what action the Centre can take if the State fails to follow the directions?
A report by Beijing-based policy think tank, Bluetech Clean Air Alliance (BCAA), released in June 2019, had said that China faced a similar problem and the Chinese Government started to show strong political commitment in tackling the issue from the highest levels, which is widely considered to be a key factor for the success of such measures. “Political commitments from the State Governments are also required to ensure they are transformed into solid actions. Effective air quality management requires science-based policy-making, analysing scientific assessments, data monitoring, emissions inventory, air quality modelling, source apportionment studies and transport planning. China’s lessons showed that significant investments and efforts that have no foundation in science are made in vain, with no impact on air quality improvement,” says the report.
Despite US President Donald Trump’s jibe about India’s “filthy air”, Delhi did record a drop of 25 per cent in PM-10 levels and a 19 per cent fall in PM-2.5 in 2019, as compared with 2016. But neither the pace of decline of these two key air pollutants, nor the existing target under the National Clean Air Programme are likely to be enough to make the city breathe easily even by 2024, going by the national ambient air quality standards. Air quality management is the need of the hour and must be undertaken at all cost.
(The writer is Technical Associate, Forest Survey of India, Dehradun)
The Govt wants to make the Statue of Unity and the surrounding area a major tourism hub. Can it work?
For the last three years, on Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel’s birth anniversary, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has headed down to Kevadia, the site of the Sardar Sarovar Dam and now the Statue of Unity or a dedication to India’s first Home Minister, also famous as the tallest statue in the world. It overlooks the massive reservoir that irrigates thousands of hectares of land in Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan and has been envisaged as a major tourist hub. With the inauguration of a “wildlife safari” nearby and a direct flight between the site and the Sabarmati riverfront in Ahmedabad onboard a small seaplane, the idea is to get footfalls to what is largely seen as a political statement. As gimmicky as a seaplane ride sounds, one must know that the statue is over a two-hour drive away from Baroda, the closest major city and airport. And while local authorities claim success with visitors, Kevadia’s appeal can only increase with better connectivity. As such, the seaplane route is not too viable. With a carrying capacity of just 12-15 passengers, even multiple journeys in a day by a single aircraft will transport fewer passengers than a single Airbus. Having completed trials of the seaplane in Nagpur, Guwahati and at Mumbai’s Girgaum Chowpatty, SpiceJet will initially operate two daily flights on the Ahmedabad-Kevadia route. And the tickets reportedly cost a minimum of Rs 1,400 under the Ude Desh ka Aam Nagarik-Regional Connectivity Scheme (UDAN-RCS). The airline is also set to deploy a 15-seater Twin Otter 300 aircraft, built by Canadian plane manufacturer de Havilland Canada, for these flights. It might increase the location’s appeal to high-end tourists temporarily but Gujarat might be better served by promoting its existing iconic World Heritage Sites such as the spectacular Rani Ki Vav, a rare extant example of pre-Islamic Hindu architecture, and the former capital of the Gujarat Sultanate, Champaner. At the same time, if the statue is to become a major tourist destination, the road network to and from Baroda should be improved post-haste.
There is no doubt that India has a lot to offer when it comes to tourism but in the search for gimmicks, we miss the wood for the trees. Seaplanes work as island-hoppers in the Maldives but none of the prior attempts at seaplane connectivity has worked in India before with good reason. That is simply because gimmicks can only last so long.
(Courtesy: The Pioneer)
False and misleading claims in blogs, websites and portals are detrimental to consumers and their right to information
In December 2008, the release of the Quarter Pounder burger by McDonald’s was quite sensational. There was a crowd of about 1,000 people queued outside the US fast food major’s outlet in Kansai area of Japan from midnight onwards, hours before the opening of the branch that morning. In another part of the world, in the US, a blog by the name of Working Families for Walmart, praised the efforts made by the retail corporation for the welfare of its employees. On the face of it, both these examples show the popularity of these companies, but the truth is that McDonald’s paid 1,000 part-time employees $11 an hour each to queue up in front of the store and even reimbursed their burger purchase. On the other hand, Walmart owned the blog in question and was praising itself for all the good work. In both cases, it was not the employees or the customers but the organisations themselves patting themselves on the back for positive publicity. This misleading attempt of displaying pre-planned, stage-managed publicity in the disguise of spontaneous comments from society is known as astroturfing, a term first used in the US by former Senator Lloyd Bentsen.
Astroturf groups are prevalent in all walks of life where an opinion has to be created — be it the sports arena, public health or politics — who have used this perception management techniques for years. This practice of creating an illusion of extensive support of the masses is not new in the non-digital world but it gained renewed strength with the advent of the internet and technology.
Several virtual identities and phony pressure groups are created to sway public opinion in favour of the astroturfer as the internet, that has changed the rules of social communication worldwide, offers appropriate occasions for users to publicise their opinions without being identified. The net provides a sense of security, by pretending to be someone else, thereby making it a perfect platform for astroturfing. Since it is challenging to check the authenticity of a person online, it is easy to develop false identities and impersonate as spontaneous individuals and promote a belief or opinion. Additionally, internet, digital technology and social networks allow an individual to create several identities to give a notion to the general public, that there are many people sharing the same opinion.
The blend of obscurity and communication supported by digital technology has provided a perfect technical platform and opportunity for astroturfing. There are several ways in which preferred outcomes can be achieved: A solo professional blogger can work on several blogs simultaneously; an individual can form varied profiles on social networks; hired people can evaluate and post reviews and comments on many websites. That is why the extent and severity of unreliable actions on the internet is making online astroturfing more popular than traditional astroturfing.
Most of the consumers are going online either for buying or to do research on the products available, which makes it easier for astroturfers to spread information throughout the digital world via online forums, comments, blogs, and social networks. It can also be corroborated that some large organisations have used public relation firms as astroturfers to create posts and shame their critics, while other institutions have utilised paid individuals to propagate favourable images online. Many businesses are continuing to use this method for creating public opinion.
The problem here is that astroturfing creates false impressions and passes them on as the opinion of the general public, through various communication channels, which influence the decision-making ability of consumers. In fact, these lobbyists or hired people convey these insincere beliefs. However, the extent and impact of astroturfing is restrained by the funding behind this process, as engaging a public relations firm or lobbyists to create and spread incorrect and untrue information can be very costly.
There are several examples of online astroturfing by large firms worldwide. For instance, IBM openly encourages its employees to blog in its favour and criticise the company’s competitors.
In 2010, evidence of online astroturfing emerged during the Massachusetts Senate war between Martha Coakley and Scott Brown, in the forms of several hundreds of tweets generated by several fake Twitter accounts. This had a wide reach and may have had an influence on the final outcome. Fake positive reviews have also been identified on Amazon and Barnes & Nobles, aimed at influencing the buying behaviour of consumers, benefitting multiple stakeholders like vendors, publishers, and authors.
There are two ways to initiate an online astroturfing activity: Automated systems and human operators, although automation can be more effective and reach a larger scale. Once word from an online astroturfer is spread, it becomes more organic as many genuine people believe in the propaganda and start sharing the misleading information, in turn magnifying the online astroturfing mission. Even though human astroturfers may not be as capable as automated systems, they are more effective, quickly adapt to changing conditions as they carefully mould their messages to suit the environment. The ability of human astroturfers to communicate with actual people on the internet makes them more believable.
However, astroturfing poses a considerable threat wherever it is used, be it in the business world, public health or politics. There can be horrible consequences when a fake support to a controversial product, service or a system, finds its way into people’s conscience and is a major disservice to a genuine product, service or political candidate.
These false and misleading claims in different online locations like blogs, portals and websites are detrimental to consumers and their right to information. Proper checks and mechanisms have to be developed using different techniques like content and language analysis; and Artificial Intelligence to detect astroturfing and protect consumers from false and misleading opinions. Till then, consumers have to use their wisdom to not get swayed by blindly accepting the views and reviews on the internet.
(The writer is Associate Professor, Amity University, Noida)
Ganga Utsav 2020 to be celebrated virtually from 2nd November – 4th November 2020 on Namami Gange’s youtube channel and other platforms
26th October 2020, New Delhi: On the occasion of the 12th anniversary of the declaration of Ganga as a national river, Namami Gange mission, Jal Shakti Ministry will be organising Ganga Utsav 2020.
Ganga Utsav 2020 will be a three days cultural and educational festival, to celebrate the glory of holy river Ganga. The aim is to connect masses to the cause of river rejuvenation and sensitize them about ecological issues through conversations and entertainment. For the first time, it will be happening online on Namami Gange’s youtube, other social media handles and www.gangautsav.in. This has given us an opportunity to take Ganga Utsav 2020 to entire country. Strengthening people river connect is an important priority of Namami Gange Mission and several initiatives are undertaken for the same.
Followed by pre-events on 2nd Nov 2020, the festival will be inaugurated by Hon’ble MoS, Sh. Rattan Lal Kataria, Ministry of Jal Shakti on 3rd Nov 2020. Shri Ganjendra Singh Shekhawat, Jal Shakti Minister will be addressing audience through virtual conference. Sadhguru Jaggi Vasudev will be giving a special message on spiritual significance of rivers. The event will conclude on 4th Nov 2020 with a panel discussion with Shri Gajendra Singh Shekhawat, Jal Shakti Minister and other senior officials from Jal Shakti Ministry and Namami Gange Program.
Major Attractions of Ganga Utsav 2020
- Shri Rajiv Khandelwal, actor will be in conversation with Richa Anirudhh sharing his experience while shooting for Rag Rag Mein Ganga.
- Shri Rajiv Malhotra, researcher & author and Shri Satyanarayan Dasa, scholar & author will be in conversation. The discussion will be about importance of rivers especially Ganga and India civilisation.
- Padam Bhushan Anil Prakash Joshi, Enviornmentalist and Shri Rajiv Ranjan Mishra, Director General, National Mission for Clean Ganga will be in conversation.
- Neelesh Mishra ki Kahaaniya by Neelesh Mishra on river rejuvenation
- Puranic Stories on Ganga by Anand Neelkantan
- Stories and a special puppet show by Your Story Bag
- Live Music Concert by Kailash Kher
- Live Music Concert by Kabir Café
- Kathak Dance Performance by Vasvati Mishra
- Performance by Revati Sakalkar, Indian Semi Classical Vocalist
Award winning films like Kali Bein (The Black River) and Ganga - The Ribbon of Life amongst others will be screened during the film festival. This film festival will be hosted in association with Centre for Media Studies (CMS) is a multi-disciplinary, not for profit, think tank engaged in developing and discussing policy alternatives on a wide-range of issues of local and global significance.
Ganga Quest is a national digital program to improve people-river connect particularly for youth and children organized by National Mission for Clean Ganga and TREE Craze Foundation (TCF). It was held earlier this year which received massive million plus participation. Mini Ganga quest will be conducted throughout the Ganga Utsav 2020.
Ganga Utsav 2020 is expected play an important role in role in attracting public attention to the Ganga rejuvenation. This will also reflect the efforts being made by Namami Gange towards rejuvenation of Ganga and its tributaries. 'Ganga Utsav' is an initiative to revive a sacred culture while embodying new expectations towards rivers of this nation. Above all Ganga Utsav will be an event of celebration and learning at the same time.
Links to join the festival
https://www.youtube.com/namamigange
https://www.facebook.com/cleanganganmcg
https://twitter.com/cleanganganmcg
Click to download: Ganga Utsav 2020 Schedule
Research has confirmed our worst fears, polluted air not only exacerbates COVID symptoms, it traps the virus around us
The time for knee-jerk reactions is over and we better commit ourselves to cleaning up the air around us for good — through combined political will, implementable policies, lifestyle adjustments and sustainable practices — or else risk death. So latest scientific studies have confirmed what common sense has been telling us for some time, the higher the concentration of solid particles suspended in the air that lies heavy and low around us, the greater the chances of the COVID-19 virus getting trapped in them, making us more vulnerable to contracting it. And given that high air pollution levels damage the lungs, inducing or aggravating health conditions such as asthma, obstructive pulmonary disease, cardiovascular diseases and diabetes, the disease burden could turn COVID-19 fatal. Imagine the fallout on Delhiites, whose disease resistance has already been compromised battling winter haze every year. The National Centre for Disease Control (NCDC) has warned that Delhi could report around 15,000 cases daily this winter due to the prevalence of respiratory illnesses that can worsen the symptoms of the disease. A Harvard University study has proved that an increase of only one microgram per cubic metre in a particulate matter or PM 2.5 is associated with an eight per cent increase in the COVID death rate. So, the surge of PM 2.5 levels in Delhi could result in a spike in caseload besides exacerbating the severity of symptoms of those infected. Yet another study by the University of Cambridge in April established a link between patients living in a highly polluted area of England and the severity of COVID-19. Many parts of north India, especially Delhi, are already wrapped in a blanket of hazardous smoke. According to the 2019 World Air Quality Report, India has 21 of the 30 most polluted cities in the world, where air quality can be as much as 10 times over the safe limits recommended by WHO. Over the past few weeks, PM 2.5 levels in Delhi have averaged around 180-340 µg/m?3; and on an extended basis, such saturation weakens the lungs and the body’s ability to fend off infections. Additionally, they can even act as a medium for the transmission of the virus as studies from Italy have recorded traces of SARS-CoV-2 RNA on pollutants. Stubble burning, festive fireworks and low wind speed conditions along with vehicular and industrial pollution have already worsened matters.
Hence we need to permanently solve the problem of pollution and that means going beyond tokenism. For starters, we need to stop stubble burning on an emergency basis across States, in mission mode to be precise. We must use the green cess collected so far to subsidise shredding equipment and maximise alternative uses of crop waste. We need a three-level combat strategy at the level of policy-making, economy and community. Both the Centre and State Governments have already rolled out various policies to address air pollution, one of the most recent ones being the National Clean Air Programme (NCAP). It calls on 122 cities across India to develop city-level clean-up plans to implement mitigation strategies for ambient PM concentrations. However, it has failed to enforce its targets and has remained ineffective. That’s because in the absence of a legal mandate, the NCAP is toothless. Besides, ensuring compliance means appropriate monitoring and inspection and it lacks trained personnel for these tasks. Also, its budgetary allocation is just not enough. Delhi has 38 real-time air quality monitoring stations while Uttar Pradesh and Maharashtra have 25 and 22 each, and Tamil Nadu has only five. This in turn causes data-related implementation hurdles, including poor data captured due to substandard monitoring stations and lack of appropriate methodology to leverage real-time data for reporting trends. In terms of policy, the Government needs to put a blanket ban on firecrackers. We must realise that life needs to be celebrated more than festivals at the moment. We also need to create a financial architecture where the private sector can help with cutting-edge innovations and unique technology solutions along with financing them. Having an investment fund with a dedicated green focus could catalyse the growth of such green industries along with addressing the problems of air pollution and climate change. Businesses should now disclose the air pollution footprint of their products and implement a cap on emissions. This can help the consumers make an eco-friendly choice. The number of premature deaths due to outdoor air pollution is predicted to increase from three million people in 2010 to six to nine million people globally in 2060. A study shows that approximately 2.2 million schoolchildren in Delhi are growing up with irreversible lung damage. There are various community-based solutions that can help the vulnerable sections. Researchers from Banaras Hindu University (BHU) have determined which trees are capable to put up with the assault of particulate matter gaseous pollutants (nitrous oxide, sulphur dioxide, ozone) in the city’s urban pockets. Such information can be used by urban planners in managing urban forests. Thus, the academic community can help find innovative solutions while communities in rural areas are made aware of the harmful effects of using traditional cooking stove. People need to follow small initiatives like “Red Light On, Gaadi Off” at signals, a message that has caught on a bit. In the end, this pandemic is just the immediate threat and irreversible climate change may bring about far more infectious diseases that we can barely fathom now. The brown haze has just made us sick. Unattended, it may soon choke us to death.
Without increasing public investment, neither the infrastructure, nor the standards required for the New Education Policy 2020 can be achieved
There have been plenty of debates and discourses about the New Education Policy 2020 (NEP) but not many focussed on its implementation. No doubt, the NEP is the most progressive and futuristic document and if implemented with sincerity in letter and spirit, it has a tectonic potential to transform India from an educationally laggard nation into a knowledge superpower. Indeed we have never had any education system, only a system of examinations and that, too, an inefficient one, based on rote learning that kills all creativity and innovation. The NEP aspires to transform this moribund system by aiming to produce “good, thoughtful, well-rounded, and creative individuals,” who are needed to transform the 21st century India. But it has failed to provide a specific implementation roadmap, except specifying some broad targets.
Neither has it prescribed any accountability mechanism for its implementation. But most importantly, any great idea like this needs great finances. Education being a concurrent subject, both the Centre and the States need to share the responsibility for its implementation as well as finances. But the NEP has almost skirted the issue altogether.
The higher education in the country has seen phenomenal growth during the last two decades. The number of colleges, universities and students has quadrupled since 2001, and the private sector has grown much faster than the public institutions. Today, we have 993 universities, about 40,000 colleges and 10,000 standalone institutions, and nearly four crore students. But unfortunately, most of these institutions produce unemployable graduates and postgraduates annually, with very little knowledge and skill.
If we can forget for a moment our current military standoff with China, a comparison with that country might be instructive in many respects. In India Unlimited: Reclaiming the Lost Glory, Arvind Panagariya has provided some tale-tell statistics about China and India. Based on the Scopus database of articles published and cited in international journals, the National Science Foundation of US brings out annual rankings of different countries. In 1996, in almost all subject areas, China and India were ranked more or less evenly. In fact, India was a tad better. In terms of the total citations, India was ranked 19th amongst all countries, while China was ranked 21st. In social sciences, India was ranked 21st against China’s 24th, in chemistry and molecular sciences, India was ranked 11th and in physics 17th against China’s 13th in both. But by 2017, China moved far ahead of us in all subjects — third in terms of total citations against India’s 14th. In social sciences, chemistry and physics, China ranked fifth, first and second while India lagged way behind with 14th, fifth and eighth ranks respectively in these subjects. In the Times Higher Education Ranking 2020, China has three universities among the top 100 of the world, four in the next 100 and altogether 72 among the top 1,000. India has none among the first 200 and 36 among the top 1,000, half of China’s 72.
How could China race so much ahead of us in just two decades? Actually, it had started its economic liberalisation in 1976, a good 15 years ahead of us. But it started reforming the education system in 1995, 25 years ahead of us. It realised that to become a great power and a great nation, the primary need is to have a good system of education.
What is a good system of education? If we take the US as the model, we would appreciate that a good system of education needs basically two things: adequate funding and decentralised governance with a very high degree of autonomy to the institutions. The US universities have complete autonomy in deciding admission, courses and faculty and they compete amongst themselves to attract the best faculty, students and research endowment funds. They function independent of federal and State Government regulations with practically no interference by the State.
We had inherited a colonial legacy of higher education where universities were primarily tasked with granting degrees with very little focus on research, and by and large, we still remain the same. China has modelled its system of education in the Soviet-style after 1949 but Mao Zedong’s Cultural Revolution nearly did it in. Then in 1995, as Panagariya informs, it launched the so-called Project 211 with the slogan: “For the 21st century, manage the top 100 universities successfully.” In 1998, it passed the Higher Education Law, which liberalised and decentralised its higher education just like the US, with academic and administrative freedom given to higher educational institutions (HEIs). That law recognised the need for ensuring adequate funding and allowed tuition fees to be hiked by the universities, with State subsidies for those who couldn’t afford it. So the tuition fees rose steeply from ¥600 in 1992 to ¥10,000 by mid-2010. The Project 211 funded $4.6 billion (30 per cent on infrastructure) to 107 universities between 1995 and 2005. In 1998, China launched another project — Project 985 — to create world-class universities out of the 107 universities selected for Project 211. Under this, the top two universities (Peking and Tsinghua) received $240 million for three years. By 2007, the project had covered 39 universities. Of these, 27 are now ranked within the top 600 universities of the world.
The NEP has correctly identified many of the problems that beset our higher education system — like a severely fragmented ecosystem characterised by a rigid separation of disciplines with little emphasis on cognitive skills, learning outcomes or quality research, limited institutional autonomy, poor leadership and ineffective regulatory and governance systems. The result is that the Gross Enrolment Ratio in higher education is a paltry 26 per cent compared to 58 per cent in Senior Secondary and 79 per cent in Secondary schooling. The NEP promises to correct this by focussing on multi-disciplinarity, flexibility, emphasis on skill acquisition and quality research. To fix the problems, it prescribes that there would no more be any rigid separation between arts and sciences, curricular and extra-curricular activities, or vocational and academic streams. Students will select subjects of their choosing across all streams to excel wherever they can and discover their aptitude and potential. For this, it prescribes a roadmap of credit-based undergraduate degree courses with multiple exit options.
It has also suggested a new institutional framework comprising a new overarching body — the Higher Education Commission of India — with four verticals for regulation, accreditation, funding and learning outcomes, which will end the multiple conflicts of interest that bedevil our current regulatory system. Research gets the maximum emphasis with a National Research Foundation to “seed, grow and facilitate research” in academic institutions. Most importantly, the NEP recognises that the HEIs need to be depoliticised and educationists appointed on their Board of Governance instead of bureaucrats. But given the present stranglehold of retired bureaucrats and politicians over the HEIs and their stubborn objections to any reform, it would be difficult to end their dominance over our higher education anytime soon.
The most revolutionary part of the NEP is perhaps its single-minded focus on multi-disciplinarity by creating large universities and HEI clusters and ending the present system of affiliated colleges. But such a major shift would also need enormous resources, and it is here that the NEP disappoints. The total combined public expenditure on education by the Centre and the States, currently at only about four per cent of GDP, falls way behind the target of six per cent envisaged in all our previous education policies. Consequently, our expenditure on research remains a pathetic 0.69 per cent of GDP. Without investment, neither the infrastructure nor the standards required for the NEP would be achieved.
The NEP only paid some lip-service to this crucial element — by hoping that the Centre and the States will work together to raise expenditure to six per cent of GDP which it recognises as essential for “progress and growth.” But it stops short of recommending that a law should be enacted to enforce the same. Thus, there is neither any commitment nor an accountability structure built into the NEP to ensure implementation. Maybe the committee had felt restrained by pandemic-related budgetary stress. This would be over some day but the future will not wait.
Meanwhile, universities can think of going beyond operating from their individual silos. They can form provincial and regional consortiums for better synergy. By mapping their educational resources and sharing these among themselves, they can together provide students access to the best facilities. Each institution can expand capacity in its strength area to optimise investment and specialisation and share this through a network of institutions. The mantra should be to give access to quality learning to all who desire to learn.
(The writer is former Director-General from the Office of the Comptroller & Auditor General of India and an academic)
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