The Jammu & Srinagar National Highway came under terrorist attack recently, and it said a lot about security lapses in the area.
According to the preliminary interrogation reports of driver and his accomplice arrested by the State police from Jhajjar Kotli on Wednesday, over 20 infiltrators have been ferried by them since January 2018 at different intervals.
These sensational disclosures has already left all those senior security officers, entrusted with the job of securing national highway, red faced.
Even huge presence of security forces at different locations, random patrolling by the Quick reaction teams (QRT’s) of the Indian army, CRPF and random checking of vehicles at security checkpoints set up by the State police could not detect presence of heavily armed terrorists in the truck, frequently used by the over ground workers of Jaish-e- Mohammed terrorist outfit to ferry them to Kashmir valley in the recent months.
According to police the arrested driver and his accomplice has been identified as Riaz Ahmad son of Ghulam Ahmad R/o Hajin, Pulwama and Mohammad Iqbal son of Abdul Khaliq R/o Pakharpora, Budgam, a BSc Nursing student. Brother of Riaz was also a terrorist and had been killed in an encounter with the security forces. Official sources revealed they were both working as OGW’s of Jaish-e- Mohammed terrorist outfit.
The duo,seems to have ran out of their luck on Wednesday when they stopped at one of their favorite eating joints near Jhajjar Kotli for a sumptuous breakfast.
The duo had no idea that a flying squad of a highway patrol party could chase them and take the lid off their secret operation.
Three member fidayeen group, hiding inside the truck, also acted in haste by opening fire on the police party and exposed themselves.They were neutralised on Thursday during the day long operation in Kakriyal area along the national highway.
Top brass of the State police has already taken note of the serious security breach.
Director General of state Police Dilbagh Singh is most likely to chair a separate review meeting of senior police officers to further review and beef up security of the National Highway to prevent repeat of such episodes.
Briefing media persons at the encounter site in Kakriyal on Thursday General Officer Commanding (GOC), Uniform Force Major General Arvind Bhatia had also told reporters,”these terrorists possibly infiltrated from the Samba sector and were heading towards Kashmir valley to carry out some major strike with the help of their handlers and vast network of over ground workers”.
Quoting preliminary police investigation in the case Major General Bhatia had also claimed, “the driver and co-driver arrested by the state police on Wednesday were engaged in the specific job of transporting infiltrating terrorists from Jammu to Srinagar using this mode of transport”. “Police reports suggested over 20 terrorists have been transported by them in this manner only this year”, he added.
According to these reports the duo had travelled from Kashmir on September 9 to ferry these terrorists to the Valley. They waited in Jammu for a signal to pick them from the border belt of Samba district. The state police is still investigating this claim to establish the fact that these terrorists had recently infiltrated from across the International border to carry out terror attacks in Kashmir valley.
Writer: Mohit Kandhari
Courtesy: The Pioneer
On Friday, Congress president Rahul Gandhi met senior party leaders from Telangana. The party’s election strategy and alliance with other parties are in the agenda.
Rahul asked the leaders not to make any public comments on the issue of alliance and ticket distribution and not to criticise each other. He assured that the party will give tickets only to the winning candidates and all the MLAs with a good image will be fielded from their constituencies. Rahul observed that Congress will fight in all the constituencies where it was strong and leave the other constituencies to the other alliance partners.
After the meeting briefing the media the AICC Secretary RC Kuntia said that all those who were fighting against the corrupt and autocratic rule of Telangana Rashtra Samiti were with the Congress and the party was ready to align with the Telugu Desam party.
Rahul Gandhi has authorized the State Congress president N Uttam Kumar Reddy to hold talks with the other parties, he said. “But the final decision on the alliance will be of the AICC President” , he said adding that the Congress will abide by the alliance-dharma in the distribution of tickets. “party president urged all the leaders to work together to bring Congress to power and warned that anti party activity by any leader however big he might be will not be tolerated”, Kuntia said.
Uttam Kumar Reddy said that the party will not leave the constituencies, where it was confident of winning, to other parties.
It was also decided that during the election campaign Rahul Gandhi will address rallies in 10 districts. Rahul has also constituted a three member screening committee for Telangana. Some of the leaders requested that Sonia Gandhi should also visit the state for election campaign.
On the occasion TRS MLC Bhupti Reddy and noted film producer Bandla Ganesh joined the Congress party in presence of Rahul Gandhi.
Writer: Omer Farooq
Courtesy: The Pioneer
Here’s a bimonthly revisit to the headline-grabbing news of our country, some of which are really entertaining.
The past week has been momentous. The Supreme Court examined the constitutional validity of Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code, an archaic law that continued for longer than it should have, and held that actions between consenting adults are outside the ambit of this penal provision. By its decision, the Supreme Court gave a fresh lease of life to millions of Indians who had to suffer due to the stigma, the fear and the abuse of being classified as criminals for nothing other than the right to love a fellow human being. While this fortnight was one to celebrate in one respect, in other it was another week of comments from the Centre that can at best be called amusing and at worst be considered worrisome.
National Commission for Men: This past week, Harinarayan Rajbhar, the Bharatiya Janata Party MP from Uttar Pradesh said, “There is a national commission for women. But, there is no such commission for men. Men are committing suicide on being harassed by women, and false cases are being lodged against men.” This is not the first time that Rajbhar has discussed his passion for a ‘purush aayog’. In fact, he brought the issue up in the month of August as well in the Lok Sabha where it caused much amusement and laughter. While the suggestion may seem laughable, the fact that the Member of Parliament from Ballia is absolutely unaware about the status of women in India is far from laughable. The statistics on crimes against women is useful to examine because it is a fair indicator of where women stand compared to men in Indian society. Not to ruin the surprise for Rajbhar but the statistics are damning and do not aid his argument for a National Commission for Men.
In this regard, the report published by the National Crime Records Bureau in 2016 is illuminating. As per this report, the rate of crimes against women, i.e. crimes per 1 lakh women was up from 41.7 in 2012 to 55.2 in 2016. Furthermore, it is telling that a majority of the crimes against women is usually by people who are known to them because of which women are in any case hesitant about filing criminal cases against their abusers or are coaxed out of it by the family of the victim. What may be of interest to Rajbhar, however, is that despite incidence of crime against women, the conviction rate for crimes against women in 2016 at 18.9 percent is at its lowest since 2007. This is especially discouraging as even if a woman does have the courage to report a crime, she, however, has to withdraw the complaint (which is common in cases of cruelty by husbands or relatives, where the parties agree to a divorce, subject to the withdrawal of the complaint). There is often a stigma that is associated with the woman by society for no fault of her own.
In any event, if the argument is that some women are exploiting the legal process to punish men, then as the conviction rates seem to show, the legal system does appear to take into account such cases as well because the burden which is required to be discharged by the accuser is fairly high. Furthermore, the argument against a ‘purush aayog’ is not that there are no cases where there have been bogus cases filed against men for crimes against women. In fact, the argument is as follows: Firstly, in India today, due to a culture of victim blaming, the odds are stacked against a woman who decides to approach the legal system for a remedy from the start. Secondly, India like any other country does not have an unlimited supply of funds or resources. Therefore, as a responsible democracy, it must decide to allocate funds and personnel towards its most urgent and immediate causes. So, while it may be important to be cognizant of such isolated instances of abuse, the current state of women is far worse than that of men and, therefore, more focus, attention and resources are required to ensure that women are subject to a just system.
Raghuram Rajan responsible for low growth: As you may have noticed, India has not yet seen any ‘acche din’ and the state of the economy proves as much. In this regard while talking about the low lending rates and hesitancy in the economy, Rajiv Kumar, vice chairman of NITI Aayog, said, “The new mechanisms instituted [under the previous RBI Governor’s regime] to identify stressed or non-performing assets and these continuously continued to grow up which is why the banking sector stopped giving credit to the industry.”
Such comments, unfortunately, follow the same irresponsible policy of the Government to blame everyone other than itself for the ills of the economy, including the rising fuel prices, the spectacular fall of the rupee, the low employment rate and the low rate of growth. There are, however, two issues with this message. First that it lays the blame on the foot of a policy that places emphasis on a clean-up of non-performing assets that had accumulated with banks and ignores that this clean-up process is necessary for any economy to grow since it shows what the true state of banking in the country is.
The Modi Government, however, obviously favors obfuscation when reality does not suit the Government and grandiose overstatement when the data is mildly in favour of the Government. An instance of this was the change in the base year to calculate GDP data which made the Modi Government look acceptable. However, what the BJP did not contemplate was that by using the same standard, the performance of the UPA during its tenure looks far better than any growth clocked by the Modi Government.
The second issue with this message is that it continues with the narrative that India’s low rate of growth has been caused due to external factors rather than due to the incompetence of the Government. This can be seen when arguments against high fuel prices are brought against the Government or the falling rupee. Astonishingly, as per this Government, demonetization, which must count as one of the biggest economic blunders in the world, played no role in the economic slowdown of the country. It’s completely ignored by the Government that the move cost India 1.5 percent of GDP or that in the first four months 1.5 million jobs were lost during just the first four months of 2017 and left the unorganised sector, which primarily operates on cash, reeling from the move. As a reader, I would recommend you consider this to be your bimonthly recap of the strange time our country is going through, where any form of intellectualism is equated with anti-nationalism. While I hope this recap did provide some entertainment, I think it is important to recognise that some of the ludicrous comments by BJP leaders that I mention from time to time are only the ones that they say out loud after presumably filtering them. One can, however, only imagine and truly fear what thoughts do not pass through this very porous filter.
Writer: Ajoy Kumar
Courtesy: The Pioneer
Vamana, or the ‘dwarf’ container, is the latest initiative of Indian Railways’ which is expected to grow into a giant, capturing high-end traffic it lost to the road sector over the years when, in the 1980s, end-to-end running of block rakes was introduced.
Running double stack containers under 25 KV Overhead Electrification (OHE) is easier said than done. But this is exactly what Naresh Kumar, a young mechanical engineer, who left his job with the Indian Railways to try his luck in the private sector, has been able to do with his revolutionary idea of Vamana, or the ‘dwarf’ container, that makes optimum use of the envelope available under the OHE catenary.
It was in 2006, when Kumar was on deputation to the Pipavav Rail Corporation, a JV company of Indian Railways, when he conceptualised the idea of double-stack ISO containers for trains running on the non-electrified sections of Rewari-Pipavav/Mundra, which have been running almost for a decade now. Leaving his job with the railways in 2010, he set up his own company, Kalyani Cast Tech, and rest is history.
A standard 8x8x40 feet ISO container does not make use of the 4-feet additional height available up to the 25 kV OHE catenary wires, but a double-stacked dwarf container service does so, enabling almost 30 per cent savings in freight charges. Besides, the ‘dwarf’ can hold a volume of approximately 67 per cent more when compared to traditional ones. Double-stacked containers can carry a weight of 71 tonnes, as against 40 tonnes carried by an ISO container. This maximises the available envelope of moving dimensions under the catenary as well as the permissible axle load.
This could prove to be a game-changer for the Railways, winning back bulky low-density traffic, such as plastic granules, white goods, FMCG products, PVC fabric, even automobiles. So far, 90 units have been made, 180 more are on order, and the tally could reach over 2,000.
With 48 hours of transit time between Dadri-JNPT and Dadri-Pipavav-Mundra corridors, the Container Corporation of India Ltd (CONCOR) has been able to capture almost half of EXIM cargo of the ISO containers. Double stacked ISO containers between Rewari and Pipavav non-electrified section has been a runaway success, and the ‘dwarf’ could prove to be winner too, and this time right under the OHE. New ‘dwarf’ containers are lower in height by 662-mm (26 inches) and wider by 162-mm (6.3 inches) than standard ISO containers. Inside space has been maximised by adopting FRP (fibreglass reinforced plastic) flooring-only 9-mm thick, as against ISO’s 28-mm thick hardboard flooring.
The dwarf container is provided with an elongated corner castings so that the standard locking arrangement on container flat wagons could be used, even when the container is wider. Though the moving dimension permits 3,250 millimetres and 3,135 millimetres in case of double-decker coaches, the Motor Vehicle Act permits only 2,600 millimetres width on road. Hence, the ‘dwarf’ was designed with this limitation. Special dispensation by the Ministry of Road Transport and Highways for 3,250 millimetres wide dwarf containers will enable full use of the potential of the Indian Railways BG tracks.
The existing BLC flat wagons, designed for 2,438 millimetres wide ISO containers, is only 2,100 millimetres wide and part of the ISO container overhangs by 169 millimetres on either side. With 3,250 millimetres wide dwarf container, this overhang would increase to 575 millimetres on either side.
Perhaps, new wider BLCs could be designed and manufactured especially for these containers for domestic traffic; or existing ones can be modified with additional set of locks that can be fit to carry both ISO as well as dwarf domestic containers. The first consignment of polypropylene granules in 82 double-stacked containers was moved from Reliance Industries’ (RIL) own siding in Kanalus near Rajkot in Gujarat to Rewari in Haryana, earning the Railways Rs 31.4 lakh for the round trip. The second train carrying 90 dwarf containers left on August 14 from RIL’s siding near Jamnagar and reached its siding near Ludhiana in three days. This ‘green’ initiative also helps to keep thousands of trucks spewing noxious fumes off the road.
Additional routes have already been cleared for running these double-stack containers. The Jamnagar-Pune-Bangalore route via Jalgaon-Manmad-Daund-Guntakal has immense potential for freight from RIL and other auto and FMCG units located in Gujarat destined to southern States. ‘Dwarf’ offers fast, cheap and timely deliveries, which could bring about a paradigm shift from road to rail in not distant a future.
(The writer is a former Member, Railway Board)
Rahul Gandhi recently claimed in his speech that the Congress was not involved in the 1984 assaults on the Sikh community, which probably was not a good idea as it only ribbed salt on wounds. Even the evidence points to the contrary.
Congress president Rahul Gandhi’s assertion that his party was not involved in the barbarous assault on the Sikh community after Indira Gandhi’s assassination in 1984 flies in the face of truckloads of evidence that was placed before several commissions and committees of inquiry that probed the violence. The testimonies of thousands of witnesses not only established instigation of frenzied mobs by Congress politicians but also the unpardonable paralysis of the administration and the police forces in the national Capital and many other cities in north India while the mobs were running amok.
The anti-Sikh pogrom began almost immediately after the Government announced on the evening of October 31, 1984, that Indira Gandhi had succumbed to the bullets of her assassins. As news of her assassination spread, the Government just packed up. A huge mob of Congress workers that had collected outside the All India Institute of Medical Sciences began targeting Sikhs found in the vicinity and this set the trend for a kind of savagery that India had not witnessed since Partition. Their belligerence turned into slogans like Khoon ka badla khoon se lenge (we will avenge blood with blood) in Teen Murti Bhavan where India Gandhi’s body lay in state and this was no empty threat. For the next three days, Congress cadres roamed the national Capital and cities in the north torching Sikh places of worship, establishments and property and the victims had nowhere to go because police stations closed shop and a good part of the police force rendered overt and covert support to Congress hoodlums.
Within hours of the announcement of the death of India Gandhi, her son Rajiv Gandhi was sworn in as Prime Minister and, technically speaking, a new Government was in place, but there was no Government. The state had withered away. In all 2,732 Sikhs were killed in those riots — 2,146 in Delhi and 586 in some other towns in the northern region. The Sikhs suffered loss of homes and property in an unprecedented scale.
The Justice Nanavati Commission of Inquiry, which probed the riots, found shocking evidence of the complicity of the police in the riots in Delhi. Although the violence was spread all over the national Capital, the police had registered only 587 First Information Reports (FIRs) against the mobsters and even of these, the police declared 241 cases as “untraced” and another 253 cases ended in acquittals. Further, 11 FIRs were quashed and in another 11 cases, the accused were discharged. The Commission was told that one case was pending investigation and 42 cases were pending trial.
After weighing the evidence that came before it, the Commission came to the following conclusions: Slogans like Khoon ka badla khoon se lenge were raised by the mobs. Rumours were circulated which had the effect of inciting people against the Sikhs and prompt them to take revenge; there was evidence to show that at some places, mobs indulging in violent attacks had come in Delhi Transport Corporation buses with weapons and inflammable materials like kerosene, petrol etc or were supplied such materials “soon after they were taken to the localities where the Sikhs were to be attacked”; there was evidence to show that “…persons who could organise attacks were contacted and given instructions to kill Sikhs and loot their houses and shops; the attacks were made in a systematic manner and without fear of the police, almost suggesting that they were assured that they would not be harmed while committing those acts and even thereafter”; male members of the Sikh community were taken out of their houses, beaten and burnt alive; and tyres were put round their necks and then set on fire by pouring kerosene or petrol on them.
This is just a brief summary of the graphic description of the cruelty perpetrated by Congress goons that the Commission took note of. As regards those who instigated the murderous, frenzied mobs against the Sikhs, the Commission made the following observations: Large number of affidavits indicate that local Congress (I) leaders and workers had either incited or helped the mobs in attacking the Sikhs. But for the backing and help of influential and resourceful persons, killing of Sikhs so swiftly and in large numbers could not have happened; in many places the riotous mobs consisted of outsiders and bringing them from outside required an organised effort; there is evidence to show that outsiders were shown the houses of the Sikhs; when Sikhs collected at a Gurudwara to defend themselves, the police persuaded them to return to their homes on the assurance that they would be protected; thereafter the mobs took over and the police looked the other way.
Affidavits filed before the Commission show that local political leaders exploited the situation; the affidavits state that Congress leaders and workers were behind the riots; “no other person or organisation…in alleged to have taken part in those incidents”; the slogans raised during the riots also indicate that some of the persons who constituted the mobs were Congress workers or sympathisers. Some material was also put before the commission which indicated that Rajiv Gandhi, who had become Prime Minister soon after his mother’s assassination had told one of this officials that “the Sikhs should be taught a lesson”. The commission however did not pursue this because the evidence available was vague. However, the commission indicted the government for the complicity of the police and administration with the rioters and for the inordinate delay in calling in the army.
The Indian state was in a state of paralysis after Indira Gandhi’s assassination and this is explained by the shocking non-response of the then President Giani Zail Singh to the pleas for protection from the Sikhs. The noted writer Patwant Singh told the Commission that he was part of a delegation of eminent citizens which called on the President on the morning of November 1. They told him he had a moral and Constitutional obligation to end the violence. The President said he “did not have the power” to intervene. The delegation asked Zail Singh if he was saying he had no power to stop anachy and bloodshed? “The President remained silent”. But the delegation persisted and urged the President to speak forcefully to the Prime Minister. Zail Singh said “I will do so in three or four days time”! That was the three or four days in which the mass murder of Sikhs took place.
There is sufficient evidence to indict the Congress on two counts — for unleashing brutality of the worst kind on members of a religious minority and for the Government’s collaboration with the perpetrators of violence. Rahul Gandhi is only rubbing salt on the wounds of the Sikhs by now claiming that his party was not involved. He must read the Nanavati Commission reports and the affidavits filed before it.
(The writer is Chairman, Prasar Bharati)
Writer: A Surya Prakash
Courtesy: The Pioneer
A pilgrim, S C Sekhar captures the journey for salvation in a beautiful way, says Uma Nair
A set of scarlet-painted trishuls set against a wall made S C Sekhar stop on the roadside and capture a stunning still life. The way to to Sikkim held many such unforgettable vistas and vignettes. Opening at the Shridharani Gallery today is an unforgettable odyssey of a photographer who has spent the past four decades capturing myriad facets of India. This suite of images is called Faith, which gives the viewer a glimpse into the search for the spirit when a photographer turns into a pilgrim.
“I travelled as a pilgrim to Kailash and Mansarovar, visited the Maha Kumbh in 2013 and made trips to Varanasi in search of faith as an experience. Each experience gave me a richness of space and of time. Dawn at Varanasi was different from dusk. The light in the ancient city changes like a fabric that celebrates the colours of the sky and the sun,” says Sekhar. The show straddles the colours of faith as it were, within the sacred spaces of sadhus, of worshippers, of the corridors of silence in a monastery and a series of stunning landscapes and still lifes.
“The Maha Kumbh Mela proved India is steeped in ancient traditions,” says Sekhar. “Hinduism is an ancient religion, 5,000 years old. It was intriguing to see the modern and the ancient collide, all becoming one humanity to dip into the Ganges. There were 70 to 100 million people in one place. And the sadhus were both distinct and professional posers!”
Searching for salvation
The Maha Kumbh Mela of 2013 becomes a chess board of characters spinning a tale of ritual ascetics and aesthetics, the ash-laden foreheads, decorated necks and embellished rudraakshas often alluding to the architecture of relics and the many facets of both the human visage and the human body.
The portraits of the sadhus address temporal, spatial and social relationships of language, history and the present. Their faces materialise in response to contextual conditions or the premises of the given moment for the search for salvation.
“At the Kumbh, the bathing is officially opened at dawn by naked Hindu ascetics from the revered Naga warrior sect, founded as protectors more than 800 years ago,” says Sekhar. The Nagas, with their long hair, flowing beards and ash-covered bodies, wave swords, tridents and spears invoke the blessing of the Ganges as they run into the water.
“They immerse themselves in knee-deep water at the sangam or spot where the Ganges converges with the Yamuna and the mythical, underground Saraswati river which, according to ancient texts, embodies true knowledge. It is a scene that is rigorous as well as fascinating. I was also fascinated by a five-year-old boy who sat and gazed at me in silence,” says Sekhar.
Stunning Still lifes
Sekhar brings personal histories to his stunning still life series. There are two subtexts here — the first, a series of ritual-related studies and the second the boats of Varanasi as well as images of dawn at the Hooghly. They serve as a reflection of the present and the multiple rituals reflected in the artistic process of meditative repetition. The rudraaksha added to a calendar image adds a third dimension.
Scents and smells abound as you gaze at the pictures of little leaf containers with petals and prasad for aarti. It is almost as if the images bring forth the aura of sandalwood, honey, milk, roses and fragrant jasmine.
These still life forms in Varanasi tell us that devotion and death are intimately a part of ordinary life, sharing a connection that is as old as history.
Improvisation and anthropology intersect in the ambient luminosity of mysticism and the dilapidated city of Varanasi. Sekhar understands the mysteries a little better by furrowing the river where he captures it at dawn when it is veiled with mist, at dusk when the crowd joins the ghats for pujas, morning prayers, or during Dev Deepawali to glimpse the floating diyas.
Steeped in prayer
“There are cities so removed from the fast-paced everyday world, that still so steeped in prayer,” says Sekhar. Walking the hilly pathways at Mansarovar with Shankaracharya of Hampi became a lesson in learning of the mosaic of life’s texts to understand the riverine rhythms and resonance.
“I experienced a sense of calm, serenity and unexplained devotion,” explains Sekhar and adds, “Suddenly everything around me fell into place. In the spritual journey, the devotion and beliefs of people of multiple faiths became a part of one canvas.”
The lunar landscape of burnished red and white rock continues further west to the pre-Buddhist kingdom of Guge. Represented as a sheltered world, mirroring the surrounding tropical cosmos and its equatorial firmament, Mansarovar mutates into a zone and a space of contemplation. These images feel other-worldly. They capture scenic undulations of cold desert landscapes where pastorals present the perfect idyll. Even the image of a door in Sikkim can present a harvest of intensities in which earth tenors and terrain have soft and gentle evocations of both time and tide.
Faith for Sekhar is about endlessly converting time, energy, thinking and realisation. “When I click a photograph, it is about freedom,” says Sekhar. “Not only am I free as a creator, the viewers are free as spectators as well.”
The show runs at Shridharani Gallery till September 20.
Writer: Uma Nair
Courtesy: The Pioneer
In a society engulfed in conflict for three decades, a perceived sense of discrimination, false promises, lack of role models and opportunities, denial of justice, harassment by security forces and fear of losing their monolithic culture are driving youth towards radicalisation, writes Anil Gupta
Last month, Kashmir witnessed one of its most violent and bloodiest Bakrid in the recent time; just a day after the announcement was made of the appointment of a new Governor in Jammu & Kashmir. Was it a coincidence or a planned effort to send a few signals to the new Governor? Violence after Eid prayers is not unusual in Kashmir but this time its intensity and audacity was definitely different from the past. There are a few deductions from the happenings of this Bakrid which may ultimately emerge as new challenges for new Governor, Satya Pal Malik.
Hizbul Mujahideen claimed responsibility for most of the killings. Sayeed Salahudeen, head of the terror outfit and chairman of the United Jihad Council (UJC), continues to live in safe-haven in Pak-occupied Kashmir under the patronage of the Pakistan Army and the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). Thus, a clear-cut connection exists between the killings and Pakistan’s hand behind it. A change of regime in Pakistan is not going to make any difference as far as violence in Kashmir is concerned. New Pakistan premier Imran Khan does not have the mettle and political experience to challenge the ‘K Policy’ of the military-mullah-militant troika.
Pakistan has no respect for religion or Islam. Bloodshed in Kashmir on the occasion of Eid-ul-Zuha does not perturb the troika over there. In fact, it emboldens the troika since it suits their sinister design of keeping Kashmir on the boil. The troika does not want the Kashmiris to live in peace and enjoy the dividend of development and progress in the rest of the nation. The troika’s aim is to keep Kashmir in a constant state of conflict so that it can tie down the Indian Army in counter-infiltration and counter-terrorism operations and make sure that it does not pose a major threat on its western borders.
Brutal killings of a political worker and a couple of policemen is a serious cause of worry. The jihadists are motivated by an IS ideology. The IS may not have a footfall in Kashmir, but its ideology has penetrated other jihadi terrorist groups active in the Valley. The ideology justifies the use of violence as a necessity to defend Islam and as an obligation for a true Muslim believer. The IS believes in the concept of the ‘Caliphate’.
Democracy and the nation-state are not compatible with the Salafi-jihadist ideology. Anyone serving the nation is an enemy of Islam as per this ideology. This is the reason for targeting the members of the police, Armed Forces and political workers. The IS is no threat to India but its ideology is, which is also responsible for the spread of radicalisation.
The IS ideology also threatens the Kashmiri society. Kashmiri culture is a mix of three religions — Hinduism, Buddhism and Islam. Kashmiri culture, that was once proud of its oneness, irrespective of religion, is in danger of being overshadowed by Salafi-jihadist
ideology that preaches a return to true Sunni Islam and justifies use of violence and terror to realise political objectives. It is a major challenge the civil society in Kashmir has to accept and unite to fight against.
Another fallout in Salafi-jihadist ideology is radicalisation. It is spreading in Kashmir like poison. Stone pelting on police personnel on duty, display of IS flags and Musa Army banners, attack on Army posts and heckling of Dr Farooq Abdullah at the Jama Masjid are all manifestations of radicalisation. Zakir Musa is also emerging as the new cult and poster-boy of terrorism in Kashmir. His message on the eve of Eid to the terrorists was full of hate. He warned of Ghazwa-e-Hind (the final and last battle for the conquest of India), a threat which re-emerges year after year for reasons not understood.
The entire concept of Ghazwa-e-Hind is nothing but a religious fantasy to raise the morale of Sunni Muslim jihadists. Radicalisation promotes a thinking process of transition from true Islam to the Islamic State. Zakir Musa is spreading this concept in Kashmir which the youth appears to be attracted towards. Was it a signal intended at the incumbent Governor? To me it appears so.
Fiery speeches were made on Article 35A and other anti-national issues prior to and after Eid prayers. It aroused the sentiments of the youth who were motivated by paid goons to move out and indulge in a show of force (using pre-dumped stones) against the police personnel deployed there. It goes to the credit of the policemen that they did not get provoked and retaliated with non-lethal weapons of crowd dispersal, despite instigations.
Lack of adequate knowledge about religion or distorted knowledge of religion amongst the youth also leads to radicalisation because a ‘vacuum of knowledge’ leaves them ill-equipped to reject extremist ideologies. This is the reason that hate speeches delivered by the maulvis after the Friday prayers or during other religious congregations and also the ideologies spread by the them in certain madrasas act as catalysts to radicalisation.
The IS has deliberately tailored its propaganda to appeal to those with little religious knowledge. Radical preachers and hardcore Salafi-jihadists, when kept together in prisons with juvenile stone-pelters, radicalise them beyond redemption. Therefore, to give amnesty to such youth and return them to the mainstream is like playing with fire which has proved unsuccessful time and again because the same youth gets recycled into sangbaazi (stone-pelting).
In a society that has been engulfed by a state of conflict for the last three decades, paternal absence and exposure to the messages of radical preachers could also lead to radicalisation. Keypad jihadists spreading radical ideology can be another source of radicalisation.
In Kashmir, a perceived sense of discrimination, false promises by politicians, denial of justice, harassment by security forces and fear of losing their monolithic culture are also driving the youth towards radicalisation. What the new Governor can do immediately to counter radicalisation is to have a check on the maulvis and other religious preachers. Majority of them are non-locals who spread Salafi-Wahabi ideologies using the precincts of religious places and madrasas. Local preachers, who follow and preach Sufism, have been sidelined by them through the power of petro-dollars. The Salafi-Wahhabi preachers need to be replaced by Sufi preachers and the former must be ordered to return to their respective native States.
The heckling of Dr Farooq Abdullah, a sitting MP and four-time Chief Minister of the State and preventing him from offering Eid prayers at Jama Masjid because a couple of days back he had shouted, “Bharat Mata Ki Jai” and “Jai Hind” at the top of his voice in a gathering at New Delhi, is also an act of defiance. To shout slogans, and hoot while prayers are being offered and khutbah is being delivered, is against the basic tenets of Islam. The behaviour was completely un-Islamic. But who cares when it is being done at the behest of somebody else, as a part of the larger agenda.
A section of misguided people were also shouting azadi slogans. Seekers of azadi need to understand that they are living in an utopian world, much divorced from reality. Misguided youth are being exploited by self-seekers whose own children are studying in posh schools and universities outside the State and abroad. It is a dream sold to the youth to motivate them to pick up the gun. It has not been achieved in the past seven decades and would never be achieved — this is the hard reality the youth need to realise. Radicalisation has hardened and brainwashed the local youth to the extent that they are not ready to accept the reality of Jammu & Kashmir being an integral part of India, as enshrined in Article 1 of the Constitution of India and Article 3 of the State’s Constitution.
Dr Farooq Abdullah rightly asserted that these misguided people need ‘counselling’. All nationalist voices in Kashmir have condemned this unruly behaviour of a section of the people. Dr Farooq called them as “enemies of the state” and said that he knew who were the people behind it. “You will pay a very heavy price for this one day. They don’t want peace and they are thriving on violence,” he said.
The forces inimical to return of peace and normalcy in trouble-torn Kashmir have succeeded in their intent of according a “bloody” welcome to the new Governor and also signalling him of the challenges he will face during his tenure. To my mind, radicalisation is the major challenge which the Governor or any other Government can ill afford to ignore anymore. It needs to be tackled on war-footing along with counter-terror operations. De-radicalisation is time-consuming and lustreless akin to de-addiction. Patience is the main virtue that will pay in the end but it cannot be brushed under the carpet anymore.
(The author is a Jammu-based political commentator and strategic analyst. The views expressed are entirely personal.)
Writer: Anil Gupta
Courtesy: The Pioneer
If the Ram Janmabhoomi Temple is so challenging for Muslim leaders who emphasize on treating it as a land dispute, keeping in mind the interest of national unity, it is better to think about restoring the Mathura and Kashi temples instead.
Several Opposition leaders have objected to resorting to Parliament if the courts are unable to decide soon on the Ram Janmabhoomi issue. Muslim leaders are unfortunately not magnanimous enough not to quibble about the site as a land issue despite knowing that it is a much greater issue of ‘faith’ — most Hindus solemnly believe that Lord Ram was born there. Fair enough. So, as a believer in national amity, this writer will attempt to look for an alternative solution to the issue of symbols of the Hindu faith being accorded their place in our national life. Neither the Krishna Janmabhoomi in Mathura nor the Gyanvapi mosque next to the Kashi Vishwanath temple in Benaras suffers from any such issue of ‘land dispute’.
The Idgah built adjacent to the Krishna Janmabhoomi site is an ordinary structure which came into being during Aurangzeb’s reign and is used by a few namazis on Fridays. Underneath the mound, whereupon existed the Krishna Mandir, is now the Janmabhoomi dera, which is as modest a structure as a garage. In his book, Mathura: A District Memoir, FS Growse of the Bengal Civil Service has recorded his exhaustive survey and research about Braj Bhoomi. He was overwhelmed by the vandalism that inflicted the area repeatedly and wrote in a heartfelt manner although he was far from his home in England. To quote him: “Thanks to Muhammadan intolerance, there is not a single building of any antiquity, either in the city or its environs. Its most famous temple, that dedicated to Kesava Deva, was destroyed in 1669, the eleventh year of the reign of the iconoclast Aurangzeb. The Idgah erected on its ruins is a building of little architectural value.” Mahmud of Ghazni was, however, the first iconoclast to vandalise Mathura. That was in 1017 AD, about which Growse wrote: “If anyone wished to construct a building equal to it, he would not be able to do so without expending a hundred million dinars, and the work would occupy 200 years, even though the ablest and experienced workmen were employed. Orders were given that all the temples should be burnt with naphtha and fire and levelled. The city was given up to plunder for 20 days. Among the spoils are said to have been five great idols of pure gold with eyes of rubies and adornments of other precious stones, together with a vast number of smaller silver images, which when broken up, formed a load for more than 100 camels. The total value of the spoils had been estimated at three million rupees; while the number of Hindus carried away into captivity exceeded 5,000.”
To go back to Aurangzeb, over two centuries after the desecration, Growse felt that of all the sacred places in India, none enjoys a greater popularity than the capital of Braj, the holy city of Mathura. For over nine months, festival follows upon a festival in rapid succession and the ghats and temples are daily thronged with new troops of way-worn pilgrims. So great is the sanctity of the spot that its panegyrists do not hesitate to declare that a single day spent at Mathura is more meritorious than a lifetime passed in Benares. All this celebration is due to the fact of its being the birthplace of demi-God Krishna.
Today, Balkrishna is worshiped in a little room which appears like a servant quarter attached to the back of the Idgah. Pathos can be experienced by any visitor, whether a devotee or otherwise. To paraphrase William Shakespeare, not all the scents of Arabia would suffice to wash away the sins of Ghazni and Alamgir at Mathura. And since it is not possible to claim back what was destroyed long ago, the return of the Idgah and the shuddhi of Krishna Janmabhoomi or the birthplace of Krishna, is the only viable alternative.
Coming to Benaras and the Kashi Bisheshwar temple, for the sake of impartiality, it is best to again rely on an Englishman, Reverend Matthew Atmore Sherring of the London Missionary Society, who resided mainly in the holy city between 1852 and 1880. He toured the whole area repeatedly and surveyed the scene from a religious point of view. In his book, Benares: The Sacred City of the Hindus, Sherring referred to Al-Beruni, who is one of the important sources of medieval Indian history. He came to India with Mahmud Ghazni who reached as far as Benaras during his ninth incursion into India. Some decades later, Muhammad Ghori, after defeating the Kannaujian monarch Jaichand, marched to Benaras where he was reported to have destroyed many Hindu temples. Thereafter came Aurangzeb, who changed the name of the city to Muhammadabad. The temple of Bisheshwar was systematically demolished by him. The large collection of deities, stored on a platform called the court of Mahadev on the northern side of the temple, were found from the debris. As recorded by Sherring, extensive remains of this ancient temple were still visible and they formed a large portion of the western wall of the mosque which was built upon its site by the bigoted oppressor. Evidently, the former temple was much larger than the present one, which is really small for a shrine as important as this one.The new temple was built at the behest of Rani Ahilyabai Holkar long after Aurangzeb’s desecration.
Sherring explained that the demolition of temples was not inspired merely by hatred for idolatry or by greed for loot. It was also driven by a desire to humiliate the Hindu community. How does one explain the fact that the masjid built by Aurangzeb just had to be bang next to the Gyanvapi or the well of knowledge? The mosque, built by Aurungzeb on the foundations of the old or original Bisheshwar temple, is of interest not for its own sake — notwithstanding its lofty appearance, it is a structure without any striking architectural beauty in its own right — but on account of the ancient remains with which it is associated and from the materials used in its construction.The mosque is altogether composed of the remains of an ancient temple of large dimensions and elaborate workmanship. The high pillars, moreover, on its northern face, have been transferred from the same spacious building. These remains are Hindu and it is unquestionable that the edifice, which was destroyed in order to make way for the mosque, was an old temple of Bisheshwar. An excellent ground-plan of this temple, prepared from a minute examination of the extant remains, was drawn by James Prinsep and published by him in his Views of Benares. There is no doubt that the Bisheshwar temple stood on this site and was destroyed by Muslim rulers who transferred its stones into their own mosque. The neighbouring temple bearing this name the Hindus built was for the purpose of perpetuating the worship of Bisheshwar. Between the mosque and the temple of Bisheshwar is the famous Gyanvapi or Gyan Kup, well of knowledge in which, as Hindus believe, Shiva resides.
What greater evidence is necessary for the Government to exercise its sovereignty and take over these edifices which were part of the invaders’ loot and once India’s pride? Not doing so would be tantamount to an act of omission committed by a semi-sovereign power. It is clear that in terms of statesmanship, leaders of the Muslim community would endear themselves to all Indians if as a grand gesture they give up the space occupied in Mathura and Benaras for the temples their to be restored. The Government, for its part, should receive such an offer with open arms. There’s no land dispute here.
As an aside, an interesting reverse example of wise politics was displayed by then Punjab Premier Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan in Lahore in 1938. The High Court gave a verdict that the Shaheedgunge Gurdwara should remain with the Sikhs although it had once been a mosque. The Muslim League wanted the Hayat Khan Government to appeal to the Privy Council. But he rejected the idea on the ground that by the same logic, Muslims would have to give up hundreds of mosques and dargahs, including Ajmer Sharif. So it was best to let the principle of adverse possession prevail. Regrettably, after the Partition there was no such wisdom and the Gurdwara was violently taken over by Muslims.
(The writer is a well-known columnist and an author)
Writer: Prafull Goradia
Courtesy: The Pioneer
In order to handle the transportation needs of steadily increasing population, rapid transit systems and effective transport system such as the Metro-rail and the Bus Rapid Transit, are both essential.
A thriving public transport system is the hallmark of all world cities and bustling metropolises. In fact, a well-developed mass rapid transportation system is one of the key benchmarks to decide the liveability index. However, in India aspiration is inversely proportional and as it is poised to be home to many smart cities and its urban infrastructure sprawls out into satellite and hubs, the share of public transport is expected to go down to 25 to 35 per cent by the end of the year. Concurrently, the use of private vehicles, including two-wheelers, has grown 8 to 10 per cent annually between 2014 and 2017, the period that has been surveyed. So why does our public transport system fail to become a democratic and smart choice of travel? Part of the reason is the lack of bus fleet, poor complementarity of multi-mode travel, the rapid development of metro network in many cities and the affordable acquisition of vehicles which guarantees a certain door-to-door ease of travel and a sense of identity. But the consequences of such volumes have been too toxic in terms of the pollution overload and Delhiites have been its worst victims. Yet India’s other cities are all too quickly being sucked into the same conundrum as Delhi in the absence of an adequate bus fleet or the low priority given to replenishing it. For a circular megapolis like Delhi, the bus numbers are currently less than half of the requirement of a 11,000-strong fleet. The Delhi Government is in a legal tussle over provision of mixed use land for a depot but the tardy progress on that count has meant that more vehicles are out on the roads and the total transport corridor has been further shrunk to accommodate entrants.
The Delhi police has claimed that it plans to decongest Delhi on key corridors by 2020 but without a suitable balance of public and private transport, no traffic management system would work in the end. Although cities like Mumbai and Kolkata have been traditional adherents of a public transport system, they are facing newer connectivity challenges as they extend radially. Yet, knowing the dangers of overcrowding and congestion, we still do not have proper incentives to use public transport, like a multi-modal city card that Singapore has. Neither is there a disincentive in the form of steep parking fees in congested public spaces. Most importantly, there is an urgent need to prioritise linkages between multi-modal transport systems and last mile connectivity as part of urban policy. Besides, the use of public transport is good for your health as it involves walking an additional 8 to 33 minutes per day!
Writer: Pioneer
Courtesy: The Pioneer
The provision of public services—such as health care, education, sanitation and criminal justice—is a key task for government. When Government delivers all the basic requirements of people, it can easily attain consumer satisfaction and votes.
The Delhi Government for all its limitations must be complimented in its effort to touch the lives of residents day in and day out. Its showcase programme of delivering a host of services to the doorstep of the Capital’s residents is now on the verge of fruition and set to be rolled out from 10 September. Chores like paying taxes, applying for various welfare schemes and obtaining crucial documents like driving licenses, birth/death/marriage/income/caste certificates are some of the most concrete forms of the Citizen-Government interface Services are, therefore, crucial in shaping trust and perception. And it goes without saying that with growing needs and vaulting aspirations not to mention a desire for accountability from those we elect to govern us, citizens expect transparent, accessible, and convenient delivery of services as well as redressal of grievances. In an era of digitisation, online portals have come as a boon for Governments willing to use technology in the public interest and credit must also be given to the Central Government under Narendra Modi to have pushed back Luddite tendencies and promoted this approach in a big way as part of a best-practice template for governance. The AAP Government in Delhi has been innovative in applying its mind to focus on the service-delivery mechanism.
The Delhi Government’s emphasis on a customer-centric approach in designing a mechanism to get about a hundred services delivered to the doorstep of the citizen at a minimal cost of Rs 50 can, if properly implemented, become a good governance landmark in India. Under the scheme, assistants or mobile sahayaks would be provided all necessary equipment like cameras, biometric devices, printers etc would be at service of the citizen at his or her doorstep to complete all formalities for which they had to otherwise stand in long queues, often requiring to skip work for the day, in order to visit Government offices. The delivery of various certificates and licences will also be at home. Naturally, services for which physical presence is necessary, for example a driving test for a driving licence, will still involve going to the RTO but all the accompanying formalities will be online and the licence itself will be delivered home if so desired. For the initiative to have the desired result, though the administration needs to work very hard on creating an ambient governance atmosphere. An important component of customer satisfaction is feedback. Although the Delhi Government has planned for a customer care service portal, it must make sure that it is prompt to respond and ensure redress; unattended phone calls, for example, would sound its death knell. It also important to not just collect feedback but also analyse and act upon it. For the scheme to truly touch the lives of citizens it must penetrate into the deepest pockets of the Capital and not remain limited to a few VIP areas. The administration will also have ensure coordination between its various departments which are notorious for graft, protecting turf and inefficiency. Transforming service delivery to the citizen is not an easy task but to have even attempted it is an excellent portent.
Writer & Courtesy: The Pioneer
Before indulging in any spontaneous decision making, Brits need to look into their own prison crisis.
Of all the fugitives from Indian law, the maximum number have chosen the UK as their place of refuge primarily because the British establishment and law courts have exhibited a marked reluctance to deport absconders to India citing the terrible conditions of prisons here. Well, perhaps it’s time for the Brits to look within before they indulge in any further unsolicited pontification. For, Britain’s own prison crisis is, it has emerged, one of staggering proportions. Understaffing, overcrowding, lack of funds and the rampant use of drugs and violence in UK prisons has left many unnerved. But the drug problem is by far the biggest and has made a mockery of the whole notion of doing time.
Zombie drugs such as ‘Spice’ have pushed many prisoners to the brink. This drug mimics psychoactive substances of cannabis but due to its harrowing effects has now made its entry into the same category as cocaine and heroin. These drugs have gained a strong foothold inside British prisons and has resulted in many jails becoming breeding grounds of squalor and violence. There has been a massive increase in the UK’s prison population and no other public institution has deteriorated as much as their prisons. According to the Howard League for Penal Reform, assaults on staff are up 40 per cent. UK Ministry of Justice figures show that in the 12 months to September 2017, 28,165 incidents were recorded (an increase in 12 per cent) over the previous 12 months and of these 7,828 were assaults on prison staff. During the last quarter of 2017, assaults rose to a staggering average of 86 a day and on average there were 24 physical attacks on officials each day. Rampant drug use too has aggravated unhealthy conditions amongst inmates. In a survey of a quarter of prisons in the UK, the National Offender Monitoring System in England and Wales stated that it had found obtaining drugs in custody was very easy. Under the influence of drugs, inmates are found to have indulged in sexual assault and violence not to mention bullying almost routinely. Given the above, perhaps Vijay Mallya and others like him may feel Indian prisons, for all their shortcomings, may not be as bad as British ones.
Writer: Pioneer
Courtesy: The Pioneer
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