India’s Act East policy calls for an an enabling ecosystem for it to come to fruition.
The Act East Policy, with a focus on extended neighbourhood in the Asia-Pacific region, has been a cornerstone for India’s diplomacy in the current decade. While it was originally conceived as an economic initiative, in recent years, it has gained political, strategic and cultural dimensions, including the establishment of institutional mechanisms for dialogue and cooperation. India has upgraded its relations to strategic partnership with Indonesia, Vietnam, Malaysia, Japan, Republic of Korea, Australia, Singapore and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) and has, thus, forged close ties with all countries in the Asia-Pacific region.
Further, apart from Asean, East Asia Summit (EAS) and Asean Regional Forum (ARF), India has also been actively engaged in regional fora, such as the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC), Asia Cooperation Dialogue (ACD), Mekong-Ganga Cooperation (MGC) and Indian-Ocean Rim Association (IORA). Act East Policy has laid emphasis on India-Asean cooperation for our domestic agenda on infrastructure, manufacturing, trade, skills, urban renewal, smart cities, Make in India and other initiatives. Connectivity projects, cooperation in space and people-to-people exchanges can become a springboard for regional integration and prosperity.
The objective of Act East Policy is to promote economic cooperation, cultural ties and develop strategic relationship with countries in the Asia-Pacific region through continuous engagement at bilateral, regional and multilateral levels, thereby providing enhanced connectivity to the States of north-eastern region, including Arunachal Pradesh, with other countries in the neighbourhood. The North-East has been given a priority in our Act East Policy. Various plans at bilateral and regional levels include steady efforts to develop and strengthen connectivity of the
North-East with the Asean region through trade, culture, people-to-people contacts and physical infrastructure (road, airport, telecommunication, power, et al). Some of the major projects include Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project, India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral Highway Project, Rhi-Tiddim Road Project and India-Bangladesh Border Haats among others.
As one can see, countries in the Asia Pacific region, the targets of our Act East Policy, are at various stages of development. On the one hand, it cooperates with technologically-developed countries like Japan, Korea, and Taiwan. On the other, there is something that India can offer to the developing countries. With limited Government role in the present world, it is business-to-business (BB) or people-to-people (PP) relationship that will determine whether Act East policy can be a reality. Apart from paying lip-service to augment transport connectivity with the Asia-Pacific region, the Government has been slow in creating an enabling ecosystem for the Act East policy. Let me elaborate on the missing links where pro-active action is required.
At the outset, PP connectivity is extremely important for the growth of BB connectivity. Cross-country education of students is an excellent channel for vibrant growth of PP connectivity. However, most Indian students go to the West and not to the East for higher education. Western degrees are generally highly-valued in Government and private circles. The same is not true for degrees earned from universities in the Asia-Pacific region. Moreover, we do not have an agreement of mutual recognition of degrees with many of the universities in the Asian countries.
Weak educational links are the primary reason why an Indian researcher mostly collaborates with research partners in the Western countries. Since patent filing in many cases is an outcome for collaborative research, it is not surprising that most co-partners in joint works with Indian researchers reside in Western countries. When BB linkage emerges from the commercial application of the filed patents, no doubt, the likely partnership would be between the Indian and Western partners. These hurdles need to be crossed before we can effectively gain from the Act East policy.
The relevance of ethnic network for vibrant inter-region trade and investment growth cannot be overlooked if one examines the role played by the Chinese for fuelling FDI-led growth in China. Again, ethic Indians abound mostly in Western countries due to colonial/other linkages. Our Eastern countries score low on this front too. Hence, even if we Act East, we may have to be patient to reap real gains from our policy decisions. However, in the short term, this policy can be a game-changer for the North-East by creating a market space for their products and reducing the transportation barriers.
Writer: Sanjib Pohit
Courtesy: The Pioneer
Apart from development, religious sentiments continue to play a major role in BJP’s voter base.
Six months ahead of the General Election, three black swans reared their head, putting the first Government to have won with a majority in 30 years on the defensive. What is unprecedented is the timing of these serial optics wherein the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) and Reserve Bank of India (RBI) issues need resolution and the Ram Mandir row needs closure. The first black swan event was the macabre feuding among senior officials of the CBI, revealing the dark underbelly of the premier investigation agency at war with itself. Casting a shadow on the institutional integrity of the CBI diminishes the credibility of an independent entity whose reports are crucial on multiple scams, which have political ramifications in the run-up to the forthcoming Lok Sabha election.
The second precursor for a Government at unease with its institutions was of the RBI at war with the Union Government. Both events have embarrassed the GOI by sending distressing signals of eroding Central authority.
Subsequently came the third dark swan, an even bigger fait accompli: The procrastination of the Supreme Court hearing on Ayodhya, relegating its priority to a civil suit. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s signature style has been his assertive and decisive modus of governance. What the Modi dispensation now confronts is navigating through three independent institutions — the CBI, RBI and the judiciary — where any Government writ runs scant as these institutions are mandated to function on objective and evidence-based facts in the public interest.
The Modi Government, now in an election- mode, needs to retrieve its primacy by not pushing inconvenient decisions under the carpet. Yet, it must be seen upholding the autonomous functioning of independent institutions, like the judiciary, Election Commission, Central Vigilance Commission, Comptroller and Auditor General of India, CBI and the Central Bank, which are vital to the functionality of vibrant democracies, allowing for an impartial executive to function with prudence. However, it is in the Supreme Court’s deferment of the crucial Ayodhya hearing that the biggest silver lining lies for the Prime Minister to turn critical momentum back in the BJP’s favour. Fulfilment of the Ayodhya promise is as vital to Modi’s core ideological constituency as is the promise of development.
Conflict between Mint Street and North Block on policy matters was fraught with disagreements even during UPA years, with the apex bank remaining conservative on growth versus inflation. Such dissensions are equally prevalent in the US between the Trump Administration and the Federal Reserve Bank. At the heart of the unease between the Government and the RBI was the hint at invocation of Article 7 of the RBI Act of 1934 that was never been enforced in 83 years, which empowers the Government to instruct the RBI Governor to act on issues the GOI considers in the public interest. Fortunately, this move was averted after the recent RBI meet on November 19. The Central bank’s decisions will now be board-driven by 13 directors who are more sensitive to eco-political concerns of the Government.
The Government believes the RBI is sitting on higher reserves than needed as a buffer for contingencies. Central banks globally provision around 14 per cent of their assets as reserves, compared to RBI’s 27 per cent. So as the RBI has been over-stringent in its risk-reserve assessment beyond global norms, the Finance Ministry rightly claims for transferring the extra capital that can be put to productive use to stimulate the economy with more public spending. It can also increase credit flow to the micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs) sector that accounts for millions of jobs. Spurring growth is all the more crucial in an election year and public interest rightly remains the absolute prerogative of the sovereign, ranging from addressing the need to boost liquidity for non-banking finance companies (NBFCs) or MSMEs, to provisioning for adequate capital requirements for weak banks.
While the CBI and RBI are systemic issues, it is the third issue at the forefront that has enormous emotive ramifications: The Supreme Court’s decision to defer hearings on the 2010 Allahabad High Court order on the title suit that divided the disputed land trilaterally, with one-third assigned to the Sunni Wakf Board, and two-thirds apportioned to the Nirmohi Akhara and the deity. Religious polarisation is now expected to play out for the fourth time in the electoral history as a major theme in the 2019 election. The BJP has the Ram temple on its political manifesto and hence it must explore every constitutional option to break the impasse. The consensus through back-channel negotiations for an amicable resolution has clearly failed.
There is a popular mood of indignation against the apex court’s perceived indifference to the majority community’s sentiments. The vox populi is aggrieved that the court had all the time to give verdicts within a month on the film Padmavati, Diwali crackers, entry of women into Sabarimala temple and even prioritising the PIL on Rafale by asking the Government to submit the pricing and strategic details of the deal within 10 days. But it did not take up an emotive issue. The judiciary has often been accused of overreach. But it is in the selective prioritisation of the apex court of deferring the hearing on Ram Mandir that strikes at the heart of Indian sentiments, which is clearly a case of judicial underreach.
If the Government could pursue the SC/ST Act, Triple Talaq and LGBT Act through Ordinance, what stops a majority Government with 282 MPs in the Lok Sabha and 100 in the Rajya Sabha, from “rewriting the Constitution on Indic values?” The problem of short-circuiting the judicial process through the Ordinance route is that it has legal ramifications. The matter is sub-judice, and to justify the Ordinance route by subscribing to ‘faith above law’, overrides the Constitution.
The reason ascribed to deferring the case, even attempting to push it beyond the General Election, is that the court fears a severe backlash from either of the communities if the judgement is delivered in anyone’s favour, especially before the poll. A verdict adverse to the building of the mandir, if delivered early next year, could make it the BJP’s ‘Shah Bano moment’ if it opts to overturn an adverse Supreme Court judgement.
To turn the tide in its favour, the BJP must allow the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and its foot soldiers to gauge the public mood in order to rebuild momentum for the Ram Mandir before the poll. Of course, the legal advice to the Government would be against promulgation of an Ordinance. So, only a law can be enacted in Parliament through a joint sitting of both Houses, given the National Democratic Alliance’s poor numbers in the Rajya Sabha. This does not preclude that the same will not be subject to appeal, even though Parliament is the ultimate in law-making, while the court is supreme in law interpretation. It is a foregone conclusion that neither ‘Shiv bhakt’ Rahul Gandhi nor secular parties at ideological divergence will accede to a consensus for a legislation.
However, the decisive option would be considering the viability of a referendum within the next two months on the Ayodhya issue. And the poser for the referendum is: “Should the Ram Mandir be built/ or should a Masjid be built/ or should we wait for the judicial pronouncement?” Because in a democracy, the people’s’ will is supreme, and all other institutions must respect that, as status quoism is not the solution.
The majority community knows all too well that if this feat of building the Ram Mandir is not achieved during this regime, the case will languish in the courts ad infinitum. While the Modi Sarkar will be primarily judged on development and economic issues, religious sentiments, especially in the Hindi heartland, continue to hold weightage in the decision-making process of the BJP’s core ideological voter base.
Writer: Bindu Dalmia
Courtesy: The Pioneer
Biking an Opposition Alliance, the Mamta-Naidu meet is a step that promotes engaging with Congress.
Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu’s nearly two-hour meeting with his West Bengal counterpart Mamata Banerjee in Kolkata on Monday is significant not only because the Trinamool Congress chief’s original interlocutor in aid of a ‘federal front’ from South India, Telangana Chief Minister K Chandrashekhar Rao, is busy campaigning for the Assembly election in that State and not currently in the thick of Opposition confabulations nationally, but also because it is an attempt by regional leaders to ensure that regardless of immediate priorities in their respective States, there are enough strong regional leaders wedded to the idea of a forming a mahagathbandhan (grand Opposition alliance) to unseat the BJP from power. But while the focus is, naturally, on trying to ensure one-on-one contests against the BJP in upwards of 350 Lok Sabha seats for the 2019 General Election first mooted by Mamata-KCR at their meeting earlier this year, there is also, now that we are approaching the business end of the election cycle, an effort to shore up the alliance between all powerful regional parties so they can negotiate as a single entity the terms on which this grouping will join forces with the only pan-India political party in the Opposition’s ranks, the Congress. That the Congress will have to play a major role in a putative mahagathbandhan is not seriously questioned by any regional player, whatever the public posturing. But, parties like the Trinamool Congress, Telugu Desam Party, Telangana Rashtra Samithi, Aam Aadmi Party and the like do have genuine concerns about Congress ambitions in their respective States.
The reason for this are not far too seek. Unlike, say, in States such as Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar where the DMK, Samajwadi Party-Bahujan Samaj Party alliance and the Rashtriya Janata Dal are the dominant players in the Opposition space and the Congress seems to have accepted that its renewal will have to be a long-term project, to put it politely, with its immediate concern being limited to ensuring that a handful of their frontline leaders contesting the Lok Sabha poll from these States are assured support by the regional behemoths, in States such as Telangana, Andhra Pradesh, and Delhi, for example, it believes that its support base is still large enough for it not to have to concede an overwhelming number of seats to the anti-BJP regional parties dominant there. West Bengal, though, with Mamata’s ascendency seemingly unstoppable, seems to have slipped from latter to the former category of States for the Congress. Where the regional parties and the Congress are in concord, however, is on the need to sharpen their line of attack on the ruling dispensation which is trying to paint them as political opportunists out to oust Narendra Modi at any cost. To that end, the Mamata-Naidu meet highlighting the BJP’s alleged undermining of institutions and promotion of the politics of division is likely to be the combined Opposition’s campaign template.
Writer and Courtesy: The Pioneer
The Maratha community is rejoicing but reservations are not the only panacea.
In announcing his Government’s decision to accept the Maharashtra State Backward Class Commission recommendation to grant reservations to the Maratha community in jobs and education, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis has opened a Pandora’s Box. While political exigencies may have led to the decision to grant privileges to this traditionally dominant community in the countryside, much like the Jats in western Uttar Pradesh, Haryana and parts of Rajasthan and the Patidars (or Patels) in Gujarat, the domino effect of conceding the demand bears thinking about by all responsible politicians. While it is true that these communities nurse a genuine sense of grievance given the decline in farm incomes over the past few decades compounded by a lack of access to quality education and job opportunities, which has led to a concomitant loss of social status for the current generation, this is by no means a phenomenon exclusive to these communities but a structural issue that impacts all citizens of India in more or less equal measure. Unlike Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, who have suffered well-documented social ostracisation and violent repression, these culturally dominant agrarian communities do not suffer from a comparable disadvantage. Of course, the argument from the pro-quota lot is that comparisons are more apt with the Other Backward Classes (OBC) communities which have been given quotas (albeit with a creamy layer proviso) post the implementation of the Mandal Commission recommendations but that in itself is a highly contentious and controversial discussion.
Of more immediate concern to the BJP Government in Maharashtra is how it will implement Maratha reservations given past judicial pronouncements on the issue of quotas over and above the 50 per cent limit. Its predecessor Congress-Nationalist Congress Party coalition in Maharashtra had also announced reservations for Marathas and Muslims just before the last Assembly election which were struck down in court. The way out being spoken of in Mantralaya, Mumbai, is to introduce a Bill in the forthcoming Winter Session of the State Assembly to create a new, State-specific Backward Classes category in which Marathas will be included for possibly a 16 per cent quota. This will be over and above the current SC/ST and OBC reservation in the State which is already at 52 per cent. Therefore the idea is to add the law, once passed, to the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution as any law in it is non-justiciable. The Supreme Court, however, has held that even laws included in the Ninth Schedule will be open to judicial review to the extent that they must conform to the basic structure of the Constitution. In fine-tuning its strategy to implement quotas to win political support from the Maratha community, however, the BJP has shown it is no different from the Congress when it comes to avoiding the root causes of the sense of diminished status prevalent in these communities clamouring for reservations.
Writer and Courtesy: The Pioneer
Sanjay Kandasamy was once a boy who had to undergo a liver transplant when he was 18 months old. Today, he is a successful doctor who hopes to be an organ donor one day.
Now 21, Sanjay Kandasamy was just 18 months old when his father had to donate a part of his liver to him in November 1998.
In doing so, Sanjay and his doctors created history in the annals of Indian medicine as the country’s first successful liver transplant surgery, Indraprastha Apollo hospitals said in statement.
Not only has Sanjay done exceedingly well, without having any other complications since the transplant, he is now training to be a doctor himself.
Since it has been more than 20 years that the transplant took place, he explained how the difficulty level of such surgeries have changed.
He said, “At that time, my father donated his organ otherwise it wouldn’t have been that easy.” Being a medical student himself, he added, “Today, the situation has changed due to a better availability of reCourtesys, technology, doctors and even donors, which have risen in numbers. The information has spread much easily today.”
On the 20th anniversary of the operation that changed the face of medical sciences in India, the hospital showcased the evolution that liver transplants have gone through over the last two decades.
Dr Preetha Reddy, vice chairperson of the Apollo Hospitals Group, said liver disease is a major cause for concern in the country with as many as two lakh people dying from it every year. While around 1,800 liver transplants are done annually, as many as 20,000 people need a liver transplant at any given point.
“The fact is around 10 lakh people are diagnosed with liver disease every year, making it the 10th most-common cause of death in India as per the WHO. While India has come a long way since the first operation, there is still a huge gap to be filled,” Dr Reddy said.
Ace Indian cricketer, Gautam Gambhir, a long-time proponent of organ donation was also present on the occasion.
“Every three minutes a person gets added to the list who need a transplant. Today, over two lakh Indians are on the list while less than 10 percent get a transplant. We have to work as a nation to increase our organ donation rate. I have pledged my organs in 2011 and encourage the youth to raise awareness on organ donation and become donors themselves. This needs to become a national movement,” he said.
Apollo Hospitals’ Group medical director and senior pediatric gastroenterologist, Dr Anupam Sibal, said that over the last 20 years the Apollo Institutes of Transplant has performed more than 3,200 liver transplants in patients from over 50 countries of which 302 have been children.
“While there is still lack in infrastructure for life-saving organ donations and transplants, the numbers in the country are showing some improvement in the country. Out of 301 hospitals equipped to handle the process, 250 have registered with National Organ and Tissue Transplant Organisation (NOTTO), showing that in order to conduct an organ transplant, there exists one fully equipped hospital for around 43 lakh people,” Dr Sibal said.
Sanjay, who is currently pursuing his medical studies at the Srilakshmi Narayan Institute of Medical Sciences, Pondicherry, has been on immunosuppressant medication for 15 to 16 years. He aspires to be a blood donor himself. However, his suppressants medication wouldn’t allow him to donate. “I want to be a donor, but unfortunately I can’t donate,” said Sanjay.
(With inputs from agency)
Writer: The pioneer
Courtesy: The pioneer
Political pundits are at it, analysts are also giving it a try – everyone involved is speculating waht will become of this election.
Political pundits are projecting various scenarios. The issues are more or less State-specific but by and large they are power shortage, water, tribal welfare, Maoism, anti-incumbency, agrarian crisis, petrol price hike, Rafale scam, demonetisation and the GST
As the stage is set for elections, stakes are high in five states — Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, Mizoram and Telangana. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Congress are engaged in an almost direct fight in most of these States. Though the results would be known only on December 11, there is a lot of election-related excitement in the rest of the country as these State polls are seen as mini General Elections or dress-rehearsal for the 2019 Lok Sabha poll which will shape the national mood.
In 2013, the BJP’s victory in the three States — Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh made it easy for the party to win a Lok Sabha majority in 2014 though the State and national polls were not aligned. The BJP has ruled Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh for the last 15 years. In 2013, the BJP had won 165, 163 and 49 seats in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh Assemblies respectively, with the Congress securing 58, 21 and 39 seats. The strength of these Assemblies is 230, 200 and 90 respectively. The continuation of BJP rule will mean an endorsement of the party’s policies.
Mizoram is the only North-eastern State where the BJP is not in power either on its own or in alliance. Winning the tiny State even as a junior partner of a regional ally would mean the BJP conquest of the entire region. In Mizoram, the Congress has been in power since 2008. With 40 Assembly seats, the Congress has been in a fight against regional parties, including Mizo National Front and Mizo People’s Conference. The BJP is a minor player.
Political pundits are projecting various scenarios. The issues are more or less State-specific but by and large they are power shortage, water, tribal welfare, Maoism, anti-incumbency, agrarian crisis, petrol price hike, Rafale scam, demonetisation and the goods and services tax (GST).
In Rajasthan, Chief Minister Vasundhara Raje is facing an anti-incumbency wave. The Congress is more or less united with the team led by former Chief Minister Ashok Ghelot, Pradesh Congress Committee (PCC) chief Sachin Pilot and former Union Minister CP Joshi. If there is no sabotage from within, the Congress can and should win the State.
In Madhya Pradesh, despite severe anti-incumbency, Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan is seeking power for the fourth time but his personal popularity is intact. Here, the Congress could win if it can contain internal dissent as many senior leaders like Digvijay Singh, Jyotiraditya Scindia and Kamal Nath head their own factions. The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) going alone in Madhya Pradesh may affect the Congress’ chances.
In Chhattisgarh, too, Chief Minister, Raman Singh, is popular despite several corruption charges and the Maoist menace still not eradicated. The Congress votes will be split in view of the alliance formed between former Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Ajit Jogi and BSP supremo Mayawati.
There are four scenarios emerging from the States. The best-case scenario for the BJP is that the party gets three out of five or even four with a North-eastern ally in Mizoram. For the BJP, retaining power in the Hindi heartland is important to give a message that its base is intact ahead of 2019 and it can go into the General Election with supreme confidence. The second, not-so-bad scenario, is that the BJP loses one of the three Hindi heartland States but keeps two. The third is that the BJP loses two of the three heartland States and manages to retain only one, most probably Chhattisgarh. Then it will be a setback for the party. The fourth is a worst- case scenario if the BJP loses all three States, which will be a severe setback as there will be a cascading effect of the loss on the 2019 poll.
As for the Congress, high stakes are involved for the party as well as its president Rahul Gandhi, who has been campaigning hard. This will be the first mini General Election under his leadership after he took over the reins as [arty president in March 2018. The Congress winning two of the three States would mark a sense of revival and enable Gandhi to emerge as a challenger to Prime Minister Narendra Modi and also unite the Opposition. It will be a bonanza if the grand old party manages to get the two big States — Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh while retaining Mizoram.
The Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) is fighting a grand alliance of TDP, Congress and CPI. Telangana Chief Minister K Chandrasekhar Rao is confident of overcoming anti-incumbency. In Telengana, the TRS surprised all by advancing the Assembly poll. The Congress-TDP-CPI alliance may find it difficult as the TRS enjoys tacit support from the BJP. In Mizoram, the Mizo National Front, an ally of the BJP, challenges the present regime of the Congress.
(The writer is a senior political commentator)
Writer: Kalyani Shankar
Courtesy: The Pioneer
The Manipuri Raas Lila at the IIC Festival was a sweet mixture of grace and celestial imagery.
The Festival became the ultimate closure for a festival that celebrated the beauty and dynamic indigenous tapestry of the Northeastern states.The pristine sound of the instruments and the voice of the soloist became the invocation and the intonation for an evening of exquisite grace and divinity.
Lord Krishna dwells in those who believe in his presence. He embodies the supreme reality — the Brahma Tatwa, which is dense concentrated bliss, which is of the nature of the pure consciousness, which is without parallel or comparison and is totally free of time and space limitations.
Sacred and sublime
The recital opened with the Basanta Varnam, which describes the beauty of the van in Sringara Raas. Fluid movements and delicate flourishes echoed the trance that you could be drawn into. Haunting lyrics and peeling notes added to the evocation that stepped into the night.
The Natya Shastra states that Sringara has two varieties: union and separation. As the evening wore on, you sensed the articulation of an arduous theme that was deftly translated into dance. You also realised that an indigenous dance is able to educate both the connoisseurs and the uninitiated, making it a matter of edutainment. One wishes there was a commentary of the narrative to make the understanding of esoteric easier. The romantic verses of the narrative moved from physical yearning to spiritual elevation (masculine and feminine energies inherent in nature), the crux of the bhakti philosophy of those times and therein lay the power and the passion.
Swan-like grace
From the word go, the Basanta Varnam unravelled the epoch of the sthayi bhava in which its soul depicts a bright attire; for whatever in this world is white, pure and beautiful is appreciated in terms of sthayi bhava.
The second performance was the Samode Damodar (Hari Riha), based on the first canto of Jaydeva’s Geeta Govindam. This gave way to the incantation of the Manipuri folk song — Thoibi na Loi Karakpa — a rendition that was a repository of both resonance and heartfelt lyricism.The evening belonged to the finale, the heady Basanta Raas that celebrated the yearning as well as the union of Lord Krishna with Radha.
You could watch the swan-like grace of the dancers, watch their floating movements as if on a cloud and imagine the setting — the glances where the eyelids are not fully opened, the look of sweet surrender and serenity, perhaps tears of joy, in the alchemy of the moment which in the sacred texts is called snigdha (loving). It grows out of divine love.
Music of the gods
Lessons from the Puranas came through the exquisite evening. Watching them sail through the sacred notes, you imagine that every human being is at once milkmaid and Krishna. We yearn for the music of the Gods and are also capable of creating the music. Lord Krishna is like a universal goalpost embodying infinity that inspires. Can we in this millennial world full of materialism attempt to walk in that direction?
Scholars state that in the Raas Lila, Lord Krishna makes music not for his pleasure but for the uplift of the milkmaids. The flute is both the melody and the instrument of divinity and delight in the coalescing of deep love. If the melody invites, it also encourages us to partake of the divine play in full spirit but with purity in our souls.
King Bhagyachandra
The evening bore testimony to King Bhagyachandra who composed three of these dances and created history. Rajarshi Bhagyachandra, also known as Jai Singh Maharaj and Ningthou Ching-Thang Khomba, the 18th century monarch of the Meitei people who adopted Gaudiya Vaishnavism, recorded and systematised Manipuri dance, elaborating the basics of dance in the text Govinda Sangeet Lila Vilasa. He is credited with composing three forms of the Raas Lila — Kunja Raas, Basanta Raas and Maha Raas, which were staged during his reign at Imphal Sri Sri Govindaji temple.
Silent beauty
The leitmotif of the evening lay in the distinctive abhinay, the expression that is exhibited through the movements of the body and the feet and the face is cloaked and clothed in serenity with a diaphanous veil. All feelings emanate from the movement of the limbs, at once smooth as satin and flowing like a river. Shringar or love then consists of viyog (separation) and sambhog (union). Graceful restraint and unparalleled fluidity strung an evening worth remembering. The nodes of India’s heritage lie in its indigenous arts and it needs to be supported, nurtured and cherished for the ages. For the North Eastern Council and the IIC, this was an epic statement.
(The writer is an art critic.)
Writer: Uma Nair
Courtesy: The Pioneer
India’s neighbourhood call for New Delhi needs to refocus on our immediate vicinity
Four developments in our neighbourhood last week ought to have made foreign policy wonks, security analysts and strategic thinkers sit up and take notice. Collectively, they need to advise the Government to refocus its mind and New Delhi’s efforts on our immediate vicinity given constant monitoring and proactive measures are the price we must pay to guarantee our peace with security in this pretty tough neighbourhood.
First, and arguably the most worrisome development of the lot, is the latest manifestation of China’s ‘string of pearls’ or India-encirclement strategy. Beijing has announced through its mouthpiece media that it will be building yet another deep-sea port, this time in Myanmar on the Bay of Bengal at Kyaukpyu, in addition to the ports it has established at Gwadar in Pakistan and Hambantota in Sri Lanka thereby completing an East, West, South ringing of the Indian peninsula. That this announcement comes after nearly four years of negotiations, also tied to the One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative, is significant as it implies that China, which has traditionally had friendly ties with the military junta in Myanmar, has also managed to assuage the concerns of the democratic civilian Government guided by Aung San Suu Kyi. This spells trouble for India which has, over the past two decades, been assiduously balancing its historical support for Myanmar pro-democracy forces with the need to engage with the Generals in control of that country. When all three abovementioned ports are fully operational, the Chinese Navy will, theoretically, have access to bases on the Bay of Bengal, Indian Ocean and Arabian Sea from which to venture forth as the regional hegemon in control of maritime activity.
There is not much India can do at the moment to offset the massive strategic depth which China is working with single-minded determination to acquire, except to work in an equally focussed manner to ensure we firm up our strategic footholds in the region. To this end, the move by New Delhi to have first backed the Maldivian people’s democratic right to choose a pro-India administration during the recent elections in that country, and now announcing that Prime Minister Narendra Modi would be travelling to the Maldives to attend the swearing-in ceremony of President-elect Ibrahim Mohamed Solih, is a good start. The Chinese will have to be thwarted in their attempts to muscle India out of the Indian Ocean nation and security-economic deals with the Maldivian Government must be sealed quickly. The other island nation in our vicinity, Sri Lanka, presents a highly unstable scenario. With a General Election now looking imminent there, New Delhi has to do better than it has done in the past to assess and subsequently assist those who are simpatico to India’s concerns among the major contenders. The crucial caveat which must be entered in relation to Sri Lanka, however, remains that Tamil Nadu’s domestic politics must not be allowed to have any bearing on our attempts to engage with Colombo; that, as it has been in the past, would be the kiss of death for India’s efforts to keep Sri Lanka leaning towards India as opposed to tilting towards China as it has tended to in recent years.
Finally, a word on the non-official participation of an Indian delegation in the Russia-initiated Afghan peace summit in Moscow which Taliban representatives are also attending. Obviously, there is no question of engaging in any meaningful manner with the murderous thugs of the Taliban but statecraft requires the articulation of an Indian position that amplifies our respect for the sovereignty of Afghanistan and all stakeholders in the peace process there. If for nothing else, then to keep Pakistan’s influence at bay. Tough times ahead, for sure.
Writer and Courtesy: The Pioneer
Kali’s earliest appearance is that of a destroyer of evil forces. East is adorned with Kali’s worship. Let’s learn why.
Why do people in Eastern India offer their prayers to Mother Goddess Kali, when rest of the country would be worshiping Lakshmi? Those not conversant with the concept underlying Kali may be curious to know. For the answer, a look into the metaphysical concept underlying Kali becomes imperative.
Kali is believed to drive through creative potential inlaid with Lord Shiva (the eternal source of creation), which eventually manifests into a plural world with all its enormity and diversity. So, if East pays attention to the root of creation, the rest of the country remains focused to the produce. It will be therefore unfair to see either of them in isolation, as one without the other is simply inconceivable. The two in fact represent twin faces of the creation.
The imagery of Kali as is perceived, has to be seen in the above light. So is She presented in a running mode having one leg set on Lord Shiva’s body lying inert in corpse pose and other behind. It is as if She picks up the essence of life from Lord Siva, out of which the manifest world of form and name has come into place. Lord Siva is believed to be carrying the seeds of creation, originally in a state of rest. He, lying in corpse pose, implies being motionless by Himself. When His state of rest gets disturbed following spontaneous stirring up, life-sparks came into play. Kali as Shiva’s consort — His Shakti (Kinetic side) — carries forward the life sparks to create the living world, which when withdrawn, the Universe too reverts back to its root. Again, out of the seeds of creation left behind, a new Universe takes off. The symbol set in the cremation ground implies that even following death, out of the seeds of life, would emerge new life-form. Life cycle, thus, keeps running in succession, both individually and collectively.
Lord Shiva and Kali are coterminous, as one without the other is inconceivable. It is something like a static fire-ball, and heat waves emanating there from. If the fire-ball is not there, there will be no heat wave. And if heat wave is not there, the possibility of fire-ball doesn’t exist. It may not be out of place to mention here that according to ‘the theory of relativity’, whenever there is entropy, it multiplies. Here, the heat waves emanating from the so called fire-ball is that entropy which multiplied into diversified energies out of which emerged the multipolar phenomenal form-world. So is Lord Shiva perceived as the beholder of transcendent-consciousness — primal consciousness element lying at the root of all. Kali as His consort symbolises immanent-consciousness — all-pervading radiating consciousness, which grants necessary intelligence to all field players of the living world.
It is believed that following spontaneous pulsation at the eternal-source, the primal-sound “Om” got excited. Out of that emerged ‘Shakti-trinity — Sata, Rajasa, and Tamasa. Random mutation of the three variants of shakti that followed, led to diversified sound notes, out of which those audible to human ears are symbolised by the 50 alphabets of Sanskrit, the seed-syllables (Beeja-mantras). So is Kali perceived as sporting the garland made of 50 human skulls, and which, holds the key to the manifest intelligent world. So, even the language in use is very much rooted in the creation process itself. Kali’s lower part is covered with as many human hands stringed together to mean that She grants the power which lets organic world being in active mode. Thus came into being the dynamic world with all its functionalities.
Kali is shown as black, because She is beyond the scope of human comprehension. It also implies a formless live force that though can’t be seen but remains at the root of our existence. To make us understand this hard truth of life, Kali is presented as such. She is shown as nude to mean that the whole universe forms her apparel meaning infinity. Remember, if an ephemeral world has come into being, it has to meet its end one day, when it collapses into its source, something like the star collapsing to form an invisible black-hole. In the reverse cycle, once karma-cycle gets exhausted, signified by chopped hands, and ego gets dissolved as symbolised by head skulls, one gets to realise Kali. The cycle of time begins with Kali exciting creation chain, and ends when the phenomenal world merges back into Her. So, is She named Kali, the beholder of time. This concept is, therefore, nothing but scientific principle of creation deified.
The writer is an astrologer, vastu consultant and spiritual counsellor. Write to him at G-102, Bharat Nagar, New Friends Colony, New Delhi – 110 025
Writer: Bharat Bhushan Padmadeo
Source: The Pioneer
Tigers don’t prey humans. Therefore, Avni’s transformation needs to be seen in a wider context. A context in lieu of human-animal conflict and the factors leading to it.
One hopes that the inquiry ordered by the Maharashtra Chief Minister, Devendra Fadnavis, which, as he said, “will probe all questions being raised by Union minister Maneka Gandhi”, will unravel the facts relating to the killing of the six-year-old tigress Avni, also known as T1, in Maharashtra’s Yavatmal district. One also hopes that the findings will be fully convincing and not spark a new controversy.
Gandhi’s initial statement describing the killing as “nothing but a straight case of crime”, and that she had been “deeply saddened by the way tigress Avni has been brutally murdered”, was followed by a letter requesting Fadnavis to “fix responsibility for the illegal killing of the tigress and consider removing” S. Mungantiwar, the State’s environments and forests minister from his position.
Mungatiwar had initially responded to Gandhi saying that the Supreme Court had allowed the tigress to be shot and that it was done only after it had tried to attack forest officials who had attempted to tranquilise it. He had also said that her statements were based on incomplete information, adding “She is our respected leader. We will send her all information.” He had subsequently stated that he would have given her all the details if she had just called him on the telephone, and asked why she had not raised any question when Shafat Ali Khan (who and whose team were licensed to kill Avni and whose son, Asghar Ali Khan, had shot her) had killed a tiger in her own parliamentary constituency of Pilibhit in 2009. and was silent about villagers killing a tiger and assaulting a forest officer in Uttar Pradesh.
Mungantiwar’s questions about Gandhi’s silence on the Pilibhit killing and the murder of the tiger in Uttar Pradesh are irrelevant to any discussion on the circumstances attending the killing of Avni. They bear the imprimatur of being polemical salvoes aimed at putting her on the backfoot and, hence, will be ignored. One needs here to focus on the circumstances in which Avni or T1 was killed by Asghar Ali Khan and the developments relating to the growing human-animal conflict underlined by her killing.
It has been claimed that Asghar Ali Khan had killed Avni in self-defence from a distance of 7 to 8 metres. A report by Kyle Swenson in The Washington Post, quotes Khan as telling Britain’s The Daily Telegraph, “Our priority was always to capture the tigress, but my team was in extreme danger when she charged us, so I had to shoot. I just picked up my .458 Winchester Magnum rifle and fired. I didn’t even have time to aim.”
A report by Vivek Deshpande in the Indian Express, however, quotes a senior veterinarian and forensic expert Prayag Hodigere Siddalingappa, as saying that a “tiger runs away after being darted, doesn’t charge back at you.” According to the same report, the post-mortem procedure on Avni was performed at Nagpur’s Gorewada Rescue Centre. Subsequently, a press note issued by the Centre’s Regional Manager, Nandkishor Kale, had stated, “T1’s death occurred due to excessive internal bleeding and heart attack. A tranquilising dart was found on her left hind leg. A gun bullet injury was found on the left side of the chest.” Normally, Avni should have been shot in the head, face or the front — and not left or right side — of her chest if she had charged straight Asghar Ali Khan’s team.
All this warrant serious note being taken of Vijay Pinjarkar’s report in The Times of India stating that sources, part of a team filing the spot panchnama over T1’s killing, had said that it looked as if the tranquiliser dart had been manually inserted in her body “ostensibly to show that it was tranquilised before being shot.” According to a PTI report published in The Indian Express Chief Minister Fadnavis has also said, “There are some doubts regarding whether the tigress was first shot and then the dart (tranquiliser) inserted — this aspect will be probed.”
Meanwhile, Mungwantiwar was right in stating that the Supreme Court had permitted Avni’s killing as the Apex court, on September 11, 2018, had refused to interfere in the September 6 order by the Nagpur Bench of the Mumbai High Court sanctioning her killing. Its order, however, could certainly not mean that she could be killed in violation of all rules and protocols in force. This is precisely what has reportedly happened. Avni was killed at night. If she had at all been hit with a tranquilising dart, then it was in gross violation of the National Tiger Conservation Authority’s protocol stating that darting could be done only during sunrise and sunset.
If those responsible for this escape scot free, there would be no awareness of accountability among forest department personnel who have, nationwide, often been accused of corruption and inefficiency. In fact, the investigation ordered by Fadnavis should be broadened to go beyond Maneka Gandhi’s question and issues like the fate of Avni’s cubs and whether the tranquiliser in the dart was of the required strength and who administered it. It should re-examine whether Avni had actually become a man-eater and, if she had, why?
Humans are not the natural prey of tigers. Generally, only old and injury-impaired ones among the latter become man-eaters. Avni was young and, by all accounts, healthy. Her transformation has, therefore, to be seen in the wider context of human-animal conflict and the factors leading to it. The main reason for this is habitat loss due to factors like the extension of human settlements, farming, industrial, commercial and mining activities, roads and railway lines into forests.
Maharashtra, which had, earlier this year, sanctioned the diversion of 467.5 hectares of forest land in Yavatmal district, where Avni was killed, for a cement plant, has a very poor record here. Its recommendation has led to the clearance, in principle, of 87.98 hectares of land in Kondhali and Kalmeshwar ranges — barely 160 km from Yavatmal — to an explosives company in Chakdoh for manufacturing defence products. Worse, the land earmarked being reportedly in the tiger corridor between Bor and Melghat tiger reserves, the factory would prevent the movement of tigers between the two. Also, the proposal to widen, from meter to broad gauge, the 176-km Akola-Khandawa railway, a 39 kilometre stretch of which passes through the Melghat, reserve threatens to cause more accidents, wildlife mortality and fragmentation of habitat.
After such trespasses, what forgiveness?
(The writer is Consultant Editor, The Pioneer, and an author)
Writer: Hiranmay Karlekar
Courtesy: The Pioneer
MP Manoj Tiwari and his supporters acted shamefully at the bridge inauguration ceremony in his constituency in Delhi.
The ‘Signature Bridge’ connecting North Delhi and North-East Delhi has been described by some in the media as ‘iconic’, quite ignoring the definition of the term but there is no doubt that this much-delayed bridge, which has taken over a decade to build, is quite impressive even if one ignores the scandalous delays in its construction. From barely having 20-odd lanes of traffic crossing the Yamuna River in the mid-1990s, today there are over 40 lanes for traffic crossing the river and this new bridge will undoubtedly improve connectivity with the lesser served north-eastern part of the city, where a large number of recent migrants particularly from the Purvanchal area live.
It was petty of the Aam Aadmi Party-run Delhi Government, which has constructed the Signature Bridge, to not invite the local Member of Parliament to the inauguration ceremony on Sunday. The area MP, Manoj Tiwari, doesn’t just belong to the Bharatiya Janata Party but is the party’s Delhi unit president too. That said, the precedent for pettiness in infrastructure inaugurations is not restricted to the AAP — the BJP-led Central Government also did not invite the Delhi Chief Minister to the inauguration of the Metro Magenta Line between Noida and South Delhi.
All tit-for-tat non-invites aside, however, the shameful behaviour of Tiwari and his supporters in attacking policemen and behaving boorishly is highly unbecoming. Whatever affront Tiwari’s ego suffered, he should not have taken it out on police personnel doing their duty; his open threats to the men in uniform are just plain and simple bullying. Tiwari clearly prevented public officials from carrying out their duty and his supporters have been captured on film throwing bottles towards the Chief Minister and other dignitaries seated on the stage.
Thus a moment of pride for the citizens of the area, despite the huge delays in construction, became a moment of infamy. Thankfully, despite the nature of politically-charged mobs to attack and destroy infrastructure in this country, the bridge remained unharmed. While there should be action taken against Tiwari for his behavior, maybe it is also time for politicians to be more welcoming of opponents for inaugurations. Local politicians from all major political parties play a role in getting development projects off the ground and the Signature Bridge is no exception — it was, after all, conceived by Sheila Dikshit, the then Congress Chief Minister of Delhi. Local MPs do have a right to take some credit for a project in their constituency but they do not have the right to behave the way Tiwari did.
Writer: Pioneer
Courtesy: The Pioneer
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