The Congress and the CPI(M) seem to alternate power in the State to keep a third entity out. Every election in Kerala, whether it is to the Lok Sabha or the State Legislature, brings to mind the famous play Ezhu Rathrikal (Seven Nights), directed by Kaladi Gopi in 1963. Ezhu Raathrikal must have been the first play in Malayalam that was based on the lives of the marginalised and oppressed sections of society. The play is set in a street-side bus shelter that is home to a group of beggars, roadside vendors and anti-social elements. The central character of the play is Pazhanam Varkey, a professional beggar. “Pazhanam” is the Malayalam word for “poison.” One, therefore, need not elaborate about his character.
Varkey’s style of begging is unique and that’s the reason behind the success of the character. Even 50 years after its first show, the play and Varkey remain engraved in the minds of theatre buffs in the State. Varkey wears a scapular that has two pendants. One is a crucifix and the other is that of Lord Krishna. When Varkey goes to Christian houses, he wears the scapular in such a way that the crucifix is visible to the people. Whenever he goes to the house of Hindus, he displays the locket with Lord Krishna.
The Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI-M) is the new Varkey of Kerala because of the twin roles played by it in and outside the State. While in Kerala, the CPI (M) considers the Congress to be its main enemy, outside the State, it mingles freely with the latter. The CPI(M) is, perhaps, the best defender of the Congress, especially the Nehru-Gandhi clan, when reports of scams featuring the family members surface in the public domain.
But why is that both parties pretend as if they are at loggerheads and that, too, for the consumption of the public? Since the formation of Kerala in 1956, by merging the old princely States of Travancore, Kochi and parts of the Madras province, the political centrestage has been monopolised by two fronts led by the Congress and the communists. Supporting characters differ, depending on the political wind blowing across the State. But the two fronts, known in modern parlance by the names of the United Democratic Front (UDF), led by the Congress and the Left Democratic Front (LDF), led by the CPI(M), are the central characters.
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) or its previous avatar, the Jan Sangh, were never a force to reckon with in this State that has a split religious demography. The State consists of nearly 51 per cent Hindus, 26 per cent Muslims and 23 per cent Christians. Without active support from the minority communities, no front can win any election in Kerala.
Interestingly, the CPI(M)’s vote bank is the powerful Ezhava community, the society which gave birth to Sree Narayana Guru, the most revolutionary social reformer of the 20th Century. It was his teachings and uncompromising stance that led to the eradication of social evils like untouchability and marginalisation of the oppressed classes in the State. He could inspire the people to agitate for the right to walk along the roads leading to the temples which ultimately culminated in the Temple Entry Proclamation of 1936. At one stage, the communists had hijacked the agitation launched by the Guru and, thus, they could mobilise the Ezhava community under the communist flag.
Over the years, however, the CPI(M) has lost its proletarian image and become a party promoting crony capitalists. It also ensures that the State does not progress an inch, economically or socially. The much-hyped Kerala model of development has ended in a disaster. The last six months have seen more than 40 farmers committing suicide because of the debt trap they have fallen into following crop failure. And the Marxist Government has done nothing to revive the fortunes of either the farmers or the marginal entrepreneurs. Three small entrepreneurs based in Kollam, too, committed suicide because they could not withstand the harassment of their party bosses.
Though there is a change of guard in Thiruvananthapuram every five years, what generally happens is that the CPI(M) and Congress-led fronts alternate between themselves. The two parties do not provide space for a third alternative because they know it well that their relevance will be lost the moment a third party finds space here. Hence, all elections in the State have followed a match-fixing arrangement between the Congress and the Marxists. Though the two may act as if they are arch rivals, both have an unseen umbilical chord between them. Prime Minister Narendra Modi exposed the same while he addressed a public rally at the State capital recently. He said, “It is kusti in Kerala and dosti in New Delhi. The CPI(M) and the Congress are the two faces of the same coin.”
Whenever there is a remote possibility of the BJP winning a seat in the State, the CPI(M) transfers its share of votes en masse to the Congress. This has been happening with active connivance of the local media. P Narayanan, octogenarian journalist, reminiscences how Mathrubhumi, a leading Malayalam daily, violated all media ethics during the Assembly election held in 1960. “There was a big speculation that TN Bharathan, the Jana Sangh candidate from Guruvayur, would romp home because of the excellent work he had done to save the Manathala Temple from miscreants. But on the day of polling, Mathrubhumi came out with a banner headline proclaiming that Jan Sangh supporters would vote for the Congress. This upset the party workers. This has been the style of Kerala media since then,” said Narayanan.
What makes the 2019 Lok Sabha election in Kerala unique is a series of reports about the BJP-led NDA opening its account in this State. The Sabarimala agitation and the CPI(M)’s actions, targetting Hindu places of worship and insulting the acharyas, have hurt Hindus and has resulted in the polarisation of the community. So it is advantage BJP in two or three constituencies of the State. Congress chief Rahul Gandhi will definitely win from Wayanad because the LDF has fielded a “decoy” candidate against him as part of a game of match-fixing between the CPI(M) and the Congress. The Marxists want the Congress to win the 2019 Lok Sabha election and that’s about it. Card-holding members of the CPI(M) had the audacity to ask this writer to vote for Benny Behanan, the Congress candidate from Chalakudy. The comrades want to ensure that the Congress’ candidate is elected with a big majority though the CPI(M) has fielded cine actor, Innocent Vareed Thekkethala, in the constituency.
TP Senkumar, former Chief of Kerala police, articulated the Hindu angst: “It is time the majority community, too, gets the same rights and freedom that is enjoyed by the minorities. Sabarimala is the beginning. The next in line is Sree Padmanabhaswamy Temple in the State’s capital.” Kerala is the only State that issues monthly pension to widows belonging to minority communities. Social benefits should be all inclusive.
More than 4,000 people, who took part in the Sabarimala agitation, are still in jail under various charges that are non-bailable offences. KP Sasikala, the frail looking leader of the Hindu United Forum, has 475 criminal cases slapped against her, including that of murder, attempt to murder, stone-pelting and other such criminal offences. These things have happened even as those, who chopped off the right hand of Prof Joseph, are out. This Friday saw the Marxists publicly silencing the chanting of God’s name at a temple in the capital city because the Chief Minister does not like it. Varkey would beg in Kerala displaying one-half of the scapular featuring the crucifix. He can show the other half with Lord Krishna’s pendant while in New Delhi and the rest of India.
Kerala goes to the polls today to elect 20 members to the Lok Sabha.
(The writer is Special Correspondent, The Pioneer)
Writer: Kumar Chellappan
Courtesy: The Pioneer
The unraveling of Jet Airways has revealed that several aspects of the business were rotten to the core. Many of us have been watching the Jet Airways bankruptcy saga with a lot of sorrow. Do not get me wrong — Jet Airways was bled dry by its promoters and management with all sorts of sweetheart deals and, thus, at a level deserved its fate because as the skeletons tumble out of the closet, it has become apparent that some aspects of the airline were a ponzi scheme. But when 22,000 people lose their jobs, you can’t help but feel a tinge of helplessness. Many of Jet’s more experienced pilots, cabin crew and engineers will find jobs in India’s growing aviation industry. But the collapse of two airlines in the space of five years with boatloads of debt, as well as the life-support that Air India is on, makes one wonder just how sustainable the Indian aviation sector is.
This is an issue that the next Government will have to debate upon. While the collapse of Jet and the subsequent reduction of capacity will ironically make things better for many airlines, allowing them some amount of pricing power, it will make things pricier for the consumer. Successive Governments have long milked the Indian aviation sector with high fuel taxes, landing charges and airport fees while not allowing Indian carries to operate on more lucrative foreign routes. At the same time, it opened up India to foreign start-up airlines to feed off the riches of the Indian market, something particularly apparent with Arabian and South-East Asian carriers being given a free run in India. The Indian Government should realise that a healthy aviation sector generates and promotes domestic and inbound tourism. This leads to an overall boost of the entire economy.
Jet Airways’ promoters and management, even with their sweetheart deals, were, however, keen on keeping the good times going, quite unlike the erstwhile King of Good Times, whom they had seen off. At the start of Jet Airways’ silver jubilee year, the fact that the airline would not even survive 12 months was the last thing on everyone’s mind. But the signs of trouble were apparent for anyone willing to open their blinkers and see: The airline was in deep financial turmoil, unable to clear salaries of pilots and cabin crew. Now, it is almost certain that the story is over, leaving several banks, led by the State-owned State Bank of India holding the can, which means ultimately, the Indian taxpayer will pick up a large part of the bill.
The fact is that until Jet Airways’ lenders can quickly find a resolution, its revival is almost certainly off the cards. Other airlines are already buzzing around the airline’s body as it lies comatose with some aircraft and assets like slots still in its possession. But the slots will not stay forever as airports have a “use it or lose it” system and aircraft have to be regularly maintained. Most of Jet Airways’ aircraft belong to leasing companies and they also won’t hang around forever with their assets gathering dust. Many aircraft are, in fact, being taken away or being offered to other airlines. Until a rescue happens soon, and soon pretty much means before the end of this month, the plug would effectively have been pulled. As one airline executive muttered, “It would be easier to put a billion dollars in starting a new airline rather than buying Jet Airways.”
But I will always have some fond memories of the airline. I distinctly remember my first flight on Jet Airways, I was in Class XI and was travelling to Mumbai with a theatre production back in 1996. It was a then brand-new Boeing 737-300 aircraft. Many other airlines that had started in the aftermath of the Government opening up the aviation sector to private carriers, were using older, often much older aircraft, such as first-generation jet aircraft like the Boeing 707. Many used second and third-hand Boeing 737-200 aircraft. Jet used relatively new and modern planes like the 300 and 400 series of the Boeing 737. Their air-hostesses spoke well and the entire experience was like a breath of fresh air after decades of Indian Airlines’ domination of the domestic aviation space.
Over the years, I must have flown with Jet Airways hundreds of times on the Delhi-Mumbai sector itself. I was a loyal frequent-flyer and often went out of my way to fly with Jet, and yes, like with every other airline, service standards did drop over the years. There have been several times that service standards on the ground and in the air have been wanting. I have also had cabin crew who have had a “I am better than you” attitude and I have had cabin crew that have gone out of their way to help. When you fly hundreds of times with an airline over the years, there will be some bad experiences along with some superb ones but most of the time, Jet was good. May be that is why, as a frequent flyer, you start getting the first hints that things are not all great, as service standards, including in-flight service, started to drop. Jet clearly could not compete with the likes of low-cost carriers like IndiGo which run a very tight ship and cost controls. And with huge amounts of debt thanks to an ill-advised acquisition of Air Sahara, Jet had swallowed the poison pill to keep Vijay Mallya’s Kingfisher from operating lucrative international routes. This in turn forced Mallya to spend an incredible amount of money to buy Air Deccan, which was quick-acting poison for Kingfisher. But the debt and the complex nature of the Air Sahara acquisition without an unified operating certificate has cost Jet to this day.
I did not believe that a flight I took on February 25 between Lucknow and Delhi onboard a ATR-72 aircraft would be my last with the airline. One can still hold out some hope for the airline’s revival but having seen similar ‘temporary suspensions’ becoming permanent, I would like to thank the airline for all the memories. While I am upset about losing my miles, I do wish all the employees of Jet Airways well and believe that most of them will find jobs even in this difficult economic environment. It was a good quarter-century long ride!
(The writer is Managing Editor, The Pioneer)
Writer: Kushan Mitra
Courtesy: The Pioneer
Complacency is unacceptable regardless of which party forms the Government at the Centre. It will have to hit the ground running and focus on the economy’s growth. By the end of May, a newly-elected Government, constituting the 17th Lok Sabha, will firmly be in place. While it’s a challenge to predict the electoral outcomes of India’s heterogeneous democracy, taking an average of the recently-declared, pre-electoral opinion polls makes it clear that the BJP still retains some momentum. The most significant takeaway from Phase-I of the elections was the absence of anti-incumbency undercurrents, which is what differentiates 2019 from 2004.
According to survey projections, Prime Minister Modi appears to be the front-runner for a next term with an average of 272 seats for the NDA versus 141 for the Congress +. The only speculation is about the margin of victory. The pro-incumbency calculus is broadly based on expectations of a less than anticipated loss for the BJP in Uttar Pradesh, despite the Samajwadi Party-Bahujan Samaj Party’s (SP-BSP) overwhelming arithmetic; a pro-Modi popularity ratings bias in the recently lost Hindi heartland States of Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan as also in Bihar, Delhi and the stronghold of Gujarat. The BJP is also expected to increase its footprint a bit in the eastern bastions of Mamata Banerjee’s West Bengal and Naveen Patnaik’s Odisha.
As momentum for the elections picks pace, what is increasingly evident is that of the 31 per cent of the middle class, who were disillusioned due to demonetisation and who voted for the BJP in 2014, a sizeable section of the aspirational and burgeoning lot seems to be coming back to the incumbent yet again — a pattern discernible across caste barriers. Perhaps because of a lack of a leadership alternative. Further, the BJP has strategised on energising three key demographics it hopes to gain from: First-time voters, the start-up universe and women. Although women do not vote en bloc, on-ground delivery of the Government’s welfare schemes has found resounding resonance among them.
Regardless of which dispensation comes to power, for the first 100 days, the next Government will not have the luxury of the fable “honeymoon period” and will have to hit the ground running. This because of the World Economic Outlook’s forecast of a slowdown in economic activity in 2019 for 70 per cent of the world economy, which includes India. Consequently, the global slowdown as also the revival of growth within the country needs recalibration in order to expand the economy and use the resources sustainably for poverty alleviation.
So what would a new government prioritise? Some of the big themes include continuing the impetus for infrastructure and housing, both of which are the biggest job aggregators; facilitating an entrepreneurial workforce that fosters self-employment and is a proxy for formal job creation; and ensuring targeted delivery of social sector schemes like Ayushman Bharat and the farm income support scheme, PM-KISAN, by funding in a fiscally responsible manner, without burdening the middle classes with high taxes.
A quasi-universal income support scheme necessitates setting aside one per cent of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) for a few years. This will also speed up rural consumer demand as 60 per cent of the households account for over 25 per cent of the consumption. As 12 crore farmer families are expected to benefit from the expanded coverage of the PM-KISAN scheme — which in the next phase will include tenant farmers — it requires the creation of a database to identify the beneficiaries as also better digital mapping and titling of land records.
Essentially, India needs economic growth which is “organic”, one that can only happen by enlarging the economic pie, as compared to interim measures that artificially boost incomes at the bottom of the social pyramid through expansive welfarism. Organic growth can happen broadly through:
Maintaining fiscal prudence.
Continuing efforts at increasing the taxpayer base, which will yield revenue for nation-building, yet lowering corporate tax to facilitate Capex spend and job creation.
Boosting the share of the manufacturing sector in the economy to 25 per cent by 2022 from the current 17 per cent .
Improving access to reasonably priced capital in order to service the credit requirements of MSMEs.
Continuing with the ambitious investment target of Rs 100 lakh crore to expand the highways, railways and airports. This is expected to create 25-30 lakh crore jobs.
Accentuating the pace of structural and market-based reforms, including trade liberalisation, digitisation of land records, lowering the cost of land acquisition to hasten infrastructural development.
Hastening the process of privatisation, especially of Air India and MTNL.
Reducing the debt load of 34 power plants amounting to Rs 1,80,000 crore as 40 per cent of their output is not paid for. This has increased State utility losses and has become part of the banks’ bad loan portfolio.
Streamlining bureaucracy, reinforcing the Reserve Bank of India’s autonomy.
Restoring the credibility of Central institutions like the Economic Offences Wing, the Central Bureau of Investigation and the Enforcement Directorate should be another priority. Investigative efficiency of economic offences by Central agencies is vital for higher conviction rate to punish wilful offenders.
Further, in the next leg of the “Housing for all by 2022” scheme, there is a need to ease funding for low-cost housing for both builders and buyers. This will allow for greater access to institutional finance and relax the eligibility criteria for loans to consumers on lines of the proposed “rental-cum-ownership basis.” This because as the Government targets to build 29 million housing units in rural areas and 12 million units in urban areas, most buyers lack collateral. The construction sector needs acceleration as it holds the potential of the highest job-creating coefficient after the unremunerative agricultural sector.
There’s little room for complacency despite the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank certifying that India is the fastest growing economy, averaging at 7.5 per cent. We need a “job-full” growth of 10 per cent year-on-year successively in order to avert a demographic disaster. In order to achieve the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of bridging inequality and mainstreaming the disadvantaged communities by 2030, the Government as well as the private sector will have to work closely to infuse resources on projects that pose the biggest investment opportunities to modernise India and accelerate the growth of human development.
“Jobs are human capital” and the creation of better paying jobs is the only way to avert a demographic disaster. The self-employed are a fall-back segment of job seekers, those who mostly opt to begin their career by running small street stalls as a second-option to earn a livelihood. Entrepreneurs and self-employed are now a sizeable base who have grown since the last three years to 48 million. Promoting mass entrepreneurship needs policy improvement to ease seed capital funding, providing collateral-free loans and erasing regulatory requirements.
Further, as improved human capital stems from higher literacy, there is an urgent need to double outlays in education and improve the human capital quotient if India has to grow in double digits. India’s mobile data is the cheapest in the world and had an estimated 566 million internet users as of December 2018, out of which rural users comprised 250 million. Here in lies the biggest opportunity for transformation in education through distant-learning and e-commerce job-creation. Another avenue for job-creation that has lagged behind is the export sector. India has an opportunity to plug the vacuum created by relocation of production sites outside China by eliminating superfluous regulations that lower competitiveness and make India a more attractive investment destination for producing goods for exports.
India is currently a $2.5 trillion economy and by 2030, it is anticipated that its national income will touch $7 trillion. As a key driver of growth and jobs, urbanisation holds another vital key for expanding the economy. “Given India’s commitment to the 2030 development agenda, we will need to build 700 to 900 million square metres of urban space annually. This will mean 70 per cent new jobs will be created in and around cities.”
While Modi has firmly laid the groundwork on strong foundations for an anticipated re-run of office, huge challenges lies ahead. If handled with surgical precision, a prosperous India @75 could be well within striking range.
(The writer is an author, columnist and Chairperson for the National Committee of Financial Inclusion at Niti Aayog)
Writer: Bindu Dalmia
Courtesy: The Pioneer
Indian Govt launches economic offensive, suspends LoC trade to strangulate money laundering and illegal funding to militants.
In the multi-front war against Pakistan-sponsored terrorism in the Valley post Pulwama, the Government has now moved in with a counter-offensive that hits where it hurts most — choking funds. So soon after withdrawing the Most Favoured Nation (MFN) status to Pakistan, the government has moved to the next level of drying up the conduits of money exchange. It has suspended cross-LoC trade, the volume of which is small but enough to keep diplomacy going. This comes significantly on a day when Pakistan belligerently said that it would not be pressured by anyone on banning Masood Azhar and would decide what to do with him in its national interest. India obviously needed to respond to this nonchalance. Besides, with the general election pivoted around national security, the ruling government seeking a fresh mandate doesn’t want to be seen as stuck on Balakot and not following up on its promise to root out terror demonstrably.
The LoC trade began as a confidence-building measure in the Vajpayee years, largely intended to facilitate exchange of goods of common use between local populations on both sides on a zero duty basis. Before Pulwama, there was even talk of expanding the trade facilitation centres from the two currently operating out of Salamabad, Uri and Chakkan-da-Bagh, Poonch. But a closer monitoring by security agencies has revealed that LoC trade is now being misused on a large scale, allowing in third party trade and products from other regions, including foreign countries and is funnelling hawala money, fake notes, drugs and weapons. Besides, trading companies are run by people linked to banned terrorist organisations that wean away local youth with lucre and deploy them for disruptive activities as the face of home-grown terror. Investigations by the National Investigatve Agency (NIA) have further revealed that those who have crossed over to PoK and joined militant organisations there have set up trading firms because no filters apply there. Most of the illegal fund transfers happen through invoicing frauds of commodities listed as worthy of business, like dry fruits and carpets. So though their sale may be under-invoiced and appear as market price in bills, fact is the PoK seller may pay the wholesaler in Kashmir much more in liquid cash. This huge cache of money is then released in instalments to finance militant operations. Given the hyper-tense situation in the Valley, the best way to de-escalate the threat perception is, therefore, to snap the money supply chain, and by extension, attack capability. No group, despite its best intention, can execute the best laid plans in the absence of infrastructure and back-up. However, trade is not the only squeeze that can work. Most of the terror funding happens through religious charities, too. Contributions collected by both individuals and groups in Saudi Arabia were the reason for the creation of the global terror group, Al-Qaeda. In Pakistan, Azhar’s Jaish-e-Mohammed is still being funded by charities. And it is only after Balakot that Pakistan has frozen the Falah-e-Insaniat Foundation, which has clandestinely financed Lashkar-e-Tayyeba for years, simply because the latter has outlived its purpose and can be shown as part of an “action taken” statistic. But everybody knows the cadres lie low, regroup and re-emerge with a new identity funded by another new trust, too new to be investigated even. But the government needs to keep a vigil on not-for-profit trusts as well as organised crime networks. Money made from trafficking of narcotics, weapons and counterfeiting is routinely diverted to terrorism. The Taliban bred on opium money and organised crime networks funded the Mumbai blasts of 1993. If the International Monetary Fund (IMF) estimates are anything to go by, then the amount of money laundered globally each year is between two and five per cent of the world’s GDP. A small fraction diverted to terrorist activities can cost us big time, not just by way of human casualties but infrastructure damage in a routine blast. While the LoC trade remains suspended pending a stricter regulatory mechanism and the local economy may yet suffer, people-to-people contact in Kashmir will remain hostage to security concerns.
Writer & Courtesy: The Pioneer
Tamil Nadu is at the crossroads today with the political leadership becoming power-hungry in Tamil Nadu, there’s none who can show the way.
The second phase of the Lok Sabha election took place in Tamil Nadu on April 18. In my earlier articles focussing on Tamil Nadu, I had mentioned that the Dravidian State is in need of a leader who can inspire the Tamils and create a feeling in them that they, too, are part of the sub-continent, enjoying the same cultural and historical heritage of the vast landscape that is India. However, the month-long election campaign in the State could not throw up any candidate of that calibre. More than that, what is disturbing is that leaders of most regional parties want the population to remain sub-literate and ignorant about their rich past. Regional parties like the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK), the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK), the Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK) and the Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam (DMDK) want the abolition of the National Eligibility cum Entrance Test (NEET), the proposed common admission test to engineering colleges.
The demand for the abolition of NEET is being made with ulterior motives because the regional parties stand to gain by reverting to the old style of admission. The quality of medical doctors churned out from the medical colleges in Tamil Nadu is far below than that of the national average. Before the advent of NEET, admissions to medical colleges in the State were based on the marks scored by the students in the Class XII board examination. Students scoring 90 to 98 per cent in the examinations being held by the Tamil Nadu Government was a routine affair. Quality of the plus two courses in Government-run schools was abysmally low compared to Central schools as well as other national board syllabi. Money played a big role in admission to the medical colleges in the State. With the introduction of the NEET, the managements (mainly political leaders belonging to the DMK, AIADMK and other regional parties) lost a source of income and, hence, the opposition. How many States in the country are opposed to the NEET and how many are worried about the loss of federalism because of this all-India common entrance test?
The country’s top medical doctors and teachers were aghast over the intransigent attitude of politicians in Tamil Nadu. MK Stalin, leader of the DMK, claimed that there is convergence of thoughts in the manifestoes of his party and that of the Congress’. The DMK’s priority is to get the NEET abolished while it was the Congress-led UPA regime which introduced it. Well, the Congress will go to any extent to regain the power which it surrendered to the BJP in 2014.
Last year a girl, Anita, who had set dreams of becoming a medical doctor committed suicide. Though she had scored reasonably good marks in the qualifying examination, she failed in NEET, which forced her to resort to the extreme measure. Nobody has asked the politicians in Tamil Nadu why they are not raising the standard of the syllabus in the State. The BJP has done a good thing by telling the AIADMK that NEET is here to stay.
Some of the demands being made by Dravidian politicians in the State will make one wonder whether Tamil Nadu considers itself worthy of special status in a loose federal structure of the Indian Union. Tamil Nadu has always rejected centrist impositions, equating them with a hegemonic hold of North India in the life of its people. It is the lone State in India which does not have even a Navodaya Vidyalaya, a concept school system introduced by Rajiv Gandhi during his tenure as Prime Minister (1985-1991).
Rajiv Gandhi wanted the rural poor in the country to get state-of-the-art modern education with the ambience of public schools. That was how Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalaya was launched. All districts in the country were allocated a Navodaya Vidyalaya which offered free education, boarding and lodging. But the rural and urban poor of Tamil Nadu are denied this facility because of the obsession of Dravidian parties. They are opposed to Navodaya Vidyalayas because they shun Hindi and Sanskrit. Please note that not a single student from such schools had taken recourse to the extreme step for failing in any entrance examination. Tamil Nadu is the only State in the country where Hindi is not taught in Government-run schools.
The opposition and resistance to Hindi and Sanskrit by Dravidian politicians is an attempt to hasten the process of secession from India. The DMK keeps on declaring that the attempt to “impose” Hindi on non-Hindi speaking States is part of the saffronisation drive. Though scientific research has established that there never was any Dravidian in the sub-continent, the DMK and the AIADMK still swear by the Aryan-Dravidian divide. If they accept the fallacy behind the Dravidian theory, their raison d’être itself would be questioned. The Dravidian parties could be hauled to the court over charges of denying the students their right to education. Another secret ploy behind this resistance to Hindi and Sanskrit is the design of the DMK and the AIADMK to create a notion among the Tamils that they are not part of this great country.
Did you know that some of the best defence training establishments in the country are in Tamil Nadu? There are the Officers’ Training Academy at Chennai which grooms young graduates to take up professions in the elite Indian Army, the Air Force Flight Instructors’ School at Tambaram that trains flight instructors, who teach fighter pilots and the Defence Services Staff College, Wellington, Nilgiris, a centre where senior commanders of the defence forces are moulded.
Soldiers not only from India but even from friendly countries are trained at these establishments which have played a significant role in creating a strong bond between officers of Indian defence forces and those of other countries. You may be shocked to learn that officer trainees from Sri Lanka are not allowed in these institutions because of opposition from Dravidian politicians like MK Stalin, Vaiko, Thol Thirumavalavan and the Leftists. The ethnic crisis in Sri Lanka and the civil war demanding a separate Eelam are the reasons behind the Sinhala officers becoming persona non grata in Tamil Nadu. Political parties, which could not stand on their own feet, force the national parties to follow a foreign policy to suit their convenience. This is nothing but compromising on national security and India’s ties with friendly countries. Why should a handful of narrow-minded people dictate the foreign policy of India?
As we get ready to face the 2019 Lok Sabha election from Tamil Nadu, the truth remains that there is not a single leader in the State who has a national outlook and the image of a statesman. The present lot of leaders are at best a group of greedy politicians, fighting openly for the fruits of power. Unfortunately, the Congress is weak-kneed when it comes face-to-face with the DMK. Local Congress leaders, who can best be described as subservient to 10, Janpath, have become the B-team of the DMK in Tamil Nadu. The BJP leaders are also a big disappointment as they failed in countering the anti-Modi campaign by the Dravidian-dominated media or stand up to the likes of Stalin and Vaiko.
Questions were asked about the possibility of Kamal Haasan emerging as an alternative rallying point. But then for all his grandiloquent statements of change and Gandhi, he fought shy of a contest. Who will save Tamil Nadu from this predicament? Sadly, there is nobody on the horizon.
(The writer is Special Correspondent, The Pioneer)
Writer: Kumar Chellappan
Courtesy: The Pioneer
The EC’s ban on the use of animals for electoral gains is a welcome move. This decision has not only recognised the fact that animals cannot be used as inanimate props but has also questioned our perception of them as living beings.
With the Election Commission (EC) of India announcing dates for the general election, the Model Code of Conduct (MCC) — the document to ensure fair conduct among political parties in the run-up to the 17th Lok Sabha elections — came into force. While I expect the usual circus of parties — complaining against one another and numerous reprimands by the EC — I am relieved that animals will be spared in this drama.
Chapter 22 of the MCC notes: “The Election Commission has advised the political parties and candidates to refrain from using any animal for election campaign in any manner. Even a party, having a reserved symbol depicting an animal, should not make live demonstration of that animal in any election campaign of the party/any of its candidate.”
The EC’s move is laudable and indicates its recognition of the abuse animals are subject to when used for exhibition or performance. Use of animals during road shows, rallies or for campaigning is a pointless activity where they are tortured, beaten and neglected while the netas hog the limelight, usually after arriving many hours late. There are many instances of animals being abused during public events, which turned violent.
Political parties, which have animal symbols as part of their emblem, are known to bring animals to their rallies to showcase their strength and celebrity-like status. Not only does this glorify the vanity of the party but also comes to show that such tactics are used to pull large crowds and gather support in the absence of organic support or loyalty to the party. These animals, mostly elephants and horses, are subjected to throngs of unruly humans and end up being used as props for politics.
Often, they are made to carry heavy loads throughout the day, without any consideration of food, water or rest. No veterinarians are available on the site of the rally, meaning the well-being of the animals is no one’s priority. Consistent with the history of animal abuse in travelling circuses, mandatory permissions are never taken for the use of animals. Even in cases where permissions are granted, the Animal Welfare Board of India (AWBI) — the statutory body to ensure the well-being of animals in the country — does not have enough manpower to ensure the animals are not needlessly harassed.
Although the AWBI was set up with the purpose of implementing the statutory rules under the Animal Welfare Division, the body only plays an advisory role. As the national federation for animal rights, FIAPO has often worked with the AWBI to ensure Government-sanctioned inspections take place as part of our legal battle to end the use of animals in circuses.
With the support of the AWBI, the liberation day for animals in circuses is not too far away. This, the ban of animals in circuses, will be a historic day for animal rights movement in India — for the recognition of animals as sentient beings. Not only will the citizens of India acknowledge the inhuman treatment meted out to animals in circuses but also see the reality behind each industry and business that profits off of animals.
For activists and organisations working for the protection of animals, such precedents are of immense importance. The EC’s move is a similar show of empathy and kindness to animals. And we may even be in a position to say that the greatness of our nation and its moral progression can be judged by the way we treat our animals.
We are the nation that gave the world ahimsa; we are the country of a million gods, many of whom are personified animals. We risk the danger of being branded cultural, religious and legal hypocrites if we let such callous and outright cruel treatment to animals to continue. This is already happening in Kerala where tourists are boycotting public events with elephants as they are treated inhumanly to make them perform.
I welcome the EC’s move also because it recognises that animals cannot be used as inanimate props. Though the primary intention of the advisory is to avoid inconvenience to the public, I think it also questions our perception of animals. They are thinking, feeling beings who deserve to be treated with respect. To expect animals to pose in a rally, just as they are depicted on party pamphlets, is indicative of our indifference to their natural identity. It is time we evolve from such outdated attitudes and give animals basic recognition as sentient beings.
The world’s largest democracy not only gives its citizens rights but its animals the right to live a life free of abuse and with dignity. During this election’s circus, I will be happy not because no animal is blocking my way to work but because the animals have been spared abuse despite being the electoral symbols of political parties.
(The writer is Executive Director, Federation of Indian Animal Protection Organisations)
Writer: Varda Mehrotra
Courtesy: The Pioneer
The BJP has spent significant time and money in managing the image of its leader, but it must keep in mind that even the most intricate marketing campaigns cannot fix a flawed product
In 1989, there was a huge anticipation and excitement about a new way to play video games. All this excitement and anticipation was the result of the marketing campaign behind the “Power Glove”, a wearable glove that would serve as a controller in video game consoles. The “Power Glove” was featured and referred to in feature films, found on billboards and plastered almost everywhere. Ask about it today though and you are likely to get blank, confused stares. This because, while the marketing campaign was admirable, the product was completely disconnected from what the consumers wanted. Overall, it was just not a great product.
Fast forward to 2019 and you have the Prime Minister of the world’s largest democracy encouraging his followers to buy T-shirts with the slogan “Main Bhi Chowkidar.” Not just that, this election season has seen Prime Minister Modi repeatedly post, comment, retweet and actively promote the sale of products with either his name written on them or with the latest consumer-friendly slogan of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). How did we get here?
In an era of social media, more attention is being given to the cover of the book than the book itself and there is greater focus on selling; nowhere is this more exemplified than in the case of the BJP. Today, we have Prime Minister Modi’s name on T-shirts, mugs and even notebooks. Even in the BJP’s own manifesto, the Prime Minister’s face can be seen with HD clarity while the everyday people whom he is meant to serve are merely a low-quality backdrop. It will be apt to give a summary of the past five years, where the Prime Minister and the BJP’s machinery spent all the time managing the image of a single man and forgot about the millions of people who elected him to serve them.
Now, we have a channel with no licence that is focussed on him and a movie where the actor, who plays the Prime Minister, will also, unsurprisingly, be one of the chief campaigners of the BJP. Currently, the movie is not allowed to be released in theatres due to a directive by the Election Commission. However, there is no denying that we have all been handed a ticket to this theatre of the absurd.
It’s hard to get around without having seen a photo of Modi staring back at you. While it is important for India to maintain the right of every person, including the Prime Minister, to engage in marketing to the extent permitted under the law and to not restrict the freedom of expression of any individual, this megalomaniacal approach towards any personality is worrisome. Even North Korea, whose obsession with its leaders is often a subject of parody, doesn’t have a dedicated channel for its supreme leader. The reason why this trend should be checked is because a large amount of money is spent by the BJP on advertising and promoting the Prime Minister. The practice of asking for votes in the name of Modi rather than the BJP undermines our parliamentary system.
In 2014, for example, when this tactic was initially employed, most voters did not even know the individuals who were contesting the Lok Sabha elections in their constituency. Instead, all that the voters were sold was the image of one man who would solve all their problems. Unfortunately, this story unravelled dramatically over the past five years.
India is a parliamentary democracy, which means that in the Centre and States, the party with the greatest representation in India’s Parliament forms the Government and picks one person as the Prime Minister or the Chief Minister. The reason this system particularly makes sense for India is that we are a vibrant country. This vibrancy is not only in terms of all that is good in our country like the different cuisines, cultures and the people but also vibrant in the sense that each region has different needs and different requirements, depending on the constituents of a particular constituency.
I have heard certain people say that they want Modi at the Centre even if they don’t believe their MP is capable of representing their constituency effectively. Such an approach goes against the entire ethos of parliamentary democracy. Prime Minister Modi may promise the moon and the stars (and he often does). However, at the end of the day, it is the local parliamentarian who is required to raise local issues that can be discussed and debated in Parliament.
Take the example of getting a new hospital built or the opening of a new Central university. It is not as if the Prime Minister will help get your hospital built. As the Prime Minister, Modiji is required to ensure that the parliamentarians whom he leads, serve their constituents by raising the issues of each constituency in Parliament.
Ideally, he should also give credit to such parliamentarians for any work done so that they continue to serve their constituents and, therefore, as a whole, the nation moves forward. However, we hardly hear Prime Minister Modi talking about anyone other than himself. In fact, do you even remember a time when he complimented a particular parliamentarian during his speeches? You would be hard pressed to find an example.
Instead, Prime Minister Modi has ensured that he deflects blame for everything that goes wrong — corruption, unemployment, demonetisation, loss of lives due to terror attacks. And at the same time, he is the quickest to take credit when there’s a whiff of success.
The mugs, the T-shirts, the movie and the radio shows among others — they are all the hallmarks of a man who has made it quite clear that the only thing he has on his mind is himself. Therefore, if India wants to truly progress and move forward, it needs to reject this idea that any one man can be a panacea for all that ails our country.
We must remember that the parliamentary form of Government works for India because it helps highlight the varying nature of issues our very diverse country faces. While there is no denying that a Prime Minister fulfills a crucial role in this system, he must also remember that he is the first among equals. If Prime Minister Modi does not grasp this fundamental rule of democracy, it is likely his tenure, too, like the “Power Glove”, will serve as a lesson for future generations: Even the best marketing campaigns can’t fix a flawed product.
(The writer is Jharkhand PCC president, former MP and IPS officer. Views are personal)
Writer: Ajoy Kumar
Courtesy: The Pioneer
Digvijaya Singh, a secular Congressman, now has to deal with a BJP Hindutva hardliner, Sadhvi Pragya
Battleground Bhopal is now a matter-antimatter confrontation without any pretence of electoral grace, propriety or even issues. The BJP has fielded its newly-inducted member Sadhvi Pragya Singh Thakur, facing trial in the Malegaon blast case and the new flame of extreme hate politics, against Congress heavyweight and the author of the term “saffron terror,” Digvijaya Singh. It is a blatant battle between hardline Hindutva and secular Congressism. It is the NDA’s reaction to the UPA’s action. It is also about muscularity over protocol, about the accused taking on the accuser. Thakur, one of those charged in the Malegaon blasts, is still out on bail though the National Investigative Agency (NIA) has claimed the evidence against her was insufficient and exonerated her. However, a special court in Mumbai says there’s evidence to prosecute her. But for the BJP, the shroud of doubt, the burden of crimes or law don’t matter in choosing a Lok Sabha candidate no less. The same law, of course, denies Opposition candidates similar privileges. It is about ideology rather than grammar. As BJP president Amit Shah said, since Digvijaya Singh had defamed India by coining terms like “saffron terror”, the party had decided to take the matter to the people’s court by fielding the Sadhvi against him in a sort of reckoning. Digvijaya has also been a bitter critic of the RSS, the ideological guide of the BJP, and the party has, therefore, taken him on with stridency. In the process, the extremist fringe that had so far been treated like disruptive outliers in the Modi-led NDA-1 has now been mainstreamed in the political narrative. And while murmurs were raised about the virulent Yogi Adityanath when he was made Chief Minister, looks like his kind will now find a greater voice. The kind that doesn’t carry the baggage of history and can give a fresh spin to the legacy of identity politics. Besides, with Uma Bharti refusing to contest against Digvijaya in Bhopal, whom she had dislodged once in the Assembly, the BJP has been only too happy to find her younger version. With her saffron robes and self-proclaimed fight for dharma, the BJP has found a way to strike an emotive chord in the heartland and win back old faithfuls bred on the Ayodhya plank. It is also an overture to the RSS, whose network needs to be fully activated to secure a victory. And if Bhopal, being the State Capital and a high-profile seat, sets off a tide, then the BJP could recover some lost ground from the Assembly elections last year.
Bhopal is a tough fight for the Congress, the party having plummeted there since 1984 and the seat sending BJP MPs since 1989, that too with convincing margins. Yet the newly-elected Chief Minister Kamal Nath has taken on the challenge of wresting some seats that have eluded the party for 30 years and has, therefore, deployed former Chief Minister and colleague in arms Digvijaya. Thakur has the advantage of not just being a flag-bearer of Hindutva but the legacy of the party’s former Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan, whose personal stock works with the masses. Little wonder then that the Sadhvi claimed his support immediately after emerging out of the BJP office. However, Digvijaya is no pushover. His huge following across the State cannot be denied and having been a two-term Chief Minister, he has a grip on Bhopal and Indore. Compared to him, his peers, be it Kamal Nath and tribal leader Kantilal Bhuria, or even junior colleague Jyotiradtya Scindia just command their own pocket boroughs. In the halcyon days, Digvijaya would not only pilot his own chopper and drive to the hinterland to meet his constituents, he knew their names and had the statistics, down to the block level, at the back his hand. Digital India may be common speak now but back then, he introduced e-governance and e-Chaupal modules in Dhar district. But that vision is not under review anymore, his rabid support to conspiracy theories about the 26/11 Mumbai attacks and Hindu extremists is. And in a polarised polity, that myopia is rampant. That also helps Sadhvi Thakur. Her vote count will decide her guilt or innocence.
Writer & Courtesy: The Pioneer
Easter has been a subject of major controversy in the past in terms of its placement, with one notable time being when it triggered the reform of the Julian calendar in 1582. This time, Easter has tested the patience of its believers, almost to the limit. It usually happens exactly one month after the Spring Equinox. The festival shifts irregularly in the compass of 35 days, ranging from March 22 to April 25. But this shift is not akin to that of a Hindu festival, say Holi or Ram Navami. All Hindu festivals follow a pendulum-like trajectory while shifting as per the lunar tithi year-on-year.
The Easter is reckoned according to three factors — Spring Equinox (March 21), full moon and day of the week (Sunday). It is the principal movable feast in the Christian liturgical calendar. Notwithstanding its irregularity, future Easter dates could be predicted hundreds of years in advance, algorithmically. However, determining its placement has been subject to major controversy in the past. Ironically, it was this controversy that triggered the reform of the Julian calendar in 1582 by Pope Gregory XIII.
Easter celebrates the supernatural Resurrection of Jesus Christ after his mortal death on the Cross. While the Resurrection is in the domain of belief, his death may be a historical event. There must have been a date for it as per the Julian solar calendar, applicable throughout the Roman world then. The Romans were the masters of Israel-Judea during the lifetime of Christ. Though Jesus was crucified according to the orders of a Roman Governor viz, Pontius Pilate, the date of his crucifixion was either not recorded as per the Julian calendar or at any rate not available to us. In fact, it was never available to the Church, which led to a lot of kite-flying.
But evidence in the Gospel shows that Jesus was crucified around the Passover feast of the Jews. The Jews celebrate the Passover feast — in remembrance of their deliverance from Egyptian captivity by Moses — on the 14th day of the month of Nissan of the Hebrew calendar. Each month of the Hebrew calendar begins on the morrow of the new moon (which is actually no-moon or amavasya), the 14th day would be full moon. On that day, every Jewish family eats the ritually slaughtered and roasted Passover lamb. Jesus had occasionally likened himself to a lamb in the Gospel. His martyrdom coinciding with the Passover feast carries a religious analogy. His last supper is believed to be the Passover feast meal.
The Jewish calendar is lunisolar, which means an intercalary month is added (as in the case of Vikram Samvat in India) to keep it abreast of seasons. The Nisan is a spring month. But in ancient times, intercalation was not done through any algorithm but by an arbitrary decision taken by the Jewish grand assembly viz, Sanhedrin, based in Jerusalem. Sanhedrin was in existence till the destruction of ancient Israel in 70 AD. Thus, a day cannot be transposed from the old Jewish calendar to Julian Calendar with reliability.
One good way of determining Easter for the Church was to consult the Hebrew calendar itself. This was exactly what the early Eastern churches, which were in closer communication with the Jews, did. Thus, they celebrated the Easter feast on full moon on the month of Nisan, regardless of other factors. But for the Western churches, headquartered in Rome, the day of the week was equally important. The concept of the week, as a grid of seven days, was incorporated into the Julian calendar by the Church. The week is astronomically an arbitrary concept and ancient Romans were ignorant of it. The Roman Church emphasised the fact that Jesus rose from the dead on a Sunday, which is celebrated every week in the form of a Sunday mass. Thus, Easter must be held on no other day expect Sunday. Since the Gospel says he rose from the day on the third day he was crucified, Friday became his day of crucifixion. This is called “Good Friday.”
During the first century AD, the churches in the East and the West mutually tolerated, celebrating Easter on different days. But towards the end of the century, there was a heated exchange among correspondences on the subject between Polycrates, the bishop of Ephesus and Victory, the bishop of Rome (equivalent to Pope). Victor sternly severed the whole Eastern Church from being in communion with the Roman Church. This was indeed the beginning of a split in the Church into Western and Eastern domains, which was completed a thousand years later in 1054 AD. The Ecumenical Council of Nicaea in 325 AD ruled that Easter should be celebrated on Sunday, following the full moon, following the Equinox.
If the full moon happens to coincide with the Equinox as it happened this year or previously in 1981, one will have to wait for the ensuing full moon to apply the formula. But if the full moon occurred even a day later (provided it is not as late in the week as of Saturday) the Easter could be marked on that very Sunday. But in the latter case, the full moon should occur latest by Friday. This because Good Friday has to precede the Easter.
The Equinoxes and Solstices together form the four pillars of the tropical calendar inaugurated by Julius Caesar in 44 BC. These astronomical phenomena were known to the ancient Greek astronomers long before. But Caesar made it an integral part of the Western calendar, though it was not necessary that the year or month should begin from those points. In innovating quadruple leap year, Caesar had assumed the length of a tropical year to be 365 days and six hours; whereas in reality, it was 11 minutes shorter (365 days five hours 48 minutes and 46 seconds). The surplus 11¼ minutes remaining unadjusted led to the Julian year overshooting the natural year by three days in the course of four centuries. Thus, by the time of the Nicaean Council in 325 AD, the Spring Equinox had shifted from original March 24 to March 21.
But in the absence of a corrective mechanism, the Equinox shifted to March 11 over the next 12 centuries. The Church might not have bothered itself with Equinox but for determining the Easter. How Equinoxes and Solstices had shifted over age is pithily described in a letter written by French theologian and astronomer Cardinal Pierre d’Ailly (1350-1425) to Pope (now regarded as Anti-Pope) John XXIII Baldassare Cossa in 1411.
Pierre d’Ailly’s ambitious plan to reform the Julian calendar could not be taken up at the Ecumenical Council at Rome in 1412 nor at the Council of Constance in 1414-18. But it created a tempo which culminated in the Gregorian reform of the calendar in 1582. By cancelling 10 days from the calendar in 1582, the Spring Equinox was restored to March 21 as in days in Nicaean Council in 325 AD. Pope Gregory XXIII wanted a fixed date for Easter, like Christmas, a demand that continued to be echoed till the 20th century by various stalwarts. This, however, has not come about.
(The writer is an independent researcher)
Writer: Priyadarshi Dutta
Courtesy: The Pioneer
Voters need to refresh their memories regarding INC’s past and realise that it never really changed from being colonised subjects of the British, says B Deepanjali
The fact that Mahatma Gandhi had wanted the Indian National Congress (INC) to be disbanded after independence is now common knowledge. That it was a party of the British and the Indian English-educated elite was clear to him and he knew that this was not what “freedom” truly meant. The purpose of INC as envisaged was to achieve independence from British Raj and to not hand over the country to them on a platter. Gandhiji was clear that the INC needed to be disbanded after the British left India. But what he wanted did not happen. He increasingly became disillusioned after independence. After his assassination, pressure to have a truly representational democracy took a backseat and the corrupt cronyism of the INC held sway.
Gandhiji was indeed right about INC. It did not quite truly understand what nationalism was. It still does not and does not even seem to care about it. As the 2019 election campaign is in full swing right now, we can see how the grand old party relentlessly disparages the nation, fails to stand by our brave armed forces and even scoffs the country’s phenomenal achievements —Mission Shakti and the testing of the first anti-satellite missile system that made us the fourth nation in the world to have this critical defence capability are a few examples. With 70 years of independence, we are now a witness to some of the most negative statements against the nation by INC members. So much so that today, even those Indians, who were supportive of the Congress, are stunned at the lows the party has taken.
In no other democratic country does the Opposition party ridicule the nation’s achievements or take sides with the enemy country — when its soldiers have been massacred by terrorists like in Pulwama — as in India. For, their opposition is to the ruling party and never to their nation. The INC’s behaviour as an Opposition party will be unthinkable say in Britain or the US where leaders’ loyalty to their country remains unquestioned — it defines who they are as a people.
So, why is it that in India we have a party like INC, whose statements, like the one doubting the Balakot strikes, sound like they are the same as the ones made by politicians in Pakistan? Why is it that the leading Opposition party is unable to distinguish between the nation and the ruling party and spares no opportunity to belittle the country? It’s, therefore, worth asking: Does this disconnect with the country have much deeper roots, going back to the formation of the INC itself?
INC still not rooted in India: The party was founded in 1885 by AO Hume, a British imperial civil service officer. But did the party ask for complete independence soon after it was formed? No. It was only after 44 years of its formation that the INC demanded poorna swarajya for India in December 1929. Until then, all that it meekly asked the British was a dominion status for the country. And who were the party’s members? They were a part of the British elite — those Indians who were educated in England and who held wealth and social standing. The formation of the INC can itself be seen as a smart move by the British to maintain a sense of stability, badly shaken as they were by the First War of Independence or what they called the Mutiny of 1857. It is an undeniable fact that early members of the INC looked up to British education and governance as means to achieving a “stable India.” There are documented references to past Indian presidents of INC eulogising the British Raj and one of its presidents, Pandit Bishan Narayan Dar, even said that British rule in India was the “greatest gift of providence to his race.”
Point to be noted here is that nowhere does the INC website mention about Hume. History of this party is one that was never actually rooted in India’s cultural identity as a basis for nationhood. This is a deeper theme in itself.
In the historical context, recent public pronouncements by INC members, who have alarmed many Indians and provided fodder dangerously enough to Pakistan, bears reference to the party’s history. The INC was indeed so cosy with the British that its prominent members failed to create a national identity that could resonate in its being — either before or after independence. The ones, who stood for a stronger and more assertive tone in demanding legitimate rights for the people, were staunch nationalists but were deemed as “extremists.” And this is well-known viz, the divisions between the “moderates” and the “extremists” in the INC.
The firebrand, who gave the first clarion call for swarajya before Gandhiji, was Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak, who said, “Swarajya is my birthright and I shall have it” in 1906. This call came at a time when the INC was led by the moderates (which was true for its first 20 years of existence, working only on policy changes through administrative means). INC’s top leaders didn’t really want to let go off the British rule as they thought of it as being beneficial to the nation. This can be seen in the stated position of several INC presidents of the early days.
What is INC’s position on nationalism?
The party has never come to terms with what its position on India as a nation is and what it means to be an Indian. This could be because like many Indians believe, there was no armed struggle by its members to achieve independence, no suffering and no pain. It was, in fact, the armed resistance by the Indian National Army (INA), led by Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose, that pushed the British to the wall and raised the daunting prospect of an outright mutiny — the INA’s contribution to India’s independence is undeniable. The sacrifices made by INA soldiers are, however, not what we think about in the common narrative of India’s independence.
Unlike other nations, India did not really win a war and defeat foreign forces to reclaim its sovereignty. So, post-independence, the INC captured national consciousness by means of educational propaganda that highlighted the party’s role in the freedom struggle when the fact remains that none of the prominent leaders from INC lost their lives to gain independence. The great sons of India, who sacrificed their lives like Shaheed Bhagat Singh, Rajguru, Chandrashekhar Azad and Khudiram Bose, were not talked about in the public domain. Instead, India’s freedom from the British was and is still showcased as being an INC affair, failing to highlight the internal struggles within the party in its early days with the “moderates” toeing the British line of administrative reform and discussions and “extremists” demanding freedom from foreign rule before Gandhiji came to India and led the struggle. Needless to say, these “extremists,” or assertive nationalists, didn’t really make it big in INC as time went on after independence.
This then is the problem with INC: It never believed in the main pillars that define a country — a unified core cultural identity and military strength that builds a nation. This is why when quite naturally all Indians would feel a swell of pride on the achievements of the military, Congressmen don’t. The INC’s disparaging stand on the brave and impactful Balakot strike by the Indian Air Force even disturbed former party leaders like Tom Vadakkan, who spoke about it later when he was asked as to why he decided to join the BJP.
A disconnect with India: With no clear policy except for mentions like secularism, the party members’ lack of national pride remained obfuscated from public knowledge all these decades except for the occasional mention of 1971 and Bangladesh (of course, it didn’t explain why 90,000 PoWs had to be returned to Pakistan to keep aflame the fire of hatred against India in them as free Pakistanis and go on to spawn anti-India terrorism). The truth of the INC — as a party still comprising the English-speaking elite, scoffing at all that is anti-thetical to its understanding — is being exposed now. All of this reveals a well-entrenched disconnect with Indian ethos and pride of the people.
In the 10 years of UPA rule, there was nothing much to feel proud about but much to be disheartened about, including the cowardly silence by the Congress’ powers-that-be in Delhi after the horrendous Mumbai 26/11 attacks. But after losing power in 2014, party leaders have maintained a unified stance to run down India’s significant achievements.
Since the last five years, India has touched significant highs on defence and technology fronts, something it had not pursued in its years in governance. So its principal strategy is to attack Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
Given its origin, it is difficult for the INC to internalise the idea of India, the nation, its pride, its spirit and its civilisational sanctity. For it, poll time means reviving divisive agenda and let’s not forget that the divide and rule policy worked well for the British, who inspired and founded the INC anyway. And so this saga endures. It is time for the voters to inform themselves of the history of the INC and realise that it never really came around to re-modelling itself from its British past as colonised subjects. And any party, which chooses to ally with the INC now, is also standing by the same credo of perpetuating that legacy.
(The writer is a social activist)
Writer: B Deepanjali
Courtesy: The Pioneer
Priyanka Gandhi Vadra has taken the political plunge, but the question that remains is, will she be fielded against Prime Minister Modi? Though it will make for a tantalising contest, will the Congress take the risk?
The buzz in the Congress’ circles is that general secretary Priyanka Gandhi Vadra may make her electoral debut by contesting against Prime Minister Narendra Modi in Varanasi. The Congress’ leadership is tight-lipped about it although Priyanka has herself kept the mystery alive. When party workers in Rae Bareli recently urged her to contest the elections, she responded by asking if she should contest from Varanasi. Reports that the Congress could field Priyanka from Varanasi have been doing the rounds since the last few days. The party on Saturday said that it would not comment on hearsay and that media would be informed if any such decision was taken.
The question is: Will she take the electoral plunge? After all, it took so many years for her to enter politics. The Gandhi family is very cautious about when to enter politics and from where. The family is quite calculative about these matters. These things are choreographed well. Even Sonia Gandhi took seven years to decide and she took the plunge only in 1998 when the party was almost withering away and needed a charismatic leader. She was bold enough to enter politics when the party was languishing in the Opposition with no chances of immediate revival. Though she joined the electoral fray in 1999 and became the first woman Leader of Opposition, she took on the BJP on issues despite being a novice. She developed a reasonable understanding with former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and then surprised every one by leading the UPA, which came to power for two consecutive terms, thus shattering the BJP’s “India shining” dreams.
Similarly, Rahul Gandhi entered politics in 2004, contested from Amethi and won the family’s bastion. He has been in politics since then and was made the general secretary in 2007 and vice president in 2013. Last year, he took over as party president. This will be the first time he will be leading the party to the polls and, therefore, it is crucial that he does well.
Priyanka’s entry into politics was also a calculated move and the timing was a surprise; though people had been wanting since many years that she join the party. Seen as a more charismatic leader than Rahul, it was speculated that she was staying away for fear of overshadowing her brother. Anyway, now that Sonia Gandhi has decided to take a back seat, Priyanka has taken the plunge.
The decision to contest is entirely left to the family. Whether it is a good move to field all the three Gandhis is a question that the family will consider. But the chorus from Uttar Pradesh is becoming shrill day by day. Party leaders and workers from the State argue that the move will enhance the Congress’s poll prospects.
Initially, it was believed that if Sonia Gandhi bowed out, her daughter would contest from Rae Bareli. The party’s Allahabad unit had passed a formal proposal, urging the Congress’ leadership to field Priyanka from Phulpur, which was represented by her great grandfather and India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. This might still happen as Priyanka is likely to fare better in Phulpur. Defeating Modi may be difficult as he is still popular in Varanasi. Also, traditionally, barring once in 2004, the BJP has won Varanasi comfortably since 1991. Then came the speculation strengthened by Priyanka herself. Responding to a frequently asked question whether she would contest, Priyanka surprised the media with a direct “why not” “even you can” and added, “If my party wants me to contest polls, then I will definitely do so.” Congress workers believe that she has a striking resemblance with her grandmother Indira Gandhi and would be a good vote-catcher. Priyanka is more connected to the people in her interactions and she is a crowd puller.
A section in the party also believes that if Priyanka contests from Varanasi, Modi can be pinned down to campaigning in this seat. Second, since there is no Modi wave, it may be easier for Priyanka to face him. Third, about four lakh votes were split against Modi in 2014. If Priyanka is fielded as a joint candidate of the Congress, Samajwadi Party, Bahujan Samaj Party and Rashtriya Lok Dal, a division of votes can be avoided. Fourth, she would be a fresh face with the Gandhi mystique. The party has not announced any name so far for both Varanasi and Phulpur. Incidentally, both Rahul and Priyanka are building the ground for the 2022 Assembly polls and seems like she could be its Chief Ministerial candidate. “We are preparing the ground for 2022 Assembly elections” Priyanka clarified herself.
Prime Minister Modi’s response to Priyanka contesting against him was: “In a democracy, anyone can contest from anywhere. I don’t fear about who is contesting from where, it doesn’t matter to me.” Modi versus Priyanka would be a tantalising contest but will the Congress risk it? This is a million dollar question.
(The writer is a senior political commentator and syndicated columnist)
Writer: Kalyani Shankar
Courtesy: The Pioneer
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