Policemen are scared of lawyers because the latter have a weapon called istagaasha or criminal complaint, which the police have no control over
Recently, some policemen in the Capital were said to have been physically assaulted by lawyers in Tis Hazari, Karkardooma and Saket District Courts, which instigated them to hold a demonstration of several hours before the headquarters of the Delhi Police Commissioner near the ITO building demanding protection from such assaults. Several were seen carrying posters reading “Hum police hain, ghulam nahin (We are policemen, not slaves).” Their agitation has been supported by the media as well as police organisations all over the country. And, in what seems to be a feud that is spreading, there were fisticuffs between policemen and lawyers in an Alwar court too.
Now it seems strange that policemen, who do not seem to be scared of any other section of society (except, perhaps, politicians and the armed forces) are scared of lawyers. Lawyers don’t carry batons and guns, as many policemen do, then why are the latter scared of them ? Even when there is a police lathi-charge on lawyers, it is usually consequential to a prior assault by lawyers on policemen, either with fists or stones.
Policemen are not cowards, so if they are assaulted they are likely to retaliate, but usually they are not the ones who stir up an incident. The reason why policemen are scared of lawyers is that the latter have a weapon called istagaasha or criminal complaint, of which policemen are dreadfully afraid. A criminal case in India can be started in one of two ways, that is by filing an FIR (first information report) in a police station under Section 154 CrPC (Code of Criminal Procedure) or by filing an istagaasha before the Judicial Magistrate, under Section 200 CrPC.
Now policemen are not scared of an FIR because that is submitted to others of their own fraternity, and members of one’s own fraternity tend to stand by each other and gang up against the common enemy, in this case the lawyers. So the matter is “manageable.” But a criminal complaint before a judicial magistrate is an altogether different cup of tea. It is presented before a judge and lawyers and judges belong to the same legal fraternity. A magistrate’s sympathy is, therefore, likely to be more with the lawyers who appear daily before him in court rather than with the policemen.
On receiving a complaint by lawyers of a police atrocity, whether true or concocted, the judicial magistrate will issue summons to the policemen accused under Section 204 CrPC and begin a criminal trial, which may end up by the accused policemen being sent to jail and/or their career damaged or ruined. So the moment a summons is issued against him by a judicial magistrate, a policeman is like a fish out of water, flopping about helplessly. That is the real reason why policemen are scared of lawyers.
Many lawyers have imaginative minds, which also scares Government servants. Let me give an example of one such diabolical mind at work. When I was a lawyer in Allahabad High Court (1971-91), there was a leading senior lawyer of Allahabad District Court (let us call him AB), who, though having a huge practice, never filed income tax returns and, of course, never paid any income tax.
Once, a young exuberant and upright Income Tax Officer was posted in Allahabad, who issued a notice to AB to appear before him. When AB appeared, the tax official said, “Mr AB, everyone knows you are a top lawyer in Allahabad District Court with a roaring practice. Yet you never file income tax returns and never pay any income tax”, and having said so, made a best assessment and levied a huge demand on AB as tax and penalty. AB kept pleading that he was a poor lawyer with no practice and that he would be ruined by this huge demand as he had no assets, and so on, but to no avail.
A few days thereafter, the tax official received a letter from a lawyer (not AB) stating that his client, a young woman, had been impregnated by the tax official under a false promise of marriage which he had not kept, and now his client has delivered his child, for which he must pay a huge amount of compensation. Otherwise legal proceedings for rape and so on would be commenced against him.
The tax official was bewildered and shocked as he had never till then even had an affair with any woman, far less impregnating anyone. He went from lawyer to lawyer seeking advice, and ultimately someone told him to go to AB. He did and fell at AB’s feet, apologising profusely. Consequently, a compromise was reached. The tax official recalled his order imposing tax and penalty on AB, and the legal notice too was withdrawn.
No wonder Government servants in India and cops, too, give lawyers a wide berth!
Writer: Markandey Katju
Courtesy: The Pioneer
Gone are the days when the Congress depended on the leader at the top to get candidates elected. Today, it is the personal drive and popularity of candidates, the caste factor and regional issues that get them elected
The Gandhi brand seems to be at a historic low at present. With its recent showing in the Haryana and Maharashtra Assembly polls, the Congress has proved that the grand old party can survive without the dynasty. In both the States, the Gandhis did not campaign much but the party had done much better than expected. Gone are the days when the Congress depended on the leader at the top to get candidates elected, as in the days of Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi. Today, it is the personal drive and popularity of individual candidates, the caste factor, regional issues and the clout of the local satraps that get them elected.
So what is the role of the “First Family” now, which had taken a step back during the campaigning for the recent Assembly polls? What is the role of the former Congress president Rahul Gandhi?
Though many suggest that the party should dump the Gandhis now, it is clear that the Congress will continue to hang on to them because it can agree on no one else to head the party. Moreover, there is no charismatic leader on the horizon. Therefore, as long as Sonia Gandhi continues to be active, she might head the party. In fact, under her stewardship, the party had done well in both the States, despite the limited time available to set things right.
Her timely move to remove the Pradesh Congress chiefs in both the States and put the right people in charge, as well as her decision to rely on the old guard by virtue of their field experience, helped the party perform better.
Sonia could not campaign during the recent elections and her sole rally in Haryana was cancelled due to health issues and Rahul had to step in at the last moment. In fact, the Congress did not field any star campaigner except for former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. Still Gandhi loyalists do not want to put the blame at her door. Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, who sailed into active politics early this year, has confined herself to Uttar Pradesh (UP) as in-charge of the State. She also did not campaign in the recent Assembly polls. Except for some tweets criticising the Narendra Modi and Yogi Adityanath Governments, she is not very visible. It is not clear how much she has managed to set things right in the UP State unit.
As for Rahul, he is still sulking and has not forgiven the old guard for not standing with him during the 2019 Lok Sabha polls. He had expressed his anguish in his resignation letter, which was made public. Though he did not want anyone from the family to head the party, the old guard prevailed and Sonia came back as interim president. Rahul continues to lead delegations and make statements, tweet and go round the country, making speeches and he has found a place in the party but without any official responsibility.
The party is reconciled to Rahul playing truant and taking breaks for a week or ten days every now and then. Party spokesman Randeep Surjewala claims these are Rahul’s meditational breaks abroad. Even now, he is away though the Congress has planned a countrywide agitation till November 15 to focus on the economic slowdown, unemployment and the farm crisis.
So, the party is handicapped with a not so healthy president, a truant Rahul and a not so effective Priyanka. “Don’t worry about Rahul Gandhi, he will come back with more strength,” AK Antony, a Gandhi family loyalist claims, pointing out that the Congress is rising like a phoenix.
Technically, no one should question Rahul, as he is not holding any office. However, most decisions have his stamp. The Congress has survived as has been shown earlier in Punjab, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh and now in Maharashtra and Haryana, where strong State leaders carried the day. The problem is that the Gandhis did not develop strong State leaders and those Rahul chose to lead the States proved to be ineffective like Ashok Tanwar in Haryana and Sanjay Nirupam in Maharashtra.
The Congress never had to go through this phase of leadership crisis with no vote-catcher at the top. One might argue that despite all drawbacks, the party did get about 12 crore votes in the 2019 polls.
It only shows that the party would have fared better had it projected a credible prime ministerial face. If the trends in Maharashtra and Haryana continue, the party is likely to revive more from the strength of the local units than from the Central leadership, which in a way is how democracy should work. Later this year there are elections to Jharkhand and Delhi and the Congress has high stakes in them. One thing is clear, the Gandhis will continue to have a hold on the party. Perhaps, having learnt a lesson or two from the recent polls, the family might change its style of functioning and try to adapt to the new situation.
(The writer is a senior journalist)
Writer: Kalyani Shankar
Courtesy: The Pioneer
Ashton Hayes is a village in the rural area of Chester in the Northwest of England. The village became a model globally for fighting “climate change,” the world’s most pressing issue. The community-led initiative that started in 2005 aimed at making the village the first carbon neutral community in England. Residents banded together to cut greenhouse gas emissions —they used clotheslines instead of dryers, took fewer flights, installed solar panels and glaze windows to better insulate their homes. By now hundreds of towns, cities and counties around the world have reportedly reached out to learn how the villagers in Ashton Hayes did it. The year 2019 marks 15 years since a small village set out to change the lives of its residents forever.
Why did they do that? When Ashton Hayes villagers assembled to discuss the climate change plans, many expressed a desire to make a difference for the next generation. Village elders did not want to leave a problem to their grandchildren and ignore a real issue. If the story so far emerged interesting, interesting still is the Ashton Hayes residents’ resolve not to allow politicians meddling with their initiative. The village has kept the effort separate from party politics, which residents thought would only divide them along ideological lines.
What does this narrative indicate? It indicates a lack of trust in politicians. Villagers believed that they would take short-term views, which run counter to their long-term focus on climate initiatives. And it is this long-term focus Ashton people recognise as central to advancing their pioneering community initiative. However, in India, while many have reasons aplenty not to trust politicians given their role over the last few decades, Indians lack conviction or nerve similar to that of Ashton Hayes inhabitants. Incidentally, the lost trust is not restricted to a single political party but covers parties of all hues, regardless of their public stance.
In an era of diminishing ideology and in a democracy where people uncritically embrace politicians lacking credibility, one can expect nothing but mediocrity that knows nothing higher than itself. The outcome is quite obvious, from academic and social institutions to sport bodies and temple authorities, many of which are hardly run by individuals with capabilities and vision as no political party/politician is going to let that happen.
Many engineering and management and medical education institutions are controlled by politicians. While there are reportedly 15 politicians in 32 Olympics sports federations of our country, 47 per cent of presidents in Indian sports federations are politicians. Likewise religious entities like trusts of Shree Siddhivinayak Ganapati Temple, Shirdi Saibaba Sansthan, Tirumala Tirupati Devasthanam are headed by politicians.
Individually, as also politically, all of them may be eminent, confident, articulate and telegenic, but none are among the best for the positions they hold. Politicians helming well-known establishments undeservingly remained a long-standing legacy in India. Voices against this trend have been feeble; a few write-ups floating around in some dailies and blogs have failed to stir up political parties. We have failed to become Ashton Hayes inhabitants who forced politicians to listen and learn in their community meetings instead of allowing them to address the gatherings.
One may well question how the example of Ashton Hayes is relevant to India and its state of affairs. It is significant in the Indian context because its long-term sustainability, like many community-led initiatives, depended on how it could fit with wider political agenda and whether these agenda have the punch to deliver the resources and opportunities necessary for genuine community engagement. It succeeded with flying colours. It’s a classic case of how a people’s initiative could do well by keeping politicians at bay and yet find government support.
Now let’s consider the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) issue in particular. Former India captain Sourav Ganguly taking charge as BCCI president, ending an eventful 33-month reign of the Supreme Court (SC)-appointed Committee of Administrators (CoA), didn’t come easy. The SC’s intervention, which eventually resulted in cricket’s administrators losing control of one of the richest sports bodies in the world, was necessary as BCCI continued to be involved in controversies followed by political interference, corruption, match-fixing/betting and so on.
While fans and analysts generally welcomed the Lodha Commission recommendations, it was BCCI that initially steadfastly refused to implement reform measures aimed at transforming the entire power structure in the cricket body. Former BCCI president Anurag Thakur once said, “If political leaders can lead the country and the states from the front, then what’s wrong in leading sports bodies. We have proven our worth and worked for promotion of sports.” While it’s true a number of political leaders demonstrated inspiring vision and helped propel the country’s growth and development, it’s also equally true that the country under its political leadership slipped to 102 position of 117 in the Global Hunger Index 2019 behind its neighbours Nepal, Pakistan and Bangladesh.
If the focus is on promoting and developing sports in a country and strengthening socio-cultural, religious establishments, then it should best be run by full-time administrators/domain experts instead of part-timers whose priority remains politics. Political leaders are mandated to run political establishments, represent the government at all levels as also deal with people’s basic needs and social ills. In a country like ours, these are the areas where lies an ample opportunity for the politicians to serve, contribute and deliver with all earnestness.
On another plane, there are umpteen examples of individuals with political affiliations or leanings grabbing prized positions in government and semi-government entities. There are also reported cases of political leaders’ kith and kin occupying prime positions in various institutions. It’s not that political leaders’ relations are not entitled to head institutions but it should be beyond the intervention of those craving power, pelf and pleasure.
What is significant is how successive governments have remained chronically disinclined to help institutions reclaim organisational traits /establish or enforce rigorous accountability. Also successive governments have inflicted their top-down decisions/ choices upon various non-political entities rather than following best practices. Had there been a positive government approach and well-laid out accountability framework, there would have been less scope for irregularities in academic and socio-cultural institutions, sport bodies and religious trusts.
Sadly, politics hogs the limelight, floods the media, fills our Twitter feeds and animates our cabin discussions. While some politicians are relevant and essentially public-spirited, some are made out to be relevant in patronage-based politics and many are irrelevant or self-serving. The political leaders, who head organisations and associations that are non-confrontational and apolitical, mostly fall into the middle category. And they will continue to occupy the posts meant for others till we learn to appreciate the courage of Ashton Hayes inhabitants and reject unworthy ones outright. Here lies the secret of increasing the number of medals in the Olympics and removing temple practices such as maintaining a fleet of luxury vehicles for the use of VIPs. Here also lies the secret of enhancing organisational capacity, controls, strength and glory.
(The writer is former Deputy General Manager, India International Centre, New Delhi and General Manager, International Centre Goa)
Writer: Debasish Bhattacharyya
Courtesy: The Pioneer
If North Korean hackers are indeed behind the break-in at our nuclear plant, we must find out who they were working for
The hacking incident at the Kundankulam nuclear plant ought to scare the living daylights out of India’s security establishment as well as the rest of the world. As much talk as there was about “air gapped” systems, that is controlling computers that are not connected to the outside internet, our extreme vulnerability has hit home. Remember the way the Israeli security services, along with the United States’ Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), sabotaged the Iranian nuclear programme at the Natanz uranium-enrichment plant by destroying the electro-mechanical devices there, particularly centrifuges? There was also an “air gap” at Natanz, so the question is how was the virus loaded into the system? The bureaucratic response by the Computer Emergency Response Team-India (CERT-In) to this crisis and the WhatsApp malware row makes us wonder if Indian officials have read up, let alone learnt lessons from previous incidents. A basic understanding of such computer break-ins will show that no matter how advanced the control software — and Stuxnet was according to several computer programmers a “work of art” — it is a human in the chain who, thanks to lust or lucre, breaks the security fence. Almost every major hacking incident at high-security establishments, either in the military, government or the corporate sector, has broken down barriers. Investigations have to be conducted into them and the individual, who let the hackers gain control, must be weeded out and tried. In fact, this and not silly letters to the Prime Minister is what sedition and treason is all about.
Then there is the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, or North Korea as we know it. What was the rogue nation’s interest in Indian nuclear facilities? While India does not have a friendly relationship with that nation, our relationship is not adverse either. That said, North Korea has often worked at the behest of China to do its bidding, whether it was to escalate tensions with the United States or transport missile technology to Pakistan. Besides, North Korea has frequently used compromised computers in India to hack Western targets, including banks. It reportedly cracked the financial systems of Bangladesh to steal $100 million a few years ago. There is little doubt that North Korea is a rogue State that presents a clear and present danger to India as well. It has taken advantage of our lax protocols surrounding cyber security and one can only hope that it has not done any more damage than is now apparent. And an attack of this nature on a N-plant could have disastrous effects, especially if the software controlling the nuclear reactor is compromised. It could trigger a theft, even a meltdown. Cyber security researchers have flagged the North Korean malware DTrack, which was used by hackers to attack financial and research centres in India. Its earlier version ATM Dtrack was apparently designed to hack our ATMs and read and steal data of cards that were inserted into these machines. India has to up its cyber defences in a hurry and should not find itself trying to desperately get out of a quagmire. At the same time, even though it is likely Kim Jong-Un won’t care, India should make it clear to North Korea that such activities are not welcome, and should start finding out where its agents are active in the country. If a report by Subex, which tracks cyber-security, is to be believed, then between April and June alone, cyber attacks jumped by 22 per cent.
While we must be aware of global threats to our freedom, we should recognise that the road to prosperity lies in our commitment to values that shape a forward-moving society Ever since Italian explorer and coloniser Christopher Columbus landed in the Carribean in 1492, a string of colonies was set up across the world, all founded on violence, genocide and dispossession of the indigenous people. We were ourselves victims of colonialism for four and a half centuries.
After World War II, the colonies attained political independence but many of them remained economically subordinated through supranational finance and trade bodies such as the World Bank (WB), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (GATT) and the World Trade Organisation (WTO).
Today, most of the former colonies remain the backyard of developed countries — a resource-base (natural, cash crops and cheap labour), a recipient of arms and a venue for recreation and distraction of tourists bored with the industrial routine. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, it has become politically correct, particularly in the United States (US) and the United Kingdom (UK) to enunciate the “new imperialism.”
Robert Cooper, a British diplomat and adviser, who is currently serving as a Special Advisor at the European Commission for Myanmar and is also a member of the European Council on Foreign Relations, rationalises the need for unity of the Western World in order to ensure their collective domination over any potential rivals, even if they are just regional powers at present.
Cooper, who was one of Tony Blair’s closest policy advisers, in his book The Postmodern State and the World Order, cautions that powerful States such as India, China and Brazil have the capacity to become “destabilising actors” and a threat to “global stability.” Hence the objective should be to keep these countries in a state of constant instability and dependence.
In our times, America leads the West and takes Britain in particular, under its wing as a “junior partner.” The late Edward Said, who was a professor of literature at Columbia University, a public intellectual, and a founder of the academic field of post-colonial studies, asserted that “the primary objective of the US strategy is to ensure a favourable climate for investment including unimpeded access to resources. Its military expansion is designed expressly to allow the US-led West to enforce the stability of its global hegemony anywhere, anytime, without obstruction and on the slightest sign of an emerging threat. The source of these objectives is the US corporate military-industrial complex, probably the ultimate centre of power in the new world order.”
The war against Iraq was an apt example. It was an assertion of America’s “vital interest” in controlling the nationalised oil industry of Iraq, which is the second-largest reservoir of oil in the world and accounts for more than ten per cent of the global oil reserves.
Said, a foremost expert on the Arab and Muslim worlds, said, “Every empire including America, regularly tells itself and the world that it is unlike all other empires and that it has a mission certainly not to plunder but to educate and liberate the peoples and places it rules directly or indirectly. Yet, these ideas are not shared by the people who live there and whose views are in many cases directly opposite”.
India’s economy is growing but economic inequality is also amplifying. This is certainly better than the reality in most Latin American countries where there is economic stagnation coupled with growth of economic inequality. We are doing better but not well enough. Economic growth does stimulate human development in the key areas of education and health, yet determined efforts are essential for the required level of advancement.
While we must be aware of global and other threats to our freedom, we should also recognise that the road to liberty and prosperity lies first and foremost in our own commitment to the values and attitudes that shape a forward-moving and progressive society.
The late Lawrence Harrison, an American scholar known for his work on international development, who was also a USAID (United States Agency for International Development) mission director to various Latin American countries, co-authored a book with late American political scientist, adviser and Harvard academic Samuel Huntington tiltled Culture Matters: How Values shape Human Progress. Here Harrison identifies 10 such values or mindsets that distinguish progressive cultures from static cultures.
First, progressive cultures emphasise the future while static cultures accentuate the present or the past.
Second, work is central to the good life in progressive cultures but is a burden in static cultures. In the former diligence, creativity and achievement are rewarded not only financially but with satisfaction and self-respect.
Third, frugality is the mother of investment and financial security in progressive cultures.
Fourth, education is the key to development in progressive cultures but is of marginal importance, except for the elite, in static cultures.
Fifth, merit is central to advancement in progressive cultures, whereas connections and family are what count in static cultures.
Sixth, community. In progressive cultures the radius of identification and trust extends beyond the family to the broader society. In static cultures, the family circumscribes community. Societies with a narrow radius of identification and trust are more prone to corruption, tax evasion and nepotism.
Seventh, the ethical code tends to be more rigorous in progressive cultures. Every advanced democracy, except Belgium, Taiwan, Italy and South Korea, appears among the 25 least corrupt countries on Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index. Chile and Botswana are the only Third World countries that appear among the top 25 nations in this list.
Eighth, justice and fairplay are universal, inter-personal experiences in progressive cultures. In static cultures, justice, like personal advancement. is often a function of whom you know or how much you can pay.
Ninth, authority tends towards dispersion and horizontality in progressive cultures; towards concentration and verticality in static cultures.
Tenth is religion. The influence of religious institutions on civic life is small in progressive cultures while its influence is often substantial in static cultures. Heterodoxy and dissent are encouraged in the former, orthodoxy and conformity in the latter.
The above factors offer an insight as to why some countries and high achieving ethnic/religious groups like the Mormons, Sikhs, Basques, Jews and East Asian emigrants do better than others, not just in economic terms but also with regard to consolidation of democratic institutions and social justice.
These factors explain as to why for a substantial majority of the world population prosperity, democracy and social justice have remained out of reach. The above values and mindset should permeate the national ethos. They should be taught at school and at home so that we ensure a prosperous community free from oppression of any sort, where justice and fairplay do indeed prevail.
(The writer is a former Union Minister)
Writer: Eduardo Faleiro
Courtesy: The Pioneer
Jammu & Kashmir is following a 64-year old law and it has now become a political tool. It is high time the mistake made in 1954 is rectified and the true spirit of Article 19 and 21 are bought to light.
There is an argument projected that the President has no powers to amend the Constitution. The fact of the matter is Article 35A is not a part of the Constitution of India. It’s a part of the Constitution only applicable to Jammu & Kashmir. There is a difference. So, there is no requirement of Parliament amending it,” said Jehangir Iqbal Ganai, Jammu & Kashmir Advocate-General, to a leading national daily in an interview in November 2017. Ganai and many wilfully ignorant people like him have made such desperate attempts to justify the unlawful continuation of Article 35A.
What is Article 35A? Well, it empowers the Jammu & Kashmir State legislature to define permanent residents and gives them special treatment, privileges and rights with respect to employment with the State Government, acquisition of immovable property, settlement in the State, right to scholarships and other such forms of aid as the State Government may provide.
However, the very fact that Article 35A came into being vide a presidential order in 1954 and that it was not added to the Indian Constitution through a routine parliamentary amendment vide Article 368; that it was only added via an annexure by alienating and superseding the parliamentary process; that it owes its origin to Article 370(1)(d), which in turn was always meant to be ‘temporary and transitional’; that it is against the basic ethos espoused under Article 14 of the Constitution which upholds equality before law and equal protection of laws within the territory of India; that it violates the basic structure of the Constitution by flouting Article 14 which prohibits the State from discriminating against persons on grounds of religion, caste, creed or place of birth; that it disenfranchises children born to Kashmiri women who do not marry ‘natives’ — are all glaring examples of the fact that Article 35A has outlived its utility long back. It exists today as one of the worst reminders of appeasement politics and opportunism that was nurtured by India’s erstwhile Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru.
Going back in time, it is true that after the Delhi agreement of 1952 under Clause 6, the Union Government, under the aegis of Nehru, in a classic reflection of Panditji’s poor administrative skills and even poorer vision, appreciated the need for special rights that existed vide notifications issued in 1927 and 1932 under the Dogra ruler, Maharaja Hari Singh of Jammu & Kashmir.
It is also true that like any of the 565 princely States, after Jammu & Kashmir’s unconditional accession to the Indian Dominion on October 26, 1947, Sheikh Abdullah took over the reins from the Dogra ruler and in 1949, he negotiated Jammu & Kashmir’s political relationship with New Delhi that led to the inclusion of Article 370 into the Constitution. Article 370 under Part XXI guarantees special status to Jammu & Kashmir, restricting the Union’s legislative powers to only three areas — defence, foreign affairs and communications. After Jammu & Kashmir’s Constitution was framed in 1956, it retained the erstwhile Maharaja’s definition of ‘permanent residents’.
Fears that the removal of Article 35A would lead to the erosion of Jammu & Kashmir’s autonomy and trigger demographic changes in the Muslim-majority Kashmir valley, are a bag of lies, fanned by separatists, armchair activists and those who neither believe in insaniyat (humanism), jamhooriyat (democracy) and kashmiriyat(Kashmir’s legacy of amity). If fears of demographic invasion were indeed true, why is it that in the past 70 odd years, the core demography of the Kashmir valley has remained largely unchanged, even as the Hindu majority in Jammu and Buddhists in Ladakh have all the rights to buy property and settle in the valley?
The uncomfortable truth is that Article 35A is a political tool by politically irrelevant groups like the Hurriyat to keep the embers of separatism burning; though things have improved dramatically under the Narendra Modi dispensation. True, while the voter turnout in the urban local body polls (currently underway and is being held after a gap of 13 long years) was just 8.3 per cent in the Muslim-dominated Kashmir valley, it was more than 70 per cent in Rajouri and Poonch, with Kargil recording an excellent voter turnout of 77.3 per cent. This signals the fact that an average Kashmiri believes in equality and democratic institutions and not on the archaic Article 35A.
Coming back to legalities, does the President of India have the sole power to amend the Constitution through an order? The answer is ‘no’. This was settled in the Puranlal Lakhanpal Vs President of India case of 1961. True, the President, who is the head of the executive, enjoys legislative powers under Article 123 of the Constitution to make an Ordinance when either House of the Parliament is not in Session, but the Ordinance within six months has to be mandatorily passed by the Parliament in order to become a law. The fact that the presidential order in July 1954, that gave birth to Article 35A, was passed unilaterally by circumventing parliamentary procedures by the then President Rajendra Prasad on the mala fide advice of Nehru, has, therefore, always been ‘ultra vires’ to start with!
Again, does Article 370 have the power to add, amend, insert or delete a new Article in the Constitution or amend the Constitution? The answer is again a categorical ‘no’. Sub-clause 2 of Article 368 states that an amendment to the Constitution may be initiated only by the introduction of a Bill for this purpose in either House of the Parliament, post which it has to be approved by no less than two-third majority of all members present and voting of both the Houses put together. Thereafter it has to finally get presidential assent before the amendment eventually becomes legally valid.
Whichever way one looks at the Article 35A issue, that it was extra constitutional from its inception is now well established. We have lived with this 64-year-old mistake foisted upon us by a short-sighted Nehru despite the fact that the Jammu & Kashmir Constituent Assembly was disbanded on January 26, 1957. But it is time now to ensure that the mistake of 1954 is rectified so that the true spirit of Article 19 and Article 21 of the Indian Constitution, which embodies the right to freedom of speech and expression and right to life and liberty, are upheld in the truest sense without creating a stream of second class citizens within the State of Jammu & Kashmir under the farcical garb of greater autonomy. Kashmir is because India is and not the other way round.
(The writer is an economist and chief spokesperson for the BJP, Mumbai)
Writer: Sanju Verma
Courtesy: The Pioneer
In a break from preceding years, the Ganesh Visarjan on Sunday was a relatively noiseless affair as Mumbaikars took to street sans DJ music.
In a direct fallout of a total Bombay High Court’s order banning the on the use of DJs and Dolby sound systems during the Ganesh and Navratri festivals, the revellers had to make do traditional and less noisy dhols and tashas, as they added colour to the Ganesh immersion proceedings in the city and suburbs.
The Ganpati immersion proceedings proved to be a relatively quiet affair, with 250-odd major Ganesh Mandals deciding to obey the order passed on Friday by the Bombay High Court which had put a total ban on the use of DJs and Dolby sound systems for Ganesh Utsav and Navratri festivals.
While rejecting a plea for interim relief filed by Professional Audio and Lighting Association (PALA), a HC bench of Justices Shantanu Kemkar and Sarang Kotwal had said: “The police authorities have banned the use of DJ and Dolby sound systems. All these systems have to be operated strictly in adherence with Noise Pollution Rules 2000.”
“We are not willing to accept the argument that ambient noise levels in many cities have exceeded permissible limits and, therefore, DJ systems should be permitted, which cause only a marginal increase in the decibel level over the prescribed norms. When laws are in place, they must be strictly followed,” the judges had said in their interim order. However, the high court had allowed the use of traditional musical instruments like the dhol and tasha.
Amid rhythmic dhol beats and chants of “Ganpati bappa morya, pudhchya varshi lavkar ya” (Hail Lord Ganesh, do come back early next year), several major Sarvajanik Ganesh idols – including Mumbai’s prestigious Lalbaugcha Raja Ganpati idoli and “Mumbai Cha Raja” –made their way through their from Lalbaug in south central Mumbai quietly wended their way through the designated to the Girgaum Chowpatty where the immersion proceedings were expected to go on well past midnight.
Like every year, there was a massive turnout of people at various immersion sites across the city, including Girgaum Chowpatty, Dadar Chowpatty, Juhu Chowpatty, Marve beach, Madh Island, Powai lake, Madh Island, Manori Beach, Gorai beach, Mahim beach, Aarey lake, the Mithi River, its branches and various artificial lakes. In all, there were more than 110-odd immersion spots across the city and its suburbs.
Like every year, as many as 12,000 huge idols installed by Sarvajanik Mandals, while at least 2,20,000 domestic idols were immersed at 69 natural and 41 artificial immersion spots on various significant days like the second day, fifth day, seventh and the last days during this year.
Under the watchful eyes of the 45,000-odd policemen, 12 companies of SRPF, one company of Rapid Action Force (RAF) and also personnel from the “Force One”, Quick Response Team (QRT) and anti-bomb squads of the Mumbai police, the Ganesh immersion proceedings were continuing till in the night.
Through drones and CCTV cameras deployed at various places along the Ganesh immersion procession routes in the city, the police monitored the situation from various control rooms. Several major roads in the city had been fully closed for traffic to facilitate the passage of Ganesh proceedings.
In an effort to ensure against any untoward incidents during the Ganesh immersion proceedings, The Indian Coast Guard (ICG) had deployed shallow water response team on board a hovercraft, an Air- Cushion Vehicle, off the Mumbai coast.
On their part, the Mumbai police had set up as many 58 control rooms set up at major waterfronts, including Girgaum and Dadar chowpatties to keep a close watch of the proceedings. The Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) had kept in readiness at least 600 life guards and 81 motor boats to ensure against any mishap during the immersion proceedings. The BMC had also installed 1,999 flood lights and 1,301 search lights at various immersion venues.
The Railway Protection Force (RPF) and Government Railway Police (GRP) had also made elaborate arrangements along various suburban stations on the Central Railway (CR) and Western Railway (WR). As many as 8,000 BMC employees were present at various natural and artificial immersion venues.
Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis Fadnavis carried en eco-friendly Ganpati idol installed at his official residence “Varsha” at Malabar Hills and immersed it in an artificial lake.
Like every year, the Kapoor family members, including Rishi Kapoor, son Ranbir Kapoor and uncles Randhir and Rajiv, joined the immersion proceedings of Ganesh idol installed at the iconic RK Studios, where they broke a coconut each before the procession began.
This year’s proceedings may perhaps the last of such a kind of Ganesh festivities witnessed at the R K Studio, especially in the light of an announcement made on behalf of the famous family by Rishi Kapoor that his family members had collectively decided to sell to the sprawling studio, built by his late legendary father Raj Kapoor, as they felt it was economically not viable to rebuild the place after a massive fire that broke there on September 16 last year.
Writer: TN Raghunatha
Courtesy: The Pioneer
We need a counter-narrative than risk being baited on human rights, one that justifies why J&K is our internal issue
It would be easy enough to shrug off the growing concern in Western capitals about the lockdown in the newly-defined Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) as one of polemics and archetypes and question their standpoint on their own human rights scenarios. Should we be preached to? Should we attach any importance to a slew of US Senators expressing reservations about the situation in the Valley, given the US’s own unilateral and unreferenced moves in the Trump era? Should we also ignore the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet Jeria’s concern about the continued curfew in the Union Territory? One could argue we should just not react and let the water slide off a duck’s back. Besides, diplomatically we have definitely scored in convincing the world, including the Islamic nations, that the changed status was indeed an internal matter of India, circumscribed within our sovereign Constitutional space. Yet it is precisely because we prioritise it as our internal concern that we need to normalise life in J&K, restore communication networks and let people reclaim their everyday lives, currently hemmed in by concertina wires of the kind, reports say, that wasn’t there during the height of militancy. It is precisely because we are a democracy that we have world opinion and expectation on our side and cannot let that goodwill slip away because of a stubborn sense of purpose. This we need to do for our own sake rather than link any delay to Pakistan’s export of terror. As it is, the bifurcation of the erstwhile State has alienated its civil society further, including those who had invested themselves in the alignment with India, what with notables and businessmen finding themselves behind bars and the economy going into a virtual freeze. If Pakistan-sponsored terrorism is leaching in despite a lockdown and is feared to become a monster once curbs are lifted, there is all the more reason for the Government to engage with the ordinary Kashmiri and demonstrate the will to change his/her lot regardless of Pakistan, not because of it. The best counter-insurgency lesson tells you not to touch the regular or create new flashpoints.
More than international perception, we need basic human rights if we don’t want to birth another generation fed on denial and propaganda which could turn virulently separatist. We need viral communicators for strategic reasons, too. How is that possible if people still have to walk 10 km to find a phone booth to connect with their folks over landline as mobile networks are pyrrhic in nature? People cannot be greeted in their own community and neighbourhood by more than 10 people as that would amount to separatist activity. Nor can funeral processions be taken out. Local reports say that Jamia Masjid has remained locked for the past month. And buying daily rations certainly doesn’t do anything for the consumerist economy as online businesses and aggregator start-ups have been forced to shut shop. The worst-hit are the tourist operators, whose bookings have been cancelled before the holiday season, and apple growers. At one of Asia’s biggest fruit markets at Sopore, prices have crashed and farmers find it cheaper to trash unsolds than repackage them. These apple farmers, already in a debt trap, have no way of clawing their way out of it as it has been a bumper year. While the Government has now decided to buy 60 per cent apples directly from farmers and transfer sale money to their accounts, it has to consider that apple orchards need to run and workers need to reach them. One may argue that the older political establishment had fuelled a terror economy to keep itself relevant for and needed by the Government. But now that its leaders are behind bars and will be reined in going forward, there are no interlocutors. That elbow room has also been choked altogether. So democratic processes need to be restored at the local governance level at least. We cannot wish away the belligerence of people, who have been yanked out of their axis as they knew it, with the prevalent national triumphalism. The last also entails an ability to absorb dissent, if only to allow freedom of expression. Pakistan has at least scored in the public relations battle, flooding the world media with reports of claustrophobic impositions in Kashmir and repeated lobbying at the UN. We need to put out as effective a counter-narrative, one that justifies why Kashmir is our internal issue, in that space. We cannot wait for the day when everybody in the world will scream freedom.
Writer: Pioneer
Courtesy: The Pioneer
It is doubtful if a Xi-Mo encounter (if it takes place at all) can solve the vexed border dispute between India and China. First and foremost condition is to develop basic trust
Will Chinese President Xi Jinping make it to the southern beach resort of Mahabalipuram? And if the informal summit with Prime Minister Narendra Modi does get confirmed, can the two leaders pull off a coup and come to an agreement to solve the vexed border dispute? Today, one is not even sure if the meeting can take place. One obvious reason is that the next round of border talks between the Special Representatives (SR) of both nations was postponed recently. The Indian and Chinese SRs were to meet this month in New Delhi for the 22nd round to prepare for the Xi-Mo (Xi Jinping-Modi) summit.
It was the Chinese Foreign Ministry’s spokesperson who announced that the talks between SRs will not take place now: “Due to India’s schedule, this visit has been temporarily postponed. The two sides will continue to maintain communication on this issue,” read a Chinese statement. There is certainly more than just a question of “schedule.” India has been deeply shocked by China’s stand at the UN Security Council. After the abrogation of Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, Beijing blatantly supported Pakistan. During a press conference in New York, Zhang Jun, China’s Permanent Representative to the UN, said that India had changed the status quo in Kashmir, causing tensions in the region. He argued that India had challenged China’s sovereign interests: “Such practice by India …will not change China’s exercise of sovereignty and effective administrative jurisdiction over the relevant territory.”
One wishes India would now start talking about the human rights in Tibet, the fate of the Uyghurs in Xinjiang or the aspirations of the Hong Kong population — the cancellation of the SR talks should certainly be seen in this perspective. The Hindustan Times commented: “It is rare — in fact unheard of — for China to officially confirm the delay of the top-level bilateral meeting, which the Government, or the Foreign Ministry hadn’t even announced.”
A factor which has certainly played a role in the postponement is the continuous pro-Pakistan bias showed by Wang Yi, the Chinese SR and Foreign Minister. Last weekend, he visited Islamabad and met the Pakistani President, Prime Minister Imran Khan and Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi (officially, he had gone to attend the 3rd China-Afghanistan-Pakistan Foreign Ministers’ Dialogue). Perhaps more telling for India, Wang had detailed talks with the Chief of Army Staff, Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa, and both pledged to deepen cooperation in various fields between the two nations.
According to Xinhua, Wang asserted that China “will firmly support Pakistan in safeguarding sovereignty, dignity and territorial integrity and the Government to achieve national stability, development and prosperity. China will also firmly support Pakistan in playing a more constructive role in regional and international affairs.”
Was it a coincidence that Pakistan decided to release Jaish-e-Mohammad chief Maulana Masood Azhar from protective custody? According to Intelligence reports quoted in the Indian media, Azhar, though designated a terrorist by the United Nations in May 2019, has been let out to plan terrorist operations against our country.
Another issue usually not mentioned is the fact that the SR talks have been downgraded. For years, the National Security Advisor used to meet Yang Jiechi, who was then State Councillor (like Wang Yi today). Yang was later promoted as a member of the Politburo, while his Indian counterpart, Ajit Doval, was elevated to the rank of a Cabinet Minister. The logical and normal way would have been that Doval continued to meet Yang. Instead, Wang, far junior, was designated by China as the new SR. This amounts to a de facto downgrading of the talks.
Just to give an example, last month, amid the Hong Kong unrest, important China-US talks were held in New York. Mike Pompeo, the US Secretary of State, met Yang Jiechi. Any serious talks are usually conducted by Yang; if China was serious about solving the border issue, Yang should have been named as SR by Beijing.
Another sign of black clouds gathering over bilateral relations was when the Northern Army Commander Lt Gen Ranbir Singh postponed his scheduled visit to China. Officially, it was meant to monitor the situation in Kashmir but there is no doubt that the Chinese side was not keen on the visit and remained vague. In these circumstances, is the time propitious for a serious advance on the vexed border issue? The answer is no.
Officials in India are often confused by the length of India’s border with China. According to the MEA: “The entire Sino-Indian border is 4,056 km long and traverses one Indian Union Territory, Ladakh, and four States viz, Uttarakhand, Himachal Pradesh, Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh”. While the MHA says, “India shares 3,488 km of border with China that runs along Jammu & Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh…the border is not fully demarcated and the process of clarifying and confirming the Line of Actual Control is in progress.” They have forgotten about the Shaksgam Valley “donated” by Pakistan to China in 1963. Though currently in China’s possession, it is very much part of Indian territory. This should be the first point on the agenda of the SRs when they meet.
On August 29, Union Defence Minister Rajnath Singh reiterated India’s position: “Kashmir has always been India’s territory and will remain so.” He added that Pakistan, which illegally occupied Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) and Gilgit-Baltistan, has no locus standi in Kashmir. The implication is that the “donation” of Shaksgam Valley is invalid and needs to be discussed. In July 1961, three conversations took place between Zhang Wenji, Director of the Foreign Ministry’s Asian Affairs Department and G Parthasarathy, the Indian Charge d’affaires in Beijing.
Zhang argued that based on China’s experience of Sino-Burmese and Sino-Nepalese negotiations, though the two sides disagree on the facts, two methods were worked out to resolve differences: (1) Each presents a factual basis and objectively compares them, looking to see whose information is relatively more logical …and more beneficial to the two countries’ friendship; (2) each can keep to its own position and consider, from a political standpoint, what kind of resolution would be more beneficial.
This could be a way to proceed but basic trust needs to be built first. It is not present today. It is, therefore, doubtful if a XiMo encounter can bring any “early harvest” as predicted by the Chinese side. In these circumstances, the best one can expect is some “softening” of the Line of Actual Control.
(The writer is an expert on India-China relations)
Writer: Claude Arpi
Courtesy: The Pioneer
The riots probe will compound the MP CM’s woes after the heat from ED and Cong faction fights
Trouble continues to brew for the Congress in Madhya Pradesh with Chief Minister Kamal Nath now in the line of fire as the Union Home Ministry has decided to re-open seven cases pertaining to the 1984 anti-Sikh riots. More than 3,000 Sikhs were burnt alive in Delhi after the assassination of then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and Nath’s alleged offence, which has also been testified by several eyewitnesses, was of giving shelter to five persons who were accused in one of those seven cases. It may not culminate in a harsh decision but could be enough to trouble a sitting Chief Minister. Besides, the wily politician that he is, Nath has been able to hold off his involvement in the case, mostly on the ground that there was no FIR against him and the Nanavati Commission had exonerated him. So though nothing new, the move will certainly cost him in terms of perception value, coming as it does close on the heels of a host of raids by investigating agencies and income tax department and the subsequent arrests of prominent leaders from the Congress, especially those with organisational strength and crisis management skills. Less than two weeks after the theatrical arrest of Chidambaram, Congress’ financially strong and popular leader DK Shivakumar, too, was put behind bars in connection with a money laundering case. And whatever the political motivations, every party executes the idea of effecting retributive justice as a way of pressuring the Opposition camp. So this heat was but expected, considering the Madhya Pradesh Government is just surviving on a wafer thin majority and the opposition BJP, much like Karnataka, cannot forget the humiliation of losing a 15-year-old stronghold and is hell bent on toppling it.
Nath is being cornered from all sides, both within his party and outside and the Congress’ master strategist suddenly finds himself in a cleft stick. Even if the riots case doesn’t hold water, the Enforcement Directorate (ED) has him in a bind as it arrested his nephew in connection with an alleged bank loan fraud case involving Rs 354.51 crore. To make matters worse, internal dissension between the old and new guard has put him in a precarious situation. With Nath holding the dual charge as the Chief Minister and Pradesh Congress Committee (PCC) president, the ambitious young brigade, helmed by Jyotiraditya Scindia, is staking their claim at leadership, considering he, too, has authored the party’s win in the Assembly election last year. Sonia Gandhi may have returned as party chief but in keeping the loyalist old guard like Digvijaya Singh and Nath happy, she is risking a rebellion and worse, possibly defection, by the Scindia camp. If some dissenters play up the riot case charges, she will have little option but to distance herself and delink Nath from the Congress dole of privileges. In fact, his swearing-in ceremony as Chief Minister was held amid protests by Sikh groups demanding his resignation. The problem is that Nath has been reining in his numbers despite the BJP’s persistent poaching attempts since last December. But now with Scindia’s challenge, Nath suddenly finds himself among enemies within and without. Congress veterans must realise that the old days of the protectorate are all but over.
Writer & Courtesy: The Pioneer
The Army remains the ultimate protector of the Sri Lankan people but there’s a need to track down human rights violations. The country must also stop demonising Muslims
Last month, the Sri Lankan Army (SLA) held its ninth annual defence seminar under the shadow of the tragic Easter Sunday bombings in Colombo, the much-discussed appointment of Army Commander Lt Gen Shavendra Silva and the political reverberations of a presidential election that might return Sri Lanka to a securitised state under the Rajapaksas.
Thirty years after the Eelam war started, on May 19 around 9:45 am, the 53 Infantry Division of SLA killed LTTE supremo Velupillai Prabhakaran around Nandikadal Lagoon. Colombo has celebrated that day by proudly declaring not a single terrorist attack since then. This achievement was marred by the April 21, 2019, terrorist bombings, raising the question: “What happened” after the SLA had eliminated root and branch, LTTE insurgency and terrorism, and ushered in a decade of peace and development but without addressing post-conflict resolution, including transitional justice and accountability.
SLA used the post-victory period to consolidate and savour the fruits of battlefield triumphs earned with heavy human losses. It shared lessons of its incredible success with other countries facing domestic terrorism in the form of annual defence seminars. Lt Gen Silva highlighted “learning from debacles as well” referring to the Easter Sunday bombings. From my privileged position of being a permanent invitee since 2011, it must be said that the proficiency the Army displayed in defeating the LTTE is equally visible in the organisation of the seminar. The cultural evening presented by the versatile men and women of the SLA is getting better every year, especially its innovative themes and special effects.
In the defeat of the LTTE and other insurgencies, what cannot be forgotten is the key role played by India and Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) in preventing Eelam, protecting Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and integrity, preserving democracy by conducting three sets of elections: provincial, parliamentary and presidential in the north-east; promoting 13th Amendment on devolution for Tamils; and undermining the military capacity of the LTTE. While IPKF fought LTTE in north east, SLA was enabled to crush the JVP revolt in the south. In the 1970s, too, Indian troops helped SLA in subduing JVP rebels. The IPKF memorial in Colombo is not only Sri Lanka’s salute to 1,200 Indians dead and 5,000 wounded but also the foundation on which stands the defence relations between the two militaries.
Today, defence cooperation includes counter terrorism, maritime security in the Indian Ocean and a trilateral coastal security mechanism with the Maldives, whose Chief of Defence Force attended this year’s seminar.
The “what happened” question about the Easter Sunday bombings still being investigated came up at the seminar. It is simplistic to attribute it to the dysfunctional Government sourced to the 53-day Constitutional crisis starting October 26, 2018, with the President and Prime Minister working at cross purposes. Sharing of parallel intelligence was conspicuously absent. It was total and complete systemic failure. On the sidelines of the seminar, one picked up that India baiters in Colombo, including Pakistanis, were asking how did India “know so much” about potential bombers — it knew their names, cell numbers and details of weapon caches — and why did the suicide bomber earmarked to trigger off his explosive device in India-owned Taj Samudra hotel walk out ostensibly after some malfunction?
The then Army Commander Lt Gen Mahesh Senanayake is reported to have told BBC that some of the human bombers had travelled to south India and Kashmir for training. This was denied by India. Elements within the Army were extremely unhappy with the Constitutional crisis and its aftermath, leading to speculation of a military take-over but was quickly discounted as SLA has a history of civilian control.
Two enquiries are underway: One, a presidential commission and the other, a parliamentary inquisition. Presidential hopeful Gotabhaya Rajapaksa has said that he will order an enquiry if he is elected. In his earlier comments, he had criticised the Government for dismantling after the war, the intelligence network he had set up before it. This is only partially true. Several military intelligence officers and soldiers are being investigated for omissions and commissions.
Intelligence agencies ignored some of the leads at the behest of political leaders. Mention was made of growing polarisation of society, religious and ethnic tensions at the seminar. One could pick up the palpable fear among majority Sinhalese about radicalisation of Muslims, which is not a new phenomenon. At another level, it is the envy about the prosperity and wealth enjoyed by Muslims as a trading community leading to anti-Muslim sentiment. The Muslims, too, live in fear of the Sinhalese Bodu Bala Sena, allegedly responsible for anti-Muslim riots in Amparai, Kandy and Colombo. Fortunately, only two Muslims were killed in the post-bombing riots when SLA swiftly put a lid on the violence and rounded up nearly 100 suspects.
A reorganisation of intelligence and security has taken place. The Chief of National Intelligence, who coordinates seven different intelligence agencies, is an Army officer, Maj Gen JR Kulathunga. Previously, this appointment was held by a police officer. Maj Gen Dayasiri Hettiarachchi, former Jaffna commander, has opened a new department for deradicalisation of Muslims. The new Defence Secretary is Lt Gen Shantha Kottegoda, a former Army Commander. This post was traditionally held by a civil servant. All these new appointments have been placed under the Ministry of Defence, reflecting the great trust in the Army.
In the aftermath of the Easter bombings, national security and the pivotal position of the Army in Sri Lankan society, never in doubt, is soaring high. Colombo’s shrinking Galle Face Green is towered by highrise five-star hotels and a future port city rising from the depths of the Indian Ocean. Soldiers are back at vantage locations “protecting the people”, one of Lt Gen Silva’s top missions. Similarly, checks at the Bandaranaike International Airport have been enhanced. Tourism, which took a big hit after the bombings, has picked up and is expected to return to the 2018 high.
Elaborate inter-faith harmony programmes have been launched by the National Peace Council. The demonising of Muslims has to end if Sri Lanka has to return to the path of sanity, peace and development. The defence seminar has proved SLA remains the ultimate protector of the Sri Lankan people but tainted with alleged human rights violations. The air on this should be cleared soon.
Special Forces’ HS Kumarasiri, Sri Lanka’s most highly decorated soldier, was killed this month in his 681st free fall attempt during a multinational exercise in the east, proving that fear is unknown to SLA.
(The writer is a retired Major General of the Indian Army and founder member of the Defence Planning Staff, currently the revamped Integrated Defence Staff)
Writer: Ashok K Mehta
Courtesy: The Pioneer
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