The Government must bring in ease of living with safety and hygiene practices post May 17
Ok, the clapping, torch lights, lamps and petal showers have all been done. Now we need to get back to the slow, frustrating task of getting back to our livelihoods, amid an almost Schrodinger equation- equivalent of a virus wreaking havoc and creating a “panic-demic.” This is my fourth “at home” column on the issue of what does it take to get back to ‘Make in India’ and live the rest of 2020.
Let me draw attention to some real life experiences in the last two months and then I shall derive some inferences. My friend is a neighborhood doctor, kind and tax-paying with a worldview. He has a family of four, including an 80-plus mother, a teenage daughter and a doctor wife. His clinic, which employs three persons, has been shut for two months now. He has a salary, taxes and many such recurring incidentals, to pay every month. As per Government orders, opening up a healthcare standalone unit is/was always allowed but he didn’t have access to Personal Protective Equipment (PPE) initially. Now he has procured some, but the cost of each suit which has to be disposed after single use is `2,000, which is a recurring capital expenditure he has to bear daily. The question is, can a private healthcare personnel incur this expense every day?
The second instance is from a food distribution initiative organised by the Delhi Government. During the first phase of the lockdown and its concurrent State responses, people queued for food twice daily, but soon they started losing patience. At one instance I was mobbed by a group, who with folded hands, requested me to get them a pass back to their homes in distant villages.
All these are real-life, individual experiences of common people caught in a lockdown. We can always get into an informed argument of what worked and what didn’t and why something is wrong, based on our respective ideologies and political, religious identities. But today we need to act up and free India from these new mass gatherings and miseries. Here are a few suggestions for good governance.
The Central Government has been for nearly two months overruling State Governments due to the powers given it by the Disaster Management Act. The significant point here being Central rule, through District Magistrates who mostly would also report to their State Chief Secretaries and would be answerable to Central Government bosses. The key challenge here is the unwillingness of the bureaucracy to accept this public service not-for-profit job as also being a facsimile version of a corporate job. Agree, many District Magistrates go on to becoming some of the most diligent secretaries (highest level of bureaucracy) but do they become visionary leaders? The Prime Minister has done an good job of empowering this bunch of bureaucrats by getting them to present slide decks and showing targets. Did he get it down to the district level? Atma Nirbhar Bharat or self-reliant India will only happen if each District Magistrate is designated as the CEO. S/he should be able to produce two slides of pre and post-COVID decks on the GDP in the district. They should be empowered with adequate checks, to revive their own district’s economy in a relatively short span of time. Maybe the Disaster Management Act can be utilised for economic empowerment.
Second, the Government should put in more than generous efforts to remove bureaucratic language in policy announcements. Nobody understands “`20,000 crore Subordinate Debt for Stressed MSMEs” to take an example. Do we expect an entry-level staff in a bank, facing a loan-seeking local tailor, employing five, to explain, nuances of this policy to him? Can we expect the Government to simplify with FAQs who are and who aren’t beneficiaries of its schemes? Can governance simplify its language for the people? Land, labour, liquidity and laws can change only when authorities delivering them, start to speak a language understood by citizens. Is it time for simplified communications governance?
Also, can governance be unified? It can be a rhetorical question to ask if, local, district, Central and State Governments can be aligned for a resilient and self-dependent India? Is it possible to break and get an elephant’s share of global supply chains? Can we as a nation, besides shunning ‘Made in China’ Diwali lamps, electrical switches and textiles think about `5,000 phones? Do we acknowledge all these electronic gadgets and their spare parts are an assembly line of global supply chains with origins in China?
Finally, and again related to language, the nomenclature “lockdown” signifying a red line, needs to go away. Yes, the pandemic isn’t going to subside anytime soon and restrictions on movement of people and goods along with significant economic activity are here to stay for some time. However, changes in language will at least prevent the local police from lording over those who can’t afford to argue. Do not bring in “lockdown 4.0”, bring in ease of living with safety and hygiene practices post May 17.
(Writer: Kumardeep Banerjee; Courtesy: The Pioneer)
India and Nepal have successfully developed a cooperative mechanism to contain the Corona pandemic. They need to resolve border issues through peaceful diplomatic means as well
Amid the ongoing COVID-19 crisis, India-Nepal relations are witnessing a difficult phase as a long-time low-profile diplomatic row has now intensified between the two. Following Union Defence Minister Rajnath Singh’s inauguration of the road section connecting Lipulekh pass with Dharchula in Pithoragarh, Uttarakhand, on May 8, social media went abuzz with hashtags such as #GoBackIndia and #BackOffIndia, with Nepal staking claim over the Lipulekh area. The new 80-kilometre link route developed by the Border Roads Organisation (BRO) in India is aimed at cutting down travel time for Kailash-Mansarovar pilgrims by almost 80 per cent. The newly-constructed road originates from Ghatiabagarh and terminates at Lipulekh Pass, the gateway to Kailash Mansarovar in Tibet.
Previously, Indian pilgrims had to undertake an arduous 90-km trek through treacherous high-altitude terrain running across the Indian State of Sikkim or through Nepal to reach the site. With the inauguration of the link road, travel time would be reduced by many days since the yatra will be carried out using vehicles. It is an engineering achievement of the BRO as the 80-km road spans altitudes between 6,000 and 17,060 feet.
Within 24 hours of the inauguration of the road, Kathmandu summoned India’s ambassador to protest against its inauguration. In a statement, the Nepal Communist Party (NCP), the country’s ruling party, said the road construction “violates Nepal’s sovereignty. [Our] serious attention has been drawn to the ‘inauguration’ by India of a link road to Lipulekh of Nepal via Nepali territory.” The statement was signed by the NCP’s chairman and Nepali Prime Minister Khadga Prasad Sharma Oli. Using strong language, it said, “In light of this development, the Government of Nepal calls upon the Government of India to refrain from carrying out any activity inside the territory of Nepal.”
The Indian side, too, pushed back Nepalese concerns, saying that the disputed region was “completely within the territory of India.” The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) stated, “The recently inaugurated road section in Pithoragarh district in the State of Uttarakhand lies completely within the territory of India. The road follows the pre-existing route used by the pilgrims of the Kailash Mansarovar yatra.” The MEA’s statement is in the same spirit as the one it made in November 2019 when India had again refuted Nepal’s alleged encroachment claims in the Kalapani region on India.
In fact, relations between the two countries had been strained since 2015 when India opposed Nepal’s newly-promulgated Constitution. What followed next was an economic blockade. Border tensions have renewed in the past six months. Particularly, following the abrogation of Article 370, which gave special privileges to the erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir (J&K) and following the issuance of the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act, 2019, two new Union Territories of J&K and Ladakh came into existence on October 31.
With India releasing a new map, Kathmandu criticised New Delhi for prominently displaying Lipulekh in the border area of Kalapani. But despite its allegations that the new Indian map had wrongly depicted Kalapani as Indian territory, Kathmandu fell short of supporting its claims as the new map was no different than the previous one. It was the internal boundaries that were updated. No other changes were made in India’s international borders. Later, it had also come in the public domain that the officials of the Pakistani embassy allegedly held talks with the Nepalese politicians and even funded anti-India demonstrations in several parts of Nepal.
Time and again, Nepal has cited the Treaty of Sugauli as a legal document to back its claim in these regions. Surprisingly, the Archaeological Survey of Nepal and the MoFA have reportedly not been able to produce an original copy of the pact. Even after going through the document, there was no clear demarcation of the borders agreed between the then British Indian Government and the King of Nepal. It is only through the modern-day border management exercises that the two countries have demarcated the open border. A prominent Technical Committee formed in 1981 to resolve the border issues has already clarified 76 border points out of 78 and more than 180 strip maps based on Global Positioning Systems (GPS) have been established. In fact, most of the differences were identified and resolved in 2007. On the official front, India has stated that “strip maps pertaining to 98 per cent of the boundary have been agreed to and signed in 2007.”
Additionally, in 2016, the two Governments had constituted the Eminent Persons Group (EPG) on Nepal-India relations with a mandate to recommend measures and institutional framework with a view to elevate existing relations to a new height. The group has concluded its task and prepared a consensus report, which is yet to be made public. While Nepal has agreed with India that technicalities of the EPG report need to be worked out before it comes in the public domain, it is unfortunate that the Nepalese Government has failed to inform the same to its people and this is causing confusion.
In Nepal, it is a popular belief that it is a unilateral decision of India to not make the EPG report public. Meanwhile, considering the anti-India sentiment in Nepal, India is always depicted in a dark light. This may be paying off in the ruling Government’s political aspirations but is indeed not a wise act.
Notably, in the last 10 years, China has been attempting to manufacture artificial people-to-people relations with Nepal but it has failed tremendously. On the other hand, attempts are also being made to demolish the naturally existing people-to-people ties with India. In the long term, Nepal will have to realise the loss. Also, the Nepalese Government is well involved in the diplomatic exercises with India, including on border disputes. It has even gone on record to say that Nepal sees “diplomacy as the first and the last resort in mitigating any differences with India.” But had this been the case, a road inauguration in India would have been welcomed by it.
The 80-kilometre road construction was not an underground work that could be completed overnight without a close neighbour knowing about it, especially when there is an open border. The construction has very much been in line with India’s sovereign rights and a friendly neighbour like Nepal needs to understand this. To its right, Nepal has protested the road inauguration through an official statement. Still, the use of a strong language does not indicate the essence of the existing “special relations” between Nepal and India. Also, the use of common phrases and language in the statement issued by the ruling NCP indicated the involvement of the vested interest that aims to benefit politically on home ground.
To conclude, relations between India and Nepal are a product of the centuries-old deep-rooted people-to-people contacts of kinship and culture. They are neither artificially constructed nor based on distrust and blame-game. Hence, relations need to be cherished. And in case of differences, like every other close-knit family has, they need to be resolved through the diplomatic mechanism with a caution that even diplomacy should not hamper the demography of the “special relations” between the two countries.
It was a decade long war in Nepal which ousted centuries-old autocratic rule of the Shah kings that led to the establishment of democracy there. Therefore, as a democracy, Nepal has the best chance to interact with the biggest democracy in the world and use democratic tools to improve relations. It needs to critically introspect its diplomatic stances because in the worst of confrontations, countries have finally opted for reconciliation through diplomatic channels. With countries facing the COVID-19 challenge, India and Nepal have successfully developed a cooperative mechanism to contain it. The same needs to reflect in the border dispute mechanism as well.
(Writer: Rishi Gupta; Courtesy: The Pioneer)
As lockdown 4 comes with easing of curbs, let us not undo gains with reckless behaviour. Self-control is the best preventive
Though the country is now going into lockdown 4, ostensibly at the request of States that have high cluster spirals and where containment is still a long-drawn problem, there is also a corresponding easing of restrictions to get the economy back on rails. So this lockdown is a lot about public behavioural discipline and compliance of norms and less of Government enforcement to ensure we slip into a culture of living with the virus. The Government would much rather focus on containing transmission of the disease with a targetted and focussed approach in containment areas and allow resumption of the business of living in other areas. This, of course, does not mean a letting down of guard; the Government is keeping a watch but the onus of observance and vigil shifts considerably to citizens and local administrations. In fact, that is how things should be, a decentralised way of handling things. The Centre can only form broad policies but it is the States that are at the forefront of the battle against COVID-19, which is manifesting itself in different ways in different contexts and strains. This is one of the reasons why at the Prime Minister’s teleconference with Chief Ministers, the latter argued that they be allowed to decide on zoning and easing of restrictions as they are best placed to assess and work on a situational report. It has taken Prime Minister Narendra Modi, usually known for his centrist and top-down approach, some effort to change himself and engage in consultative and cooperative federalism though all the “point taken” notes may not have reflected in policy always. But inputs now have to be matched with output. Which means the disease management has to be left to the wisdom of State Governments, irrespective of political affiliation or point-scoring. Central intervention can be limited to strategic management and lending expertise. Of course, it must now ramp up financial assistance within a reasonable range and work out a national fiscal stimulus, enable big bang reforms and launch economic correctives. Yes, things were mishandled in the beginning. The unplanned and sudden lockdown set off an unprecedented reverse migration of daily wagers, who were evicted from their livelihoods and settlements overnight. Now that there is a system of repatriating them through buses and trains, with the Prime Minister himself acknowledging that the right to return home must be respected, one wonders why this could not have been done before when the disease burden had not quite bulged out of shape and a disciplined exit would have saved them from contracting infection at overcrowded camps and assemblage points. Even now this unanticipated exodus of labourers from cities to their villages continues unabated, shocking us out of our wits when they die along the way due to hunger, dehydration or accidents. Those who cannot afford a bus or train as daily earnings have meant no savings — a majority, in fact — continue to trudge hundreds of kilometres, over weeks, in the journey back home where they may have a hovel and live off the land. And if they had to be held back, there should have been assurances, job camps and soup kitchens, something that are being organised by some private organisations even as States like Haryana and Punjab are registering migrants on a portal to relocate them to safe working sites that are running now. While the lockdown has given us ample time for preparing counter-strategies and medical infrastructure, testing wasn’t intensive or fast enough to trace a pattern of clusters and hotspots and map the spread early. And though the Government is relying on its response module of experts, it wouldn’t be a bad idea to broadbase that and get the best minds in medicine, economics and social sectors to submit their recovery strategies, regardless of whether they have been approached or not. Be that as it may, course correction can begin even now and howsoever flawed, the lockdown was needed in a densely populated country like ours.
Also, let us not forget the resurgence of the disease, the second wave as it is called, in South Korea, Germany and even Italy, where lockdown exits have been allowed but have gone out of hand as people got into their old socialising habits at public spaces. India will have to be very careful about not losing the advantage so far by giving into abandon. It can learn from scenarios in various countries. For example, the UK has allowed people to meet friends or relatives in parks maintaining a two-metre distance and will be permitting standalone shops, eateries and salons gradually thereafter. Of course, any spike will mean withdrawal of these freedoms. In the end, we have to reconcile that we have to mostly stay at home, even work from there and limit our public presence. This may seem a tall order but without a vaccine, our choices will shape our right to live.
(Courtesy: The Pioneer)
There is need for a comprehensive legislation encompassing all aspects of public life, stipulating rules and regulations vis-a-vis social distancing and crowd management
Despite the fact that nearly three billion people are under lockdown globally, there has been no let-up in the number of Coronavirus cases. The world is still busy battling the Corona crisis as the number of cases has risen to 42,68,496 and casualties have touched the 2,87,463 mark globally. India, too, has seen the number of confirmed cases rise to 70,827 and deaths spike to 2,294 despite the prolonged lockdown the nation has placed itself under. As the world economy stumbles and the monetary security of many nations lies in tatters, more and more countries are coming round to the realisation that they will have to open up their economies sooner than later. Even India has decided that it needs to live with the Coronavirus and the Government has begun to ease restrictions slowly.
As we gradually come out of the lockdown, there is a realisation that life is not going to be the same again. The world, as we know it, has changed as we have to live with the virus. The possibility of the invention of a vaccine as of now appears to be very remote. So, in order to survive, we just have to change the way we live our lives and bring in new legislation to enforce social distancing and crowd management, which are the two crucial aspects relevant to the control and the spread of the Coronavirus.
Albeit different legislations in relation to safety at the workplace and public places have been passed, they are directed only towards providing physical safety. These legislations, viz. the Municipal Corporations Act, Municipalities Act and certain other regulations relating to workplace hazards do not contemplate the requisite guidelines pertaining to social distancing and crowd management. Other statutes relating to workplace hazards contemplate only the steps to be taken in relation to the health of the staff vis-a-vis the nature of work that is being done.
Covid-19 has compelled us to adhere to new norms in relation to health, irrespective of the nature of work, place of congregation, reason for the gathering and so on. Certain measures like maintaining hygiene, social distancing, wearing masks and restricting the number of people travelling in a car to three, have to be compulsorily adhered to.
The shutdowns can only buy us time to prepare for the pandemic and reduce the pressure on the healthcare system, but will in no way help end the epidemic. There is a possibility of an exponential increase in cases once the lockdown is totally lifted. As it is, we have seen a spike in cases after the Government eased some restrictions and allowed limited economic activity.
So, unless our conduct is strictly regulated, it would be very difficult to prevent large-scale community transmission of the dreaded virus. Highly-regulated social conduct is warranted to minimise the destruction that may be caused in future due to outbreaks.
At present, the legislations are directed only towards workplaces. They are silent with regard to social distancing and crowd management. For instance while sanctioning permission for construction of a building to run a cinema hall, the requisite parameters taken into account would be the number of seats vis-a-vis the physical safety. But social distancing inter-se between the audience and the management of the crowd at the cinema halls is not stipulated in the legislation. It’s the same in the case of religious places, schools, marriage halls, restaurants and so on.
Therefore, there is a requirement for a comprehensive legislation encompassing all the aspects of public life, stipulating rules and regulations vis-a-vis social distancing and crowd management. The said legislation should have an overriding effect over all the other Acts and anything done under the said Acts should be in consonance with such a legislation.
It should provide for penal provisions in case of violations. The present enactments such as the Epidemic Diseases Act, 1897 and the Disaster Management Act, 2005 are not enough to control and enforce strict social distancing and crowd management in various spheres of life as they don’t contemplate these norms. In fact, these legislations are being invoked as a temporary measure now.
The Epidemic Diseases Act, 1897 is a very short legislation which can be enforced only when there is a pandemic but would not serve the purpose of preventing one. Similarly the Disaster Management Act, too, is directed mostly at post-disaster management and not at averting one.
The Epidemic Diseases Act, 1897 was enacted for the better prevention of the spread of contagions. Section 2 of the Act contemplates that, “When at any time the State Government is satisfied that the State or any part thereof is visited by or threatened with an outbreak of disease, the State Government may take, or require or empower any person to take, such measures and by public notice, prescribe such temporary regulations to be observed by the public by any person or class of persons as it shall deem necessary, to prevent the outbreak of such disease or the spread thereof. It may determine in what manner and by whom any expenses incurred shall be defrayed.”
Section 2A confers power upon the Central Government to take measures and prescribe regulations for the inspection of any ship or vessel leaving or arriving at any port and for its detention. The said provisions do not contemplate any permanent regulations and the rules governing the field of social distancing. While enacting the said legislation, the draftsmen could not have visualised the present complex nature of development viz. commercial and technological.
The Disaster Management Act, 2005 was enacted to provide for requisite institutional mechanisms for drawing up and monitoring the implementation of disaster management plans and ensuring measures for the prevention and mitigation of the effects of disaster and for undertaking holistic, coordinated and prompt response to any disaster situations. Section2(d) defines disaster as a catastrophe, mishap, calamity or grave occurrence in any area arising from natural or man-made causes or by accident or negligence, which result in substantial loss of life or human suffering. The reading of the definition shows that essentially the Act is directed towards post-disaster management.
Similarly Section2(e) which defines disaster management also shows that it is directed only in relation to post disaster management. Section 75 and 76 confer powers upon the Central Government to make rules and regulations. Section 78 confers power upon the State Government to make rules but the said rules and regulations would be in relation to disaster management but do not take into their fold comprehensive guidelines to regulate social distancing and the crowd management at all places of congregation.
As these two legislations cannot provide any regulation for social distancing and crowd management post the lifting of the lockdown, there is a dire need for a comprehensive legislation to do that.
The statute would have to take into its fold various types of congregations and issue necessary guidelines to be followed for regulating social distancing and crowd management. What we require is the prevention of spread of any virus/disease due to human contact directly or indirectly. To do this we need a comprehensive legislation stipulating various conditions taking into its fold various spheres of congregation.
The said law should also contemplate the creation of an expert body to frame respective guidelines in relation to social distancing and crowd management at different places of congregation.
The action that has been initiated by the Central and State Governments at present is only for the purpose of controlling the spread of the virus during the lockdown period. Once the lockdown ends, and end it will one day, the parameters relating to social distancing and crowd management would be very essential. Therefore, unless such a legislation is brought into force it would be very difficult for us to live with the Coronavirus.
(Writer: Chittarvu Raghu; Courtesy: The Pioneer)
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Mass return of expatriates can be expected due to the Coronavirus outbreak and the Govt at all levels should make contingency plans and programmes, in particular where States or local authorities are unprepared or unable to assist the returning Indian diaspora
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Currently, we are witnessing the pandemic of the century and almost the whole world is in a lockdown. The lives and livelihoods of millions are in peril. Even the so-called developed countries of the West have been unable to contain the Coronavirus. In all nations, the worst-affected by the shutdowns are the migrant blue collar workers and their families as they are the most vulnerable, unorganised and exploited.
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Indians being the largest migrant workforce in the world will be the worst impacted. Last year, the diaspora’s remittance was to the tune of $80 billion but what it will be this year is anybody’s guess. Frightening reports have started pouring in from different parts of the world related to the causalities suffered by Non-Resident Indians (NRIs). As the healthcare sector is at the forefront of the fight against the pandemic, the large number of Indian doctors, nurses, paramedics working around the globe will be the worst hit. Most of them are at risk due to the non-availability or shortage of the PPE (Personal Protective Equipment) needed to fight the pandemic, even in developed nations.
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Envisaging such disasters and conflict in 2015-16, the Migrants in Countries in Crisis (MICIC) Initiative developed guidelines to protect expatriates through an inclusive consultative process. They provide concrete and practical guidance to stakeholders at the local, national, regional and international levels on how to prepare for and respond to crises in ways that protect and empower migrants, leverage their capacities and help expatriates and communities recover from crises. The guidelines address the full cycle, i.e, crisis preparedness, emergency response and post-crisis action.
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Interventions, policies and structures to assist and protect immigrants during the emergency phase of conflicts and natural disasters are best set up in times of peace, before a crisis occurs, with expatriates being integrated into and involved in disaster and crisis management planning. The Sendai Framework for Action 2015-2030, adopted at the UN World Conference on Disaster Risk Reduction, underlines the need for a holistic approach to disaster risk reduction (DRR). Unfortunately, our preparedness in this regard for the Indian diaspora, as we all know, is non-existent.
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Promoting, respecting and protecting the rights of immigrants at all times to facilitate their inclusion, mitigate their vulnerabilities, empower them to better protect themselves and their community in the event of a crisis, is vital.
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The following are some salient points for dealing with this outbreak with an earnest request for a detailed DRR plan at all our Missions abroad for future crisis management.
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Task groups should be readied for collecting and sharing data on immigrants via local networks and diaspora groups and with smart tools such as web applications and social media. This data should include information on migrant profiles (including sex, age, status and job) and contact details. While respecting data protection laws, speedy procedures are required to regulate data sharing in times of emergency.
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Emergency hotlines should be established in all the Missions especially the Emigration Check Required (ECR) countries with officers to handle the major regional languages of India. Periodical advisories must be released in all the major Indian languages.
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In order to provide assistance in times of crisis, it is crucial to have information on where migrants are located. Mapping must be done and should include categories for temporary and permanent immigrants, irregular undocumented residents, students and tourists.
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Creative communication channels must be used to raise awareness and improve the integration of irregular migrants, as they are the worst hit.
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User-friendly registration systems should be evolved for individuals and groups, especially the vulnerable sections of the undocumented or illegal immigrants.
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In coordination with the governments, lists must be prepared of facilities where migrants could be accommodated, like shelters, isolation and quarantine areas. This includes a special area for women and children.
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Integrating immigrants into professional and voluntary emergency and rescue services constitutes a concrete way to better adapt communication channels and services. This must be done in a way that takes into account language and the culture of migrant communities and shares knowledge between relief services and expatriate communities. Sufficient orientation and training should be imparted to professional and voluntary emergency and rescue workers to address the specific needs of immigrants in times of crisis.
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Training sessions in schools or at workplaces and booklets and brochures also represent valuable information sharing trajectories. Advisories by the Missions disseminating information about emergency procedures and contacts to migrants in the mother tongue is a must.
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Local administrations generally work more closely with affected populations than the Missions and the Government and can be included in institutional cooperation from the beginning in order to make use of their ability to reach out to the affected diaspora.
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To inform migrants where shelters/isolation/quarantine centres are located, awareness programmes about consular offices and shelters should be held.
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It is also vital to coordinate with other governments to ensure efficient mass evacuation plans for those who want to return, especially those with irregular papers or illegal immigrants.
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Planning for return and reintegration as well as for other long-term needs of immigrants must start now, as essential components of recovery plans. Mass returns of expatriates can be expected and the Government at all levels should make contingency plans and programmes, in particular where States or local authorities are unprepared or unable to assist the returning workforce.
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(Writer: Thomas Mathew Kadavil; Courtesy: The Pioneer)
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Inter-city AC trains resume to inject lifeblood in a nation’s public transport system and codify how to live with the virus
The prolonged lockdown and the slowly peaking disease spiral have extracted a ransom beyond our capacity. Public health continues to be a concern in States as the fatigue and desperation of a lockdown mean there are more violations and people are getting out. And with the economy in stasis, now there is no option but to open it up and risk a percentage swell in disease figures than have thousands die because of joblessness and zero revenues. In essence, the Government is counting on a dual strategy. One is to facilitate the economy by allowing movement of labour and people and restart projects and production. Second, with a better depth of testing, hopefully it can identify the disease early enough and tame the virus even if there is a surge of cases. But the most important communication strategy to citizens is that they have to now live responsibly with the virus, follow norms strictly as the Government moves away from the role of enforcer of discipline to being a facilitator of governance and the economy. So in a carefully graded manner, the Government is opening up the public transportation system, beginning with long distance AC trains and linking destinations regardless of the colour coding. Till now only freight services to transport essential goods and ‘Special Shramik’ trains were operational. The idea of inter-city AC coach travel is clearly aimed at boosting revenue and facilitating need-based travel for business and family matters. There’s an emotional component that everybody has neglected, that of the right of far-flung people wanting to be with their family in the nation’s darkest hour. In fact, the newly-formatted train travel will change the way we access India’s other mass transport systems. There will be e-bookings and tickets, possibly some QR codes going forward. There will be no counter tickets or even platform tickets, so no more seeing off rituals. Passengers will have to report 90 minutes before the departure of the train, undergo screening drills and wear face masks at all times. Of course, there will be limits to passenger numbers to maintain social distancing norms. One has to carry one’s own food and linens as no blankets or food involving touch will be distributed. The 15 pairs of trains running from New Delhi will connect the far reaches of the country but are just a drop in the ocean. The Railways ran more than 20,000 passenger trains daily, on both long-distance and suburban routes, from 7,349 stations across India. But this is just a start. They will roll out more trains over the coming weeks once ‘Shramik Special’ trains, carrying thousands of internal migrants back, as well as the coaches for quarantine centres, are accounted for. The Railways have been preparing the drill weeks ahead at most stations as the new normal means more public wardens, railway police and a logistics systems to restrict overcrowding in platforms and ensure people comply with behavioural discipline. Besides, considering the virus thrives in enclosed and conditioned spaces, sanitisation and disinfection of compartments, particularly filtering the air ducts, will be a time-consuming drill.
India’s transportation system is its lifeblood. Running trains, buses and planes is a prerequisite for the country to get moving again. It also demonstrates our resolve to begin the long march to some semblance of normalcy. Local buses and trains might start functioning in green and even orange zones. Unfortunately most large cities across India are COVID-19 hotspots, so it might be a while before a substantial public transport system gets going here. Also some movement might be accelerated in contiguous safe stretches, creating micro-zones. Even the aviation sector is set to open with drills and assessments in place. To begin with, flights will operate in just 25 per cent of sectors with less than two hours of travel and would not provide catering services. Flyers have to compulsorily download the Aarogya Setu app, developed to track COVID-19 patients. However, the same app would be voluntary for train passengers, keeping in mind the general and second class travellers may not have smartphones. Countries across the world are gradually easing lockdown provisions and restrictions on domestic long-distance travel. It might be months before nations open their borders to businessmen and tourists but getting trains and planes running is essential towards the resumption of the economy that’s congealing rapidly. This has been an unexpected and devastating situation and getting out will take a lot of effort from governments, bureaucrats and the public at large. We should not even pretend it will be easy and applaud the Railways for their move. That said, we should not at any time let our guard down, we have already paid a terrible price for this virus, millions of shattered lives and a destroyed economy. Let’s not lose what we’ve gained from the lockdown.
(Courtesy: The Pioneer)
Both Pakistan and China have kept the borders hot, taking advantage of the unprecedented challenge posed by COVID-19
Just when one thought that the devastation caused by the Coronavirus would unite the world in taming it and lead to a broader humanitarian spirit, geopolitics has inevitably come in play. In the middle of its toughest battle against the disease, India is facing a diplomatic standoff with its neighbours, namely Pakistan and China. Looks like the two all-weather friends have timed a pincer grip on India at its weakest moment to stare down at us diplomatically. Relations with Pakistan have gone further downhill during the pandemic as our western neighbour has not let up on exporting terrorism and escalating skirmishes along the borders. In fact, there has been an upward spike in cross-border infiltration since last year. According to Indian Army data, there were 411 ceasefire violations by Pakistan’s military in March, the highest number in a single month since 2018. This year itself, in 127 days, as many as 55 terrorists have been killed, which means roughly one encounter every two days. Besides, Pakistan-backed militants are making sustained attempts to infiltrate into India via the international border in the Jammu region, Punjab and the long coastline of Gujarat. With India busy tackling the pandemic, masterminds across the border have been using its preoccupation as an opportune time to divert us. Yesterday, top intelligence sources reported that the Lashkar-e-Tayyiba had joined hands with Pakistan-based don Dawood Ibrahim to repeat an attack similar to the 26/11 Mumbai terror strike. Encounters, too, have seen a steep rise. There have been reports of the Pakistan Army smuggling weapons from across the borders with the use of drones. With all trading activities suspended along the Line of Control, its tried and tested formula of using the narco-terror model to raise funds for terrorists is now futile. Other developments, like the US’ move to withdraw its forces from Afghanistan, has emboldened it, too, as it sees itself as a strategic counterweight in our backyard. Of course, we weren’t caught off guard. The gunning down of Hizbul Mujahideen commander Riyaz Naikoo came as a big blow to militancy in Kashmir and was yet another example of how misguided youths in the Valley continue to be used to fulfil the Pakistani agenda.
Although India has not been aggressive in its public stance against China despite the global flak the latter has drawn over the virus and the faulty test kits that it shipped here, China has not taken kindly to the Government’s rightful move of preventing takeovers of our companies by its corporations during the low economic troughs. So it has resorted to its old trope of renewing border hostilities at Ladakh and Sikkim and claiming rights over undisputed territories. Though both sides simmered down, the scuffles between the two nations’ armies have deepened the general distrust of China. Our preparedness has to be taut regardless of what ails us.
(Courtesy: The Pioneer)
Unless the US administration develops a plan with the backing of claimant countries to normalise the situation in the South China Sea, China will continue to strengthen its grip in the region
At a time when the entire world is grappling with the Coronavirus pandemic, China has ramped up its aggressive expansionism in the South China Sea, raising concern not only among its smaller neighbours but in India as well. A slew of decisions taken in recent times, like the establishment of two new districts of Xisha and Nansha to administer the contested Spratly and Paracel island chains, the naming of 80 islands and other geographical features in the South China Sea and some other immediate developments are all aimed to further consolidate claim and physical control over disputed areas. Experts see this as an attempt to impose Chinese domestic law. This, despite the protests from other claimants.
Certainly, with its rise as a military and economic power, China aims to establish full control over the waters of the South China Sea, reversing its commitment to peacefully resolve dispute in this area with other claimant countries, including Taiwan, Vietnam, Malaysia, Philippines and Brunei. The Xi Jinping Government has already extensively militarised the South China Sea. There has been increased patrolling by the Chinese Coast Guard and Navy forces, several man-made islands have been developed and anti-ship cruise missiles, anti-aircraft batteries and missile defences have been deployed.
But to assume that China’s rise as a military and economic power alone enabled it to navigate an assertive action plan in the South China Sea would be wrong. Other factors have pushed the region to the current flashpoint. One that has given a boost to China’s sinister move to make this region its exclusive zone is the complete absence of an effective and collective response from other claimant countries.
Not once did the Association of Southeast Asian Countries (Asean) issue a strong warning to China for trying to unilaterally alter the geographical dynamics of the South China Sea. Differences among the Asean members have always been persistent on containing the rise of China. More to the point, since Asean works on the basis of consensus, China has been successful in creating a divide among its member countries on the issue of the South China Sea by providing financial support to some.
Recall how Asean behaved as a dead institution when in 2016, China completely disregarded a verdict of the international tribunal, which concluded that there was no legal basis for it to claim historic rights to resources within the sea areas falling within the “nine-dash line” and accepted the claims of the Philippines. This regional grouping’s record is also dismal as far as the development of a code of conduct with China is concerned. Consider the Philippines’s act. Instead of aggressively making efforts to issue the implementation of the 2016 decision of the international tribunal against China, it decided to compromise with Beijing, with the intent to attract huge financial assistance. At the same time, institutions of global governance, too, failed in forcing China to behave as a normal and responsible State.
The US’ incoherent policy is no less responsible for the current impasse in the region. Both former US President Barack Obama and the current one, Donald Trump, failed to develop a comprehensive policy to address the crisis in the South China Sea. Thus, while Obama’s half-hearted policy of Pivot to Asia could not stop China from developing several artificial islands, Trump’s trade war with China has consumed four years.
Consequently, his vision of promoting a free and open Indo-Pacific is still at the nascent stage. True, the Trump administration made efforts to boost Taiwan’s military power, with the US Navy conducting more freedom of navigation operations in the South China Sea than in the past. But these isolated efforts can hardly produce an effective deterrence against China.
This is amply clear from the fact that the Xi Jinping Government has consolidated its control over the strategic locations between the Indian and Pacific Oceans through which one-third of the global maritime trade passes every year. Beijing has purposefully followed the policy of not allowing other regional littoral countries to have free movement in the South China Sea to secure full access to huge oil and gas reservoirs in the region. It is also threatening outsider countries, including the US, to not enter the South China Sea. What is more, China is doing all these things with complete impunity.
Interestingly, the last few months have witnessed a remarkable change in the South China Sea region in the sense that a few countries — Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines — have become much more critical about Chinese activities in the region than ever before. In early April, a Chinese Coast Guard vessel reportedly sank a Vietnamese fishing boat off the Paracel Islands in the South China Sea and in a rare display of bilateral solidarity, Manila supported Hanoi in its protest to Beijing.
In mid-April, a Chinese survey ship, Haiyang Dizhi 8, with Coast Guard and maritime militia escorts, moved into a region in the South China Sea — proximate to Malaysia — to disrupt a gas drilling operation by a Malaysian oil company, leading to a protest by Kuala Lumpur.
Undoubtedly, while the recent collective move by these claimant countries to push China on the South China issue is encouraging, it is equally true that unless the US administration develops a clear plan with the backing of other claimant countries to normalise the situation in the South China Sea, China will continue to strengthen its grip over the region.
While Taiwan has indeed taken a pragmatic approach to deal with the current situation by appealing to all parties to resolve the dispute with peaceful means, the Tsai Government also needs to explore all options to protect itself from China’s aggression, especially when Beijing’s increased involvement in the South China Sea has already posed a serious concern for Taiwan.
India is unlikely to be immune from China’s belligerence. Take the case of Huawei 5G competition as an example. It is, thus, imperative for the Narendra Modi Government to cooperate with others to push back Chinese tactics.
(Writer: Sumit Jha; Courtesy: The Pioneer)
There is some merit in suggestions by ex-SC judge on rotational lockdowns in States to maintain green norms
As we enjoy clean, blue skies and bird song from the confines of our homes, a former Supreme Court judge has suggested that we not fritter away the environmental advantage we have gained during the 53-day-long shutdown. Justice Deepak Gupta has recommended that we reduce traffic and industrial effluents and impose a 15-day lockdown in different parts of the country on a rotational basis each year as this will lead to cleaner air and water. And help us meet environment conservation benchmarks that we have been dilly-dallying on. Or working on in a rather piecemeal manner. Justice Gupta was on the green bench of the apex court for three years before he retired on May 6. And he minced no words, saying that while in some cases, the Environment Ministry was proactive in implementing the orders of the Supreme Court, when there were clashes pertaining to big industries and issues of environmental clearances and permissions, there was a “lack of willingness on their part to implement our order” especially when “the governments want big industrial units to be set up in a particular region.” At least COVID-19 has opened us up to the possibility of nurturing our environment while not compromising development. Indeed the pandemic achieved in less than a month what the Supreme Court could not do in the last 35 years. Reports by the European Space Agency reveal that by early February, levels of air pollution causing nitrogen dioxide (NO2) over cities and industrial areas in Asia and Europe were 40 per cent lower than in the same period last year. NASA measured a steep drop in China’s NO2 emissions and said the NO2 pollution over New York and other major metropolitan areas in north-eastern USA was 30 per cent lower. In the UK, too, NO2 pollution in some cities fell by as much as 60 per cent. India saw similar advantages. A few weeks into the lockdown, cities like Delhi, Bengaluru, Kolkata and Lucknow saw their average Air Quality Index (AQI) staying below 50. In fact, in the first week of April, there were reports of residents of Jalandhar, Punjab being able to see the Dhauladhar mountain range nearly 213 kilometres away after decades. By the end of April, people in Saharanpur, Uttar Pradesh, could see the snow-capped peaks of the Himalayas from their rooftops. The Ganga and the Yamuna rivers have also benefitted and according to the Central Pollution Control Board, the average water quality of 27 points of the Ganga is now suitable for bathing and propagation of wildlife and fisheries.
So as we begin easing our lives post-pandemic, we have to ensure that we don’t lose these environmental gains. Not just because of the climate change or pollution crisis but because clean air is our ally in fighting the Coronavirus. Pollution helps viruses do their job better as the dirty air damages our respiratory systems and makes us more susceptible. So, whether India Inc likes it or not, in order to reduce the spread of epidemics in the future, cutting down air pollution now will be a key conditionality. So, as India tries to get back on its feet economically, better implementation of the environmental, transport and industry regulations will have to be a priority to ease the detrimental impacts of human activity on the environment. The lockdown has showed us a way of workarounds. Or the possibilities that we wouldn’t want to contemplate otherwise. Sustainable development is the only way forward because if we don’t respect nature, we have to be ready to bear the consequences when it strikes back. As we are experiencing, it can be fiercely brutal.
(Courtesy: The Pioneer)
Religious bigotry can sometimes even unknowingly colour our sense of community and we end up alienating people
In 2006, I was invited for lunch by a close relative, Yawar, at his spacious bungalow in Karachi’s posh DHA area. When I arrived, I found him sitting with a dozen or so serious-looking gentlemen in his drawing room. After getting up to greet me, Yawar quietly apologised, saying that since he was the chairman of the area’s residents committee, he could not decline a request by other members for an urgent meeting.
In fact, out of politeness and also to keep me occupied, he asked me to attend the meeting too.
The matter being discussed had to do with some members demanding that the monthly committee meetings be held at a fixed venue instead of at their homes as this inconvenienced the families of the members.
Various options were being aired in this regard. The Golf Club, the Creek Club, the Karachi Gymkhana and so on, until one Zahoor sahib suggested that the committee start holding its meetings at the area’s mosque every third Friday of the month, after the jumma namaz (Friday prayer) was over.
Instantly a consensus was reached. Well, almost. Because three men remained conspicuously silent. Finally, one of them, Munawwar sahib, a man who owned a chain of utility stores across the country, spoke, “Friends, how do you plan to get Henry sahib and Anosh sahib into the mosque?”
Both Henry and Anosh, who were members of the committee, were non-Muslims. While Henry sahib was a Christian, Anosh sahib was a Parsi. That’s why both the men had kept quiet, too.
An awkward silence descended upon the room. My relative suddenly turned towards me and asked, “Nadeem, what do you think? Would it be possible?”
Taken aback, I just shrugged my shoulders: “I’m not very good at these things, but since these two gentlemen are residents of the area and …”
Zahoor sahib cut me off: “We can ask Imam sahib!”
Now, apparently, this “Imam sahib” was not the Imam of the mosque but an aged person who was treated as a religious scholar by the residents. He and his wife delivered religious lectures to the men and women of the area every three months or so.
“Friends, why are you complicating matters for Anosh sahib and Henry sahib? Why create an issue? We can meet somewhere else, unless we are looking to get some extra blessings from the Almighty by having our committee meetings at a mosque,” Munawwar said.
This did not go down well with Zahoor. “Munawwar, you hardly come to the mosque. Maybe our meetings will be able to make you come and pray there more often…”
There was laughter all round. But none from Anosh or Henry.
“If I may,” I politely interrupted, “why not ask Henry sahib and Anosh sahib?”
Munawar agreed: “Absolutely! They contribute to the funds of the committee as much as any one of us. And they have a vote too.”
Unfortunately, this suggestion seemed to have made Henry sahib and Anosh sahib even more uncomfortable.
“No, no, you do what you think is right …” Anosh sahib said, evasively.
Then Henry sahib spoke: “You can have the meetings there (at the mosque) and can update us…”
“Thank you,” said Zahoor, “so we all agree on this then?” Some quietly nodded their heads, and some softly said “yes.”
But in came Munawwar again: “In that case, I suggest, the monthly maintenance bills of Anosh sahib and Henry sahib be slightly less than ours.”
“And why so?” asked one Danish sahib. “Because, if we use the mosque for our meetings, the maulvi (priest) will rightly ask us to contribute to the mosque’s electricity bill. That would be added to our individual maintenance fee. Why should these two men pay additional charges if they are not even there?” said Munawwar.
“The mosque will charge us?” asked Danish, surprised. “But we already pay for its upkeep.”
“We can ask Imam sahib,” said Munawwar, sarcastically. I tried my best not to smile but no one else in the room treated Munawwar’s comment as a sarcastic jab. Instead, they now began to discuss the topic of a mosque charging a fee from its funders. They shared relevant quotes from the holy book and quotes from Imam sahib’s speeches, until Danish announced, “We already pay for the mosque! For its electricity, water, gas…”
“It has a gas connection too?” someone asked.
“Maulvi sahib and his family have to eat too, brother. So they cook in the rooms where they live, connected to the mosque,” Zahoor sahib replied.
So it was agreed. They would meet at the mosque (and Anosh and Henry would have to pay as much maintenance fee as everyone else).
Years later, in 2017, I was driving through another posh locality of Karachi — Bath Island — when I saw Munawwar walking briskly on a street. I stopped my car to say hello. “Munawwar sahib, do you recognise me?”
“Yes, yes. I do. How are you?” he replied.
“What are you doing here in Bath Island?” I asked.
“I now live here,” he said.
“Where are you walking to so hastily? Let me give you a lift.” I offered.
“No, no, it’s quite alright,” he said. “I’m just going to that mosque over there.”
“Munawwar I grew up in this area. Friday prayers ended an hour ago in that mosque”, I said to him.
He laughed: “No, little brother. I am going there to attend a meeting of our residents’ committee.”
“Really?” I smiled widely, thinking he was joking. “Even in this area?”
“Boss, this area or that, what does it matter? People are the same everywhere,” he smiled back.
“How did the mosque meetings at DHA go?” I asked.
“Didn’t Yawar tell you?” he asked.
This is what happened: Munawwar sold his house in DHA. Since he had continued to insist on including Anosh and Henry in the meetings, some members of the committee started to suspect he was from a heretical sect, although he wasn’t. Munawwar was just a right-thinking liberal hearted man. Even though these members were admonished by others for saying such spiteful things, Munawwar left the area with his family.
“What about here? Are there no Anosh or Henry sahibs here”, I asked. “I’m sure there are,” he replied. “But I have learned to ignore them. I’m sure you can understand.”
Saying this, he bid me farewell, and walked away.
(Writer: Nadeem Paracha; Courtesy: The Pioneer)
Web portals by Punjab and Haryana Governments, listing job and project sites, are helping reverse the migrant exodus
Amid the doom and gloom of reverse migration and heart-breaking stories of the long march home, there has been some hope. As migrant workers head back to their villages, about 1.09 lakh from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh have applied on a Haryana government web portal to return to the State to work at plants and units located in Gurgaon, Faridabad, Panipat, Sonipat, Jhajjar, Yamunanagar and Rewari. And encouraged by the response, the Haryana Government is even planning to make arrangements to bring them back. Even neighbouring Punjab has taken the lead in registering the migrants residing within the State on a portal, reaching out to them and facilitating their return to their home States should they want to or moving them to job sites should they decide to stay back. It is true that the migrants moving back home are just making the lesser hopeless choice. Having lost their jobs, daily wages and their shacks overnight, they chose to go back home and rely on the subsistence economy there. They hoped to get by with the Government increasing rations and some government project work at the local level. But at least they would be safe from the “big city” virus, not have to stay at the cramped encampments or be looked at with suspicion as virus carriers. In fact, Haryana’s relatively lower Coronavirus numbers are a major factor in the workers seeking to return. Till Friday, Haryana had 647 positive cases, including 14 Italian nationals, and eight deaths. This has also helped the State open up businesses faster. In fact, some migrants had already left the State before the lockdown and not having found suitable rehabilitation or job opportunities back home are now keen to return. Besides, some of the returnees, because they have moved across States hit by the virus, have not been able to resume their lives at their homes as they have been quarantined and are being monitored to see if they were asymptomatic carriers. The long clearances are costing them important man days at work.
Both Punjab and Haryana have launched the migrant web portal soon enough, and the responses there are reason enough why there should be inter-state coordination on mounting a national migrant database, along with labourers’ location, health status and skill sets. This would not only help them find job sites but also coordinate their journey back home should they so desire. As India opens up in phases post-lockdown 3, workforce coordination would have to rely heavily on data analytics and digital platforms that should be adopted by both the Centre and State governments. Till May 8, while 1.46 lakh labourers had applied to return to Haryana, 7.95 lakh wanted to leave. Three-fourths of those who want to come back (74.5 per cent) are from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, while 82.55 per cent of those seeking to leave belong to the two states. So corresponding States should also synergise mapping. Besides, State Governments should also plan makeshift shelters at some work sites and hold counselling sessions for labourers before they make a rash decision. India needs its inter-city migrants to rebuild the economy, which is suffering a chronic shortage of labour, but it needs to make them feel valued.
(Courtesy: The Pioneer)
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