This surrender of outbound LTC travel would negatively impact the tourism sector, which is already floundering. It is a demand swap; the present with the future, FMCG with tourism
Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman recently announced two special offers for Central Government employees, which she hopes can also be suitably modified and extended for State Government staff and availed even by private sector workers employed in the organised sector. In short, the Centre announced a fresh stimulus for the ailing economy, focussing on demand. This includes optional use of the Leave Travel Concession (LTC) facility for spending on consumer items, one-time restoration of festival advance and additional capital expenditure by the Centre and States. However, the alternative for LTC could be a damp squib as the condition of higher spend may not find many takers.
As per the announcements, Central Government employees can choose to get some ready cash if they forego their LTC entitlement for the block year of 2018-2021. In addition, every Central Government employee, irrespective of rank, will get a prepaid Rupay card loaded with Rs 10,000. Swipe it for any expenditure by March 31, 2021 (no cash draw) and repay the advance in 10 monthly instalments. No interest, no tax on deemed benefit. Under the LTC scheme, Central Government employees get reimbursement of the cost of some personal travel undertaken by them and their family members. For civilian staff, it is a trip to their hometown once in two years and to anywhere within the country in the next block of two years. For defence personnel, it is the annual hometown visit and in the alternative year to anywhere in India in lieu of hometown travel. There are similar provisions of LTC benefits for the judicial and legislative branch of the State with a different set of entitlements and rules.
The current LTC block year is 2018-2021. During this four calendar years’ period, a civilian Central Government employee can avail reimbursement of fare for two trips from his place of duty, one in 2018-19 and another in 2020-21. Both trips can be to his hometown or one to the hometown and the other to anywhere else in India.
The concession admissible for a particular block of two years, which is not availed during that time period, can be availed in the first year of the next block. So, if someone hasn’t availed LTC during January 2018-December 2019, he can do so by December 2020. Likewise, the LTC due for 2020-21 can be availed by December 2022, subject to certain conditions.
To promote tourism to remote areas, the Government has been allowing its staff to use their hometown LTC to visit specified remote areas. It has been allowing air travel to these areas to even those employees who are not normally permitted to travel by air at Government cost. This has been a hugely popular move. This special scheme has now been extended up to September 25, 2022. The conversion of hometown LTC is allowed for travel to the North-Eastern States, Sikkim, Jammu & Kashmir, Ladakh, Andman & Nicobar Islands. Air travel to these destinations is permitted for all workers. Also, such trips in lieu of hometown LTC are permitted even by private airlines as an exception because the rule is that a trip at Government cost must be by Air India only. (Those Government servants whose hometown and place of posting are the same are not allowed this conversion.)
Whenever a LTC journey is undertaken, the Government allows 10 days’ earned leave to be encashed. A total of 60 days’ earned leave encashment with LTC is allowed during the whole service. Employees get earned leave of 30 days every year and if not availed cannot be accumulated beyond 300 days.
The Finance Minister has announced that an employee can choose not to travel on the LTC for block year 2018-21 and instead get some tax-free cash in lieu. Category I/II/II employees entitled for business class air travel/economy class air travel/rail travel will get up to Rs 36,000, Rs 20,000 and Rs 6,000, respectively for each family member who forgoes one LTC, subject to the following conditions.
The employee must produce proof of having spent Rs 1,08,000/Rs 60,000/Rs 18,000 by March 31, 2021 through digital means on buying Goods and Services Tax (GST)-invoiced goods/services with a minimum GST of 12 per cent.
The employee must also produce proof of having spent the entire amount of 10 days’ earned leave by March 31, 2021 through digital means on buying GST-invoiced goods/services with a minimum GST of 12 per cent. Spending less means pro rata cut in the actual cash benefit to be disbursed.
Most processed, packaged food items, healthcare, medicinal items, toiletries, cosmetics and so on attract 12 per cent GST. Telecom services bills, insurance premia, both life and general insurance, ULIPs and so on attract 18 per cent GST. Then, of course, there are the “sin goods” in the high GST bracket. So even without buying any expensive white goods/gadgets/car, it should be possible — except for some very frugal souls — to produce eligible GST invoices for monthly average spending of less than Rs 21,600/Rs 12,000/Rs 3,600 for Category I/II/III employees from now till March 2021. The few who might struggle to get sufficient invoices may buy goods for others. Petty invoices don’t even carry the buyer’s name and there are limits to how many checks can be there to stop misuse.
There have been intermittent suggestions in the past that the Government should give some lump sum cash in lieu of LTC benefit and save itself the hassle of processing the LTC claims. Moreover, not all of them are genuine. Long ago, many employees in an office were found to have submitted fake LTC claims for long distance travel by road. The trip was actually not undertaken as there was no entry of the quoted private bus having crossed various toll booths. Dozens were dismissed from service in a severe disciplinary action. After that, the Government made a rule that road travel by private bus would not be eligible for LTC reimbursement.
Cases of LTC claims based on fake air travel — even by some high public functionaries — forced some offices to introduce the provision for submission of proof of the actual trip in case of air travel, like some photographs and so on, all of which can also be manipulated in this age of technology. Some private airlines used to misuse the LTC to include even hotel stay and so on in the packaged fare because only the fare is reimbursed. All other costs of boarding and lodging at the destination are expected to be borne by employees. To overcome this fraud, the Government introduced standard LTC fares and restricted travel to Air India only (except for the North-East and so on). Frauds by a few dishonest end up making life miserable for everyone, with the Government being forced to come out with stricter regulations. Checking LTC fraud is an administrative hassle and some argue that it is better to unconditionally give cash in lieu of LTC. So far, this argument has not carried weight for two reasons.
First, the Government wants employees to rejuvenate themselves through travel and promote domestic tourism. Second, LTC is not availed by everyone. There are many who don’t find time and many others who find that they cannot afford non-fare expenses during travel. If the Government decides to give cash in lieu of LTC, it would give it to everyone, even to those who would not have availed of LTC on their own. For them, the cash equivalent is a bonanza.
The Central Government hopes that the State Governments and the private sector will take a cue and offer similar schemes, with the Centre promising not to tax the cash equivalent of the LTC. Many States limit their LTC scheme to travel within the State and so the financial impact would also be limited. For private sector employees, tax concession on LTA can be a big incentive. All they have to do is produce GST invoices for three times the LTA. Spending three times the LTA by March 2021 may not be burdensome for most. Typically, the LTA is equal to one month’s salary and so one is being asked to spend three months’ salary by March to save income tax on LTA. Of course, there is the option of buying for others. In a country like ours, governments put riders and creative minds invent workarounds.
Giving cash in lieu of LTC or giving tax concession on LTA subject to certain minimum spending of a certain type will certainly boost short-term consumption demand. Some of it would be mere displacement of expenditure that would have happened with or without the concession. This surrender of outbound LTC travel till December 2022 would negatively impact the travel and tourism industry which is already floundering. It is a demand swap; the present with the future, FMCG with travel and tourism. It is like robbing Peter to pay Paul.
(The writer is a retired IAAS officer, and former Special Secretary, Ministry of Commerce and Industry)
The ban on generators is another one in a list of impractical ideas to control pollution that skirts the central issue
The ban on using generators in the National Capital Region (NCR), when air quality levels hit hazardous highs, must have been thought up by someone who lives in a ground floor apartment. Or that must have been the line by someone living in a penthouse on the 13th floor of a highrise apartment block that would have cost the equivalent of half a million US dollars. While the overall electricity situation has improved in Delhi dramatically over the past decade, there are still power-cuts in Gurugram and Noida, both of which are home to millions who have spent their life savings on fancy apartments. To be then told that they will have to climb 12,13 or 14 storeys because the lights are out, because there is an illogical ban on gensets, is unreasonable. Even if they manage the climb up, they cannot use the internet or possibly even run their kitchens, thanks to almost everything running on electricity. This is not to argue against the continuing incompetence of electricity providers in being unable to assure guaranteed 24-hour electricity in India, although that situation is improving, but the impracticality of this decision has to be made clear to the powers that be.
This also highlights how authorities are charging at windmills while ignoring the elephant in the room as farmers in Punjab and Haryana continue to burn fields, many with political patronage. There are several causes for why the farmers burn their fields, from a lack of cheap labour to changing crop patterns, but it is contingent upon the Government to at least give them subsidised equipment to remove the stubble. Hundreds of crores of rupees have been collected as a green cess over the past few years and that money should be deployed to resolve this problem instead of sitting in the bank. This could give impetus to agricultural equipment manufacturers as well as improve the electricity situation in multi-storey buildings. Yes, poor air quality is a serious problem in the capital but we must not end up cutting off our nose to spite the face. Not allowing gensets in the current time is a stupid idea that will inconvenience more people than solving the pollution crisis. Setting strict pollution norms for generators will help more.
The PDP leader intends to pivot the larger alliance of all local parties for a resolution of the Kashmir issue in totality
If the intention behind incarcerating former Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister and Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) leader Mehbooba Mufti for over 14 months was to break her spirit, then the Government has clearly failed to do so. For hours after her release, she went beyond what the National Conference leaders, Farooq and Omar Abdullah, pledged to do as part of what they call a united Gupkar Declaration, namely restoring the special status of the erstwhile State. She wanted a long-term political resolution of the Kashmir issue in its entirety and though she has now joined hands with the Abdullahs for a larger cause, she seems determined enough to carry on her movement and reclaim her space in conversations. It remains to be seen whether her grandstanding is meant to blunt Farooq Abdullah’s recent belligerence against the Centre and his wild missive that China could help in restoring Kashmir’s special status or whether she is genuinely trying to reclaim lost political space and emerge as a power player. Is she negotiating her own role as a pivot in the changed apparatus? At some level, all the leaders know that a retraction of the Valley’s status would be almost impossible, considering that even major world powers have endorsed India’s position of acting within its constitutional space. Besides, they would have to challenge Kashmir’s changed status in the Supreme Court. Interestingly, there is less mention of Article 370 as such but an emphasis on the Centre’s “onslaught” on Kashmir’s “identity and status.” The message clearly is to get as many parties as possible on common ground and set an agenda acceptable to all. This way all can stand up to the Centre and challenge it head-on rather than being scattered and directionless. It is their as well as the Government’s litmus test. Mehbooba, incidentally, is the last of the mainstream political leaders to have been set free after they were charged under the Public Safety Act (PSA) ostensibly because of their track record of incendiary speeches that, the Government thought, would provoke people against the abrogation of Article 370. The fact is, the Government miscalculated their appeal greatly and disregarded that they were democratically elected leaders who had been in alliance with New Delhi, acted as a buffer between the Centre and the militant movement and still had enough ground support, one that has prevented the legitimacy of alternate structures and leaders. Besides, for all the filters, curfews and lockdowns in Kashmir, militancy hasn’t abated and remains a draw for disenchanted youth. And for all its promises of bridging the trust deficit by accelerating development, economic revival or civil engagement, without the participation by locals and their endorsement, Kashmir’s integration with the mainstream is increasingly looking like an exercise in political egoism, a tool that is more disempowering than engaging, a punishment for history than an incentive for moving on. Politically, too, the BJP has been at the receiving end of non-cooperation, what with a spike in hitback killings of its leaders and sarpanches, the latter seen as extensions of Central authority. Only 7,528 of the 19,582 panch and sarpanch seats in Kashmir went to polls in 2018. Yet a majority of the elected are hiding out in hotels in Srinagar for fear of being attacked for participating in an electoral process that the Centre initiated. The BJP had hoped to build an alternative political pyramid with friendly leaders at the local level and devolving power to them. But that was not to be. Over 12,000 seats are still empty, affecting local administration and despite the changed status, nobody is ready to engage till all known elected representatives are freed from detention. With credible leaders redefined as public enemies, as bad as militants, and basic rights and connectivity denied to locals, there is confusion, disenchantment and fatigue everywhere, one that can congeal to become a violent force if left to fester.
Perhaps, that’s the reason why the Government has changed its tactics and is returning the people’s representatives to them as it were. It is even expected to hold elections in the remaining panchayat seats by the end of the year, risk any outcome and build connect strategies from there. For the political vacuum is costing it heavy and only lionising the likes of the Abdullahs and the Muftis. It is with this larger agenda that a seasoned politician like Manoj Sinha was made the new Lt Governor of the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir. A low-key politician, his mission is to work out ways of connecting with people without disturbing the BJP’s overall schematics in the Valley and even negotiate with all political parties. The Government has realised that it cannot make any claim of transformative intent till it gets some kind of mediatory presence of local parties. The BJP-created Jammu and Kashmir Apni Party (JKAP), drawing rejects from the PDP and NC, lacks credibility. The Government could meet the old leaders half way, involving them in a reconciliation process on the condition that they wouldn’t play a dual strategy with Pakistan. Some could be amenable to working the middle ground over time. But first, it should restore normalcy and mainstream internet connectivity. The youth are already feeling punished for being left out of the digital education revolution and we cannot let them be radicalised. E-commerce and online filing of tax and other financial transactions have been badly hit. The economy is in shambles with disruptive clampdowns affecting the supply chain and the services sector. Even the traditional sectors like the apple trade, tourism and handicrafts have wilted. There must be an enabling climate or Kashmir could slip into a deeper trough, worse than ever imagined.
Despite the minor setback in the indigenous ATAGS programme, India must forge ahead in the nation’s interest and for the Army’s sake
The Advanced Towed Artillery Gun System (ATAGS) programme began in 2012, spearheaded by the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), with two strategic partners — the Bharat Forge Limited (BFL) and Tata Power Strategic Engineering Division (SED). The Defence Acquisition Council (DAC) had ratified the procurement of 150 ATAGS in August 2018. However, the process of developing them started way back in 2013 and concluded by 2017. The howitzer gun system was developed in a record time of 30 months and has gone through extensive trials over the last four years and performed admirably with remarkable consistency.
The ATAGS is one of the most advanced and perhaps the world’s first gun which is capable of delivering Bi-Modular Charge System (BMCS) zone seven propellants. With a firing range of 48 km — a record of sorts in the 155 millimetre/52 calibre family — the ATAGS is an appendage to the indigenously developed 155 millimetre/45 calibre artillery gun Dhanush.
Dhanush is a derivative of the FH-77B 155mm/39 calibre towed howitzer, previously built by the Swedish defence contractor Bofors. The Indian Army procured a total of 414 Swedish howitzers between 1987 and 1991. Dhanush howitzers have a maximum effective range of 38 km in salvo mode as compared to the 48 km of the ATAGS.
The India-made ATAGS consists of a duel power system where hydraulics is used for mobility and gun in/out action whereas electrical power is used for the Gun Laying and Ammunition Handling System (AHS). The system is configured with an all-electric drive that ensures maintenance-free and reliable and secure operations over a long period of time. The gun system has automatic setting up, laying with a high-end Inertial Navigation System (INS) and automated AHS, which loads shell, charge and primer simultaneously with a manual back-up for the laying system. The gun system’s hydraulic drive provides effective manoeuverability in different terrains — on roads, cross country, in the desert and in high altitude areas. The high power Auxiliary Power Unit (made in India) also renders effective self-propelled speed, rapid deployment and short response time.
The ATAGS has greater than 95 per cent indigenous components. The complete supply chain, from raw materials to end product, lies within the country, making it a true embodiment of a “Make in India” in defence system. The ATAGS gun system comprises 7,463 components, of which 4,977 are manufactured parts involving about 30,000 manufacturing processes and more than 2,00,000 inspection parameters.
The project is now in the Technology Readiness Level (TRL) stage 10 (as per the DRDO TRL stages), after being put through mandatory trials over the last five years. Earlier this month, it entered into its last stages of trial — viz the Preliminary Staff Qualitative Requirements (PSQR) trial, which is done prior to its induction into the arsenal system. The gun has already been through a rigorous pre-PSQR trial with the users and DRDO teams. In these trials, the BFL- developed gun system fired a total of 130 plus rounds, mostly in zone seven, and the feedback was that the system has lived up to the parameters.
The gun fielded by Tata Aerospace and Defence Limited succeeded in firing 99 rounds. At the 100th round, which was fifth of the rapid-fire practice, the gun tube sheared off, triggering the first unfortunate incident. The cause is currently being investigated. Some experts blame it on ammunition, while the others want to zero in on the tube and the immense pressure it has been made to withstand. It must be noted that the guns, which have till now fired almost 2,000 rounds between them, can easily tolerate pressure levels up to 560 megapascals and are the only ones to fire munitions in zone seven. As part of the process, an investigation to identify and rectify the causes behind the “shear and structural strain” is a must. It would be detrimental to the cause of Atmanirbhar Bharat to delay or disrupt theprocesses of development of the ATAGS.
This is the first weapon platform which has been designed and developed from scratch and can boast of being truly Indian. Developed by the DRDO and two major Indian industry partners, nurturing a well-networked ecosystem of Indian vendors and sub-vendors, the ATAGS symbolises national pride. We own the design, its IP and all the data concerning the overall weapon system. Foreign assistance is costly and it will be foolhardy not to build on the successes that we have already achieved so far, notwithstanding minor setbacks. Most of the guns coming from the US, France, Germany, Israel and the Czech Republic, have encountered similar incidents at lower zones of firing, involving lower pressure, during trials. Thus, blaming higher pressure in ATAGS is a bit far-fetched. It is worth mentioning that none of these guns were fired in zone seven and neither fired as many rounds as the ATAGS.
It is a good opportunity to examine the quality and efficacy of the ammunition basket being produced in India as we are relatively new in making artillery munitions, fuses and charges (BMCS in this case). Given the extremely high pressure, every part of the munition, be it the shell, driving bands of the projectile or the fuse, which has to withstand extremely high angular velocity, every component must respond in a zero error manner. All said and done, precision and expertise come with real-time experience and trials. It is unlikely that a foreign vendor will part with core technologies or requisite data to make India atmanirbhar. In the nation’s interest and with the singular objective of giving more teeth to the Army, let us learn to take such incidents in our stride and resolve to forge ahead. India’s ATAGS must succeed.
(The writer is former Deputy Chief of Army Staff. Views expressed are personal)
UPSC CDS 2 2020 Admit Card: Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) has finally released the CDS 2 2020 Admit Card at its website. All such candidates who were eagerly waiting for UPSC CDS Admit Card 2020 can now download their admit cards by entering their roll number, date of birth and other details on the login page available on the official website.
To check the admit card click on the link given below:
With caste and gender-based crimes on a continuous rise, we need to look at our history which over time has institutionalised discrimination as a social order
With caste and gender-based crimes in India on the rise, some really tough questions need to be answered by us all. The National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) 2019 report does a wonderful job in showcasing some extremely relevant data for our consideration. India reported 4,05,861 cases of crimes against women. Assam reported the highest rate of crimes against women at 117.8 per lakh population and Uttar Pradesh (UP) topped the list with 59,853 incidents. From 2018, the rate of crime against women has risen by 7.3 per cent, with the country recording an average 87 rape cases every day in 2019. UP had the highest number of crimes against girl children under the POCSO Act with 7,444 cases, followed by Maharashtra (6,402) and Madhya Pradesh (MP) at 6,053. Other registered cases on the rise were assault, cruelty and outraging the modesty of a woman. On the other hand, crimes against Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) saw a seven per cent and 26 per cent rise respectively. Curiously, the report also indicates a consistent decline in conviction rates in caste-related violence in the past three years.
So, why and how did we land here and where are we going? I shall endeavour to declutter this by a simple process called reverse engineering. Ours has always been a divided society. Caste and gender-based discrimination weren’t a colonial construction in India. It was our own. Our social, economic and legal institutions were all divided and categorised to meet vested interests. What the British did was a mere “reinvoking of the Varna system.” This, they justified, was necessary to make sense of the complexity that existed within the Indian caste system. As BR Ambedkar said in his Annihilation of Caste, the caste system in India had been historically used to perpetuate discrimination in the name of “division of labour” which in fact, according to him, was a “division of labourers.”
Such discrimination gave rise to a social and behavioural bias, and in the long run, led to the “upward mobility” of the concept of caste. Since this concept was used to allocate social roles such as one’s profession in a hereditary manner, it restricted the social mobility of those groups who were allotted lower roles. This led to a lost individual identity of the members of those groups and instead, in solidarity, gave rise to a “group identity.” In modern-day India, we know these groups as SCs, STs, Other Backward Classes (OBCs), women and religious minorities.
A systemic problem: Our police force was also not immune to this virus. As caste and gender-based discrimination grew in independent India, privileged upper caste men, who were born, trained and nurtured in a favorable environment, filled the spaces in our administration, including but not limited to, our police force. The problem was further exemplified when we inherited the colonial Indian Police Act of 1861 and other such laws from British India. The Act was brought in after the revolt of 1857 and the purpose behind enacting it was, as David Arnold says, “to establish control, coercion and surveillance over the Indian subjects.” So, lack of diversity, an under-represented administration and a law based on tyrannical ideologies became a perfect mishmash for future discriminatory policing in India. This would lay the foundation for perpetration of violence and creation of an extremely patriarchal institution that would survive for decades if not centuries.
Institutionalised discrimination: What transpired, as a consequence, years later, is the institutionalisation of the very same discrimination within our police force. An institution becomes defunct if its working is entirely based on biased and inequitable means. To command confidence, trust and respect of the public, the police administration in a democracy must be diverse and must acknowledge that people from different backgrounds will bring with them skills, experiences and perspectives that are vastly different from others. However, the opposite is true for India.
Laws such as Abolition of Discrimination under Article 17 of the Constitution, SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act and provisions for Affirmative Action have by and large remained symbolic. The Common Cause report on Status of Policing in India, 2019, reveals some shocking numbers. It shows how the representation of SCs, STs, OBCs and women is extremely poor in our police forces. Reserved positions for such personnel have been vacant for years. The States topping the list here are Haryana and UP. Furthermore, it shows how such groups are less likely to be posted at officer-level ranks. They are also more likely to face unequal distribution of work wherein they are asked to do their seniors’ chores and household work.
One out of four women police personnel reported the absence of a sexual harassment committee in police stations and one out of five reported the absence of separate toilets for policewomen. States like Bihar, Karnataka and Bengal have the highest levels of institutional bias against women in the forces. The report goes on to state that senior police officers think that “women are less hard-working, less efficient and should focus on household duties.” Data shows that policewomen are given in-house tasks like maintaining registers, and so on, whereas, male personnel are given on-field investigation, law and order, policing and patrolling tasks. This has literally been normalised within the working of our police administration, to an extent that it no more looks like discrimination. Instead it is seen as routine division of work, based on natural/biological capabilities.
Shockingly many police personnel think that Gender-Based Violence (GBV) complaints are false and motivated. They also say that members of the transgender community, Muslims, Dalits and so on, are more “naturally” prone to committing crimes. Such institutionalised discrimination against caste and gender reasserts itself like a vicious cycle. It also assists in exercising a lot more political control on those who are vulnerable. The way our police reacts to caste and gender is a mirror image of the political ideology ruling over the State. It is a common phenomenon that majoritarian governments who come to power based on hyper-nationalism and by using the rhetoric of religion, tend to be a lot more misogynist, divisive and religiously intolerant.
Resultantly, constitutional morality isn’t their source of power. The increasing nature of politicisation of crimes against women has gained momentum in the last decade, ever since there has been a rise in majoritarian politics. The 2019 report shows how police personnel almost always face political pressure while investigating crimes that have political ramifications. If an honest police officer tries not to be swayed by such an influence, he is met with the “Black Sheep Effect.” This is a process of evaluative upgrading of “norm-compliant” members and evaluative downgrading of “deviant” ones. So, the deviant members are usually transferred to locations where there is less digital and media penetration so that their honesty is less of a problem for the State. It is also seen that there are certain areas where political control is exercised more effectively with the help of the police. In the areas where the majority population is from the Dalit or minority community, the police infrastructure is in shambles. There is a greater lack of adequate training, digital accessibility, vehicles and funding provided to the police. In such a situation, crimes either go unreported or are met with State-sponsored violence in police stations.
Creating such systemic barriers, over a long period of time, for people who have been historically discriminated against leads to a situation of internalised oppression. Paulo Freire, a renowned educator, in his Pedagogy of the Oppressed, says, “The oppressed, having internalised the image of the oppressor and adopted his guidelines, are fearful of freedom.” This fear acts as an incentive for political control. Control on what is reported, what is not reported and how reported cases are dealt with. It is almost like an echo-chamber that incentivises political oppression.
Expecting that such an institution, where discrimination and victimisation is normalised against its own members and has been historically used as a political sidekick, would do justice by protecting those outside the institution against the same evil forces, is simply living in an alternate reality. Public outrage has been misplaced in so far as it consistently demands political reform. The following statement by Ambedkar is of huge significance, “There is a need for social reform before political reform and the latter cannot happen without the former.”
(The writer is from the National Law University, Visakhapatnam)
Koshyari’s letter war with Uddhav Thackeray turns ugly as he goes against the mandate of his post to follow a party line
Gubernatorial assignments have always been politicised regardless of regimes. No matter what the party at the Centre, each has used its chosen Governor to keep a watch on Opposition State Governments and undercut federal powers in the event of a crisis, especially when the Central party, as the main challenger, has been within smelling distance of power. But just because a violation has become a political convention, can one justify its continuity? And by extension does it have to be more flagrant than earlier occasions? It is on this count that Maharashtra Governor Bhagat Singh Koshyari’s letter war with Chief Minister Uddhav Thackeray over the re-opening of religious places in the State is not only indecorous but challenges the limits of a constitutionally-appointed post. Worse, what could have been a mature confabulation was converted to a media circus as the Governor’s letter was circulated widely. Making a case for re-opening places of worship, Koshyari asked Thackeray if he had “turned secular” by keeping them shut. The latter shot back a letter, asking if Hindutva meant simply opening religious places and as a Governor who had sworn on the Constitution, was he denying the secularism enshrined in it? Clearly, Koshyari, who has been used time and again to embarrass the Shiv Sena-led alliance Government, should have clearly kept the arrow in his quiver. For he unwittingly gave the political advantage to Thackeray by trying to expose the latter’s commitment to Hindutva. Thackeray may have been vociferous about Ayodhya but in COVID-stressed times and as Chief Minister of the worst-affected State, he has managed the festival season with reason. By confining the Ganesh Mahotsav to a largely indoor celebration, he avoided a super spreader event. And although the Governor has questioned the rationale of opening bars and restaurants and not shrines, Thackeray knows that faith is a heave of emotion that defies protocols and he would much rather go in for a graded opening of these places after assessing the risk of spread. Besides, the Governor, given the gravitas associated with his chair, should not have run down the weight of the word “secular” in his official capacity, no matter what his personal belief systems might be. Also using the religion card is unbecoming of a post that demands reason, neutrality, dignity and integrity. But then Koshyari has been too pliant to walk the thin line between propriety and impropriety, nicety and brashness. Let us not forget that he is the same man who had revoked President’s rule in the State in the wee hours and hurriedly sworn in BJP leader Devendra Fadnavis with then rebel Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) leader Ajit Pawar, ignoring the split mandate in the State. He did not give adequate time to the Opposition parties and even an adrift Sena for crystallising their adjustments before committing to furnishing letters of support. By that yardstick, the Governor seems immune to the adverse criticism that his overstepping of constitutional limits entails. So long as his political purpose is served, in this case going after the Shiv Sena. This explains why NCP supremo Sharad Pawar wrote to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, expressing shock at the tone and tenor of the Governor’s letter. He even clarified that while he was not against the Governor’s prerogative to discuss matters with the CM, he was against a squabble deliberately played out in the public domain for political gains.
Shaming the regional party, wherever the BJP is the main Opposition, is now more the rule than the exception. In Bengal, Governor Jagdeep Dhankar has been blowing hot on the Mamata Banerjee-led Trinamool Congress Government at the slightest pretext or the other. The latest spat is over the unnatural death of a BJP MLA and the Governor’s letter to vice-chancellors (VCs) asking them to attend a video-conference with him. The VCs refused to attend unless the invitation was routed through the State higher education department. After this Dhankar took to Twitter to defend his partisan action, saying he could not allow students’ issues to be “politically caged.” His lie was exposed when Banerjee herself revealed all of her Government’s communication with the Raj Bhavan before the media. But at least he had done his bit for the BJP’s “Didi hatao” campaign. All these examples prove there is an internecine plot to erode the spirit of alliance politics in general and the regional ones in particular, making them look like puppets in a shadow play, so powerful that the voter changes his pattern in the next round of elections. The problem with the BJP is that it just can’t get out of the whataboutery trap, countering every criticism by citing Congress precedents and repeating every mistake of its rival party that ultimately cost the latter dear. Then how is BJP the “party with a difference?” If Governors are abdicating their role responsibilities and preferring to be agents of the ruling party, then their use is not even ceremonial. For even that demands a degree of integrity and respect for the norms of parliamentary democracy. They are toothless when they recommend President’s rule as it is the Central Government which runs the State affairs by proxy with its own team of bureaucrats. Isn’t it time then to look at the selection process of the post of Governor itself, provided each party agrees to neutralising it in the first place? The procedure for appointment of the Lokpal could easily be followed to secure the position in a manner that the Governor cannot be recalled or moved at the Centre’s whim. But will all parties agree to amend a convention that suits each one of them when each gets the hot seat?
By joining the Djibouti Code of Conduct as an observer, India gains strategic heft in the Indian Ocean Region and can challenge Beijing's military influence
Recently, India decided to join the Djibouti Code of Conduct/Jeddah Amendment (DCOC/JA) as an observer after a high-level meeting held on August 26. This is a group on maritime affairs, including countries such as Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Madagascar, Maldives, Seychelles, Somalia, United Republic of Tanzania and Yemen, all from the Red Sea, the Gulf of Aden, the east coast of Africa and island countries in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). Member nations include South Africa, Sudan and the United Arab Emirates. Recently Japan, Norway, UK and the US have also been included as observers of DCOC/JA. So India’s inclusion would increase its political stake in these waters and help it use the collective heft with other nations to tame Chinese expansionist tendencies.
The alliance came into being in January 2009 under the International Maritime Organisation (IMO). It initially focussed on piracy and armed robbery against ships in the western IOR, the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea. In 2017, other issues like the environment, human trafficking and illegal fishing were added. But it is the Jeddah Amendment that is significant. At a high-level meeting of the countries that signed the DCOC in Jeddah in January 2017, 17 signatory nations agreed to adopt a revised code of conduct. They agreed to work closely with the IMO and other stakeholders to build national and regional capacities in addressing broader maritime security issues and enabling the sustainable development of the maritime sector. And at the same tim, the code emphasised the important role of the “blue economy” in supporting sustainable economic growth, employment, food security and stability.
The Horn of Africa is of great strategic importance from a commercial and economic point of view because it is coveted by major powers of the world. Djibouti’s role is most important here. It may be a small country in terms of area and population but enjoys great geo-strategic importance. It commands the narrow entrance to the Red Sea on the southern end (from the Gulf of Aden side) with Egypt on the northern end. Every day millions of oil barrels and other oil products pass through this route to different destinations. Due to its important position, it hosts military bases of about nine countries, including the US, France, Italy and China. After the 9/11 attacks on the US, Washington established its largest permanent base in Djibouti, named Camp Lemonier, which houses at least 4,000 military personnel.
China has also expanded its military cooperation across the African continent in recent years as part of its national defence policy. On July 11, 2017, Beijing sent two warships across the Indian Ocean to Djibouti, the main objective of which was to establish China’s first overseas permanent military base. Work started formally on August 1, 2017. Djibouti is at the centre of China’s maritime policy as it is located at the northwest end of the Indian Ocean, allowing it to checkmate India. Its naval base here could prove to be the pillar of its oceanic strategy, known as the “string of pearls” or friendly islands in the sea route connecting China to West Asia. It is a crucial link in its ambitious “maritime Silk Route” plan.
The purpose of this network is to ensure the safety of China’s trade routes, its raw materials and oil-laden ships and the uninterrupted return of finished goods to Europe via the Gulf of Aden. India’s relations with the Horn of African nations like Ethiopia, Somalia, Eritrea, Sudan and Djibouti have been friendly since ancient times. Some historical researchers believe that economic and cultural relations existed between the two regions since 538 BC. All these nations share the same legacy of colonialism as well as the struggle for independence; India continued to support their anti-colonial fight even after attaining Independence in 1947. In the post-colonial period, India established the Special Commonwealth African Assistance Programme (SCAAP) in 1963. Its relations with the Horn of Africa countries have further strengthened through the Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC), South-South Cooperation and other international fora. Now it is building on this historicity to emerge a key player in the region.
The strategic importance of the Horn of Africa for India can only be known from the fact that President Ramnath Kovind made his first foreign trip to two African countries — Djibouti and Ethiopia. During his visit, he remarked, “India and Djibouti have had historical connections and mutual contacts for a long time. Now we should try to rediscover this shared history and identity. Not only for the old times but to build a contemporary partnership, it is necessary to make the utmost effort to revive this shared heritage of ours. The potential of marine resources and engagement with the Indian Ocean has immense potential to create a sustainable future.” The President also said that “Djibouti is a strategic country, located near the Gulf of Aden. For India, it is an important partner of the Indian Ocean. In 2015, during the Yemen crisis, as part of Operation Relief, at the time of evacuating citizens and people from other countries, Djibouti supported India’s efforts.”
As an observer nation, India can boost its influence in the IOR with new diplomatic equations. New Delhi is already strengthening its position in its surrounding waters as part of the Indo-Pacific policy through Project Mausam, Mission Sagar and Indian Ocean Rim Group. It can further increase its strategic footprint through blue economy initiatives. This will enable us to sustain the use of ocean resources for economic growth, create better livelihoods and jobs and ensure the health of ocean ecosystems.
On the other hand, Beijing is increasing its clout through its claims in the South China Sea and the East China Sea, the String of Pearls diplomacy and Belt & Road Initiatives (BRI). India can effectively neutralise it if it consolidates its hold in this region alongside the Quad initiative with the US, Japan and Australia.
(The writer is an Assistant Professor, Department of African Studies, Delhi University)
If Chirag and Tejashwi are not able to benefit from the legacy of their fathers in the forthcoming Assembly elections, then who will?
Will the two young leaders of Bihar, Tejashwi Yadav of the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and Chirag Paswan of the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP) be able to fill the big shoes of their fathers? Lalu Prasad and Ram Vilas Paswan had been players in Bihar politics for decades and held their own despite various ups and downs in their lives. They sensed a political opening in the late eighties to challenge the dominant Congress and succeeded to a certain extent. Now, years down the line, an ailing Lalu is in a jail in Ranchi, serving his sentence in the fodder scam while Paswan passed away recently.
Now, the two young leaders will be playing a much more pronounced role in Bihar politics. They are leading two important caste groups, the Yadavs and the Dalits in Bihar, estimated to be about 24-30 per cent of the electorate. To their advantage, their fathers declared both the young leaders as their political heirs long ago.
The 39-year-old Tejashwi Yadav is the leader of the Opposition alliance called the Mahagathbandhan (Grand Alliance). The Congress Party, the CPI, CPI–M and some smaller parties are part of the coalition. This Mahagathbandhan will be facing the ruling JD(U)–BJP alliance in the Assembly elections in the State.
Tejashwi is young, ambitious, articulate and has learnt some tricks of politics from his father. Once Lalu went to jail, he grabbed the opportunity and quickly moved to neutralise his opponents. However, Tejashwi has many challenges ahead. The first is to keep the flock together. Raghuvansh Prasad Singh, a close confidant of Lalu, resigned as the party’s vice-president and left the RJD just before his death last month. Senior leaders like Shivanand Tiwari and some MLAs are leaving the RJD and joining Nitish Kumar’s camp. Though Tejashwi has inherited Lalu’s name, his identity and political legacy, we have to see whether he inherits his father’s vote bank, too. Lalu had carefully built up the Yadav–Muslim (MY) electorate. With his one action of halting BJP leader LK Advani’s famous Rath Yatra in 1990, he has claimed secular credentials for all time to come. In all probability this vote bank will remain with Tejashwi.
Then there is the youth vote. There are four crore young voters who should be targetted by the two young leaders. Tejashwi has built up his social media platforms, posters, slogans and election jingles. Though he has studied only up to Class IX, he is also proficient in English. However, Tejashwi has a long way to go as he lacks the political shrewdness of Lalu.
Second, he has nothing much to show for his achievements as he was the Deputy Chief Minister only for 20 months. Third, Lalu overlooked the claims of his elder son Tej Prasad Yadav and daughter Misa Bharti and declared Tejashwi as his political heir, which has created jealousy and trouble in the family. Tejashwi has to sort this out and ensure his family’s support. Fourth, Tejashwi got his position on a silver platter. He became the Deputy Chief Minister at the young age of 26 and is now waiting to become the Chief Minister. When the Mahagathbandhan ended in 2017, he became the Leader of the Opposition and now the leader of the Grand Alliance. Now is the time for him to show his leadership skills.
Chirag’s story is different. He wanted to become a film actor but after failing to make an impact in Bollywood, joined his father in politics and soon rose to become the party chief. He has been involved in many crucial decisions of the party, including the recent decision to go solo in Bihar Assembly polls, leaving the Nitish-led NDA in Bihar.
Ram Vilas Paswan was known as a weathercock and he had worked with eight Prime Ministers, serving in their Cabinets for decades. His recent death would help Chirag in boosting the party but we will have to see how he translates the sympathy factor into votes. Chirag is yet to emerge as a new Dalit icon like his father. He will also face the challenge of galvanising the party workers and consolidate his position. He should be able to make his voters believe that he is the right person to fill the space left by his father.
In Bihar, Dalits comprise over 17 per cent of the population and they are one of the game-changers. While Paswan could keep his Dalit constituency intact by going “solo”, Chirag will be allowing the LJP’s rank and file to contest the election on a much bigger scale and expand its organisational footprint. Rumours say that he has also sealed a deal with the BJP for the post-election scenario. The two leaders will be facing a formidable combination of the JD(U) and the BJP, who have established leadership, experience, money power, muscle power and the electoral machinery at their beck and call. However, if Chirag and Tejashwi are not able to benefit from the legacy of their fathers, then who will? Could it be the JD(U) or the BJP or the Congress? Probably both might succeed in keeping their flock together if they play their cards well. Or else their voters might move away and then the playing field will be open to all.
(The writer is a senior journalist)
Xi is being labelled as a revisionist and expansionist and the world is getting united to counter China’s designs under democratic forces by supporting the Taiwanese cause
In an unprecedented move recently, the Chinese embassy in New Delhi issued a series of “directives” to Indian journalists and media houses regarding the coverage of the National Day of Taiwan on October 10. The press release that was issued by the media section of the embassy appeared to be more of a diktat and declared, “We will like to remind our media friends that there is only one China in the world, and the Government of the People’s Republic of China is the sole legitimate Government representing the whole of China. Taiwan is an inalienable part of China’s territory.” It further dictated to the journalists, “Taiwan shall not be referred to as a country or Republic of China or the leader of China’s Taiwan region as ‘President,’ so as not to send wrong signals to the general public.”
Significantly, no such “advisory” was issued by the Chinese embassy in 2019 on the Taiwanese National Day. What is even more infuriating is that after the event, it issued a statement on “misreporting by the Indian media on Taiwan”, seriously objecting to and expressing strong dissatisfaction at some of the journalists referring to Taiwan as a country. “Taiwan is an inalienable part of China’s territory. It is an objective fact and a universally recognised norm governing international relations,” emphasised the Chinese envoy.
What was so different this year that the embassy issued a virtual threat to the Indian media? China is preparing for the celebration of the 100th year of the formation of the Communist Party of China (CCP) under the watchful eye of its all-powerful President Xi Jinping. The current behaviour of the Chinese diplomatic staff is the manifestation of its “wolf warrior” diplomacy. Xi wants China not only to be powerful but assertive as well. He is aggressively pushing China’s “3 W Strategy”, which includes media warfare. Xi desires that the CCP should not only control select foreign media but also be able to manipulate it to further its ideology and portray its Comprehensive National Power (CNP).
But why is China so sensitive about Taiwan? It is said that Taiwan would be the main trigger of a Sino-American conflict if it ever manifests. Ironically, the US does not officially recognise the Republic of China or Taiwan. Even India doesn’t. Only 17 countries in the world recognise Taiwan. Yet, the US is the biggest arms supplier to Taiwan, its 11th-largest trading partner and avowed guarantor of its sovereignty.
The self-ruled island’s uncertain future, amid tensions between Washington and a newly-powerful Beijing, is the greatest unresolved legacy of the Chinese civil war. While China claims Taiwan to be one of its regions and refers to it as Taiwan region, the latter is in no mood to alter the status quo and lose its status as an independent democratic nation. Xi has offered to resolve the matter on the pattern of Hong Kong by advocating the “One Nation, Two Systems” model, which has been rejected by the island nation.
Dwelling into history, the dispute is a legacy of the Mao-led Chinese civil war. The island formally became a Chinese province only in 1887. But China’s faltering Qing imperial government was forced to cede it to Japan in 1895 after a brief war. Japan ran Taiwan as a colony until 1945, when it was effectively handed over to Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist (KMT) Government in China. In 1949, Mao Zedong’s forces won the Chinese civil war and the KMT fled to the island, ruling it under martial law until democratising it in the 1980s, while the Communists controlled China. It continues to remain a dispute till date since no peace treaty has ever been signed.
However, China’s official position on Taiwan is unambiguous. It claims that the latter is, was and always has been an inseparable part of it, and that international law supports such a claim. This is drilled into every mainland Chinese child’s mind as part of the CCP’s ideology campaign with no second thought on the issue and no public discussion of alternate views being permitted.
The CCP wants outright reunification, the sooner the better, seeing the recovery of the island as the final chapter in the civil war and end of past humiliations when China was forced to cede territory to foreigners. Xi has succeeded in reasserting party control over society, which had loosened to an extent during the era of his immediate predecessors who believed in “collective leadership.”
His clarion call to the nation after assuming its control was, “Don’t forget the original intention. Stick to the mission.” With multifarious threats challenging him, the slogan has become more relevant in the present days and is emerging as a battle cry for unity and perseverance. With increasing US interference in Taiwan and the non-reconciliatory approach of its newly-elected hardliner President, iron lady Tsai Ing-wen, China is becoming increasingly sensitive and restive about Taiwan. On the other hand, Taiwan is becoming more assertive and confident.
During the ongoing pandemic, the Taiwanese were denied entry into various countries which believed them to be Chinese since their passport is of the Republic of China. The Taiwanese Government has, therefore, decided to change the cover of its citizens’ passports to read “Taiwan Passport” while retaining the Republic of China in Mandarin.
It has its own currency, the New Taiwan dollar controlled by the central bank of the Republic of China. It is increasingly stamping Taiwanese made goods as “Made in Taiwan” and all this is not going down well with the CCP, which is increasingly threatening to punish the errant island nation. China is also worried and annoyed with the fact that more and more nations are speaking up for Taiwan and are reluctant to back down under Chinese pressure.
Xi is being labelled as a revisionist and expansionist and the world is getting united to counter his designs under the banner of democratic forces and supporting the Taiwanese cause. There are growing voices in India for recognition of Taiwan though that may not be easy due to the prevailing agreements and treaties with Beijing. However, a change in intent and desire to strengthen relations between the two countries has been signalled by the present regime by deputing two of its senior party leaders to attend the swearing-in ceremony of the new President.
The CCP is unwilling to settle for anything less than reunification. For Xi it has an additional emotional angle as well, related to his family history. China regards Taiwan as unfinished business as part of the civil war and Xi is a firm believer of this historic mission.
Apart from being an unfinished mission of the civil war, it is the geo strategic location and buzzing high-tech micro-chip industry of Taiwan that is the compelling reason for China to claim ownership of the island territory. Taiwan is also the world’s 22nd largest economy and an important supply chain link of Silicon Valley. Many high-tech companies from the mainland have changed base to the island territory with Taiwan emerging as a potential high-tech superpower. It is home to the world’s biggest contract chipmaker, Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Limited.
Taiwan’s location and economy are critical to China in its pursuance of becoming the numero uno world power. If Taiwan becomes integral to China as desired by the latter, it would become a Pacific power, strengthen its position in the South China Sea and be in a position to threaten vital US interests in the Pacific region. It would also have the leverage to cut off oil supplies to Japan and South Korea, important US allies in the region. Economically, Beijing would have control over the world’s major cutting-edge technologies. All this explains China’s sensitivities about Taiwan and its allergy to other nations calling it a “country” rather than Taiwan, Region of the People’s Republic of China. The US, on the other hand, does not want to take any chance in the security of the island-nation that may help China fulfil its mission. Stepped-up US support for Taiwan has angered China, which has often cautioned Washington DC that it amounts to US support for Taiwan’s independence. If it feels threatened enough, Beijing may forcibly occupy the island by launching military operations across the strait.
With India and China on the verge of war in eastern Ladakh and the heightened anti-China sentiments across the country, the Chinese were apprehensive of the Indian media giving prominence to Taiwan on its National Day. It was to pre-empt the same and gauge India’s concerns to its sensitivities that the advisory was issued by the Chinese embassy.
(The author is a Jammu-based veteran, columnist and security analyst)
Jewellery brand caves in to vicious trolls, takes down ad celebrating inter-faith marriage. Why let bigotry win the day?
When a corporate giant with an indisputable standing takes down an ad of its jewellery company that celebrates inter-faith marriage and the birth of a baby resulting from that union — simply bowing to the majoritarian sentiment of the day — then we should worry about the India of tomorrow. For it means that the politics of polarisation has completely taken over the cultural domain and the nation’s collective mindspace. The ad had a beautiful story of a Hindu-Muslim marriage, where the Muslim mother-in-law is seen to have arranged a godh bharai or baby shower ritual for her Hindu daughter-in-law, an example of the inclusivity and love that the brand wanted to communicate. But Right-wing trolls ripped it to shreds, saying it promoted love jihad. This after our literature and films have forever celebrated the plurality of Indian life and the countless inter-faith marriages in reality. Besides, the ad showed that the woman was free to pursue her own religion and rituals in her marital home and was not co-opted. The love jihad messages flooded social media to such an extent that the company removed the video campaign rather than risk negative publicity. In other words, the boycott calls and the cancel culture are assuming such hydra-headed dimensions that they are potent enough to determine market economics now. The sad part is if bona fide corporations take a step back and let the dominant sentiment take over, it only lionises bigotry. The sadder part is that the same jewellery brand has used its festival campaigns to convey beautiful social messages before. The saddest part is that many controversial ads have been pulled out after a public outcry, mostly because they were of a sexual nature and not for conveying the story of a confluence of religion and culture in family life.
Many proponents of Hindutva claimed victory after the ad was withdrawn but can they ever stop the harmony and plurality embedded in our civilisational DNA? A similar reaction was seen when a detergent brand tried something similar with its Holi campaign last year. The one-minute long video featured a young Hindu girl, who chose to be drenched in colours to protect her young Muslim friend, who wanted to visit a nearby mosque. Some felt that Holi wasn’t given due importance and others shuddered at the thought of a Muslim man needing protection from a woman, that too, a Hindu. Advertisers force disruptions in the clutter and make us sit up and think, setting up an alternative or reasoned conversation. Today even that space has shrunk. It isn’t news that most Indian families still prefer weddings being arranged within their religion and caste. Those who break the rules and are not privileged with power or education have often witnessed violent consequences, including “honour killings.” According to the India Human Development Survey, only about five per cent of all marriages are inter-caste and inter-faith relations are even fewer. A 2016 survey by Social Attitudes Research for India (SARI) found that the majority of respondents opposed inter-caste and inter-religious marriages. In Delhi, about 60 per cent of Hindus said they would oppose a child or relative marrying a Muslim and a similar fraction of Muslims opposed a child or relative marrying a Hindu. In Uttar Pradesh, the prejudice was even deeper — about 75 per cent of Hindus opposed marriages with Muslims, and only a slightly lower fraction of Muslims, about 70 per cent, opposed marriages with Hindus. Not to forget that in 2018, the Facebook page that called for violence against 102 Muslim men, who were allegedly in relationships with Hindu women, had to be taken down. Then there are legal challenges for couples trying to get a marriage registered under the Special Marriage Act, where courts insist on all sorts of conditions like ensuring the marriage notice is publicised in local media. And in all this, love is never under discussion. And after yesterday, it doesn’t even make for a story.
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