Modi is still playing comparatives in his speeches when the expectation from him is much more post-verdict

Now that Prime Minister Narendra Modi has a massive mandate for governance and has successfully reduced the Congress to an existential crisis, he certainly needs to get the bugbear of anti-Congressism off his back. There is no doubt that India has vociferously voted against dynastic entitlement and for deserved empowerment. If he has indeed managed to convince voters of his leadership capabilities, frankly, there is no need for him to justify it again and again. Which is why the take down of the Congress during his first speech in the 17th Lok Sabha and even in the Rajya Sabha was more like rubbing salt into the Congress’ wounds than addressing the people who voted him back and are looking for new directions in stressed times. The Congress is already pounded. Doing more of the same won’t affect it but it could make Modi look obsessive about a party and keeping it relevant as an excuse with his sarcasm and negative projection. Rather, moribund as it is, he should let it collapse under its own weight. Besides, elections are over now. Perhaps it was the anniversary of the Emergency that did it but Modi tore into the Congress leadership for being out on bail while imprisoning others during its own tenures in history. Then he demolished Congress leader Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury’s argument that Modi could not diminish the party’s “high” stature, saying the party was so “high” that it was cut off from the grassroots and he would rather it stay there while he connected to the people. Then there was the familiar trope of crediting non-family Congressmen whose contribution went unacknowledged — Pranab Mukherjee, Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh — and how the NDA regime had no issue about acknowledging the work of all past Prime Ministers, beginning with Jawaharlal Nehru. In fact, the reference to Nehru stood apart as he has not been charitable to the Congress’ dynastic fountainhead through the heat and dust of campaigning but urged lawmakers to learn from his sense of duty to society. Of course, the smart jab at his descendants was unmistakable. And not that the Congress would change its stance on the Triple Talaq Bill in Parliament, but by recalling its position on the Uniform Civil Code and the Shah Bano case, Modi exposed its votebank mentality of minority appeasement than welfare. Knowing full well that the Bill wouldn’t get enough support in the Rajya Sabha, Modi wants to show that he tried but was stalled by the Congress. Apportioning blames and competitive comparisons have been a part of our politics but when it comes to Modi and the way he has crafted his journey, the expectations are not sundry. Nobody likes oversold cliches.  

Which is why there needed to be more emphasis on his development work. He did touch upon three areas succinctly that need attention. Although “Make in India” was not showcased much during the campaign, it being considered the NDA’s Achilles’ heel, it was bold of Modi to rescue his pet project and reinstate its primacy in his development vision. He even linked it to the “collective endeavour to make India a five trillion dollar economy.” The country really needed to hear more of his economic blueprint at a time when growth rates are sputtering, there are challenges of boosting investment while giving tax breaks and incentives and there is pressure to be people-friendly immediately after such a massive mandate. Sensing the anxieties about climate change and resources, Modi rightly emphasised that water conservation was everybody’s responsibility and though he had created Jal Shakti ministry to manage resources and ensure potable water to all, he implied a mass awareness, even with the help of NGOs. By recalling his days of sitting in protest against the delay in the Sardar Sarovar Dam project and how it helped farmers, Modi clearly hinted that this could be bigger than his Swachch mission and it could well be a populist pitch that would link the poor, the farmers, the underprivileged and privileged together. So far, his commitment to climate change has not matched his performance when it came to reprieve for thermal plants and underwhelming renewable energy goals. Besides, although he addressed the “sabka vishwas” plank by expressing grief over the Jharkhand mob lynching, he asked that the State be spared of the “lynching hub” tag and perpetrators identified. Would he have said the same about Bengal?

Writer & Courtesy: Editorial Team – The Pioneer

Modi is still playing comparatives in his speeches when the expectation from him is much more post-verdict

Now that Prime Minister Narendra Modi has a massive mandate for governance and has successfully reduced the Congress to an existential crisis, he certainly needs to get the bugbear of anti-Congressism off his back. There is no doubt that India has vociferously voted against dynastic entitlement and for deserved empowerment. If he has indeed managed to convince voters of his leadership capabilities, frankly, there is no need for him to justify it again and again. Which is why the take down of the Congress during his first speech in the 17th Lok Sabha and even in the Rajya Sabha was more like rubbing salt into the Congress’ wounds than addressing the people who voted him back and are looking for new directions in stressed times. The Congress is already pounded. Doing more of the same won’t affect it but it could make Modi look obsessive about a party and keeping it relevant as an excuse with his sarcasm and negative projection. Rather, moribund as it is, he should let it collapse under its own weight. Besides, elections are over now. Perhaps it was the anniversary of the Emergency that did it but Modi tore into the Congress leadership for being out on bail while imprisoning others during its own tenures in history. Then he demolished Congress leader Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury’s argument that Modi could not diminish the party’s “high” stature, saying the party was so “high” that it was cut off from the grassroots and he would rather it stay there while he connected to the people. Then there was the familiar trope of crediting non-family Congressmen whose contribution went unacknowledged — Pranab Mukherjee, Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh — and how the NDA regime had no issue about acknowledging the work of all past Prime Ministers, beginning with Jawaharlal Nehru. In fact, the reference to Nehru stood apart as he has not been charitable to the Congress’ dynastic fountainhead through the heat and dust of campaigning but urged lawmakers to learn from his sense of duty to society. Of course, the smart jab at his descendants was unmistakable. And not that the Congress would change its stance on the Triple Talaq Bill in Parliament, but by recalling its position on the Uniform Civil Code and the Shah Bano case, Modi exposed its votebank mentality of minority appeasement than welfare. Knowing full well that the Bill wouldn’t get enough support in the Rajya Sabha, Modi wants to show that he tried but was stalled by the Congress. Apportioning blames and competitive comparisons have been a part of our politics but when it comes to Modi and the way he has crafted his journey, the expectations are not sundry. Nobody likes oversold cliches.  

Which is why there needed to be more emphasis on his development work. He did touch upon three areas succinctly that need attention. Although “Make in India” was not showcased much during the campaign, it being considered the NDA’s Achilles’ heel, it was bold of Modi to rescue his pet project and reinstate its primacy in his development vision. He even linked it to the “collective endeavour to make India a five trillion dollar economy.” The country really needed to hear more of his economic blueprint at a time when growth rates are sputtering, there are challenges of boosting investment while giving tax breaks and incentives and there is pressure to be people-friendly immediately after such a massive mandate. Sensing the anxieties about climate change and resources, Modi rightly emphasised that water conservation was everybody’s responsibility and though he had created Jal Shakti ministry to manage resources and ensure potable water to all, he implied a mass awareness, even with the help of NGOs. By recalling his days of sitting in protest against the delay in the Sardar Sarovar Dam project and how it helped farmers, Modi clearly hinted that this could be bigger than his Swachch mission and it could well be a populist pitch that would link the poor, the farmers, the underprivileged and privileged together. So far, his commitment to climate change has not matched his performance when it came to reprieve for thermal plants and underwhelming renewable energy goals. Besides, although he addressed the “sabka vishwas” plank by expressing grief over the Jharkhand mob lynching, he asked that the State be spared of the “lynching hub” tag and perpetrators identified. Would he have said the same about Bengal?

Writer & Courtesy: Editorial Team – The Pioneer