The Tablighi Jamaat is often considered extremely orthodox in its interpretations of Islam, with the ability to convert Muslims into radical believers
The Tablighi Jamaat (society of preachers) was founded by a Deobandi Islamic scholar, Muhammad Ilyas al-Kandhlawi, in Mewat, India, in 1926 with the objective of establishing a group of dedicated preachers as a Muslim revivalist society, who could reclaim “true” Islam, which he felt was not being practised by many Muslims across the world. The slogan Kandhlawi coined for his new organisation captured the essence of its activities — “O Muslims, become true Muslims.” By the mid-1930s, the Tablighi Jamaat had a programme of belief, which included, beyond the five pillars of Islam and Islamic doctrinal tenets the following: Islamic education; modest Islamic dress and appearance; rejection of other religions; high regard for Muslims (yet allowed to operate in India since 1947); propagating Islam; self-financing of Tablighi trips; lawful means of earning a living and strict avoidance of divisive and sectarian issues.
The Tablighi Jamaat is often considered extremely orthodox in its interpretations of Islam, with the ability to convert Muslims into radical believers. They believe that the Prophet Mohammed has commanded all Muslims to convey the message of Allah to the world and the Tablighis take this as their solemn duty. They divide themselves into small jamaats (societies) and travel frequently across the world to spread the message of Islam to Muslim houses. During this travel, they stay in local mosques. This free spread and the access to the remotest part of the country with ease has enabled them to meet vulnerable and deprived sections of the non-Muslim population in India. Some fringe groups within the organisation are backed by the power of petro-dollars, the Inter Services Intelligence’s (ISI) dirty money machine, the vast network of underworld don Dawood Ibrahim and other anti-national entities. These elements have converted a large section of the population in the last 70 years with ease and without coercion.
Radicalism and its role in acts of terror: Some Tablighi Jamaat followers have worked as allies of jihadi and sectarian organisations. However, once they joined militant organisations, they cut off their links with the Tablighis. However, over the years, the terror groups have used some of the Tablighi Jamaat congregations as recruitment camps. Some fringe elements in the Tablighi Jamaat have been sympathisers and supporters of jihadi organisations such as the Harkat-ul-Mujahideen (Hum), the Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami, the Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM), the Al Qaeda and the Taliban.
As per WikiLeaks, “Some of the 9/11 al-Qaeda suspects detained by the US in Guantanamo Bay had stayed in the Tablighi Jamaat headquarters in Nizamuddin West, New Delhi years ago.” According to Pakistani security analysts and Indian investigators, HuM members, involved in the hijacking of Indian Airlines Flight 814 in 1999, were members of the Tablighi Jamaat. The 2011 US investigation reports suggest that the Tablighi Jamaat had supported members of the Al-Qaeda to get visas and funds to travel from Pakistan.
Saad, the new Khalifa: Born on May 10, 1965, Maulana Muhammad Saad is the Amir (chief) of the Tablighi Jamaat. He is the grandson of Maulana Muhammad Ilyas, who founded the Jamaat. Maulana Saad became the chief of the Tablighi Jamaat on November 16, 2015 and claims to have 100 crore followers in 214 countries. This huge number includes almost three-four crore converts in western Uttar Pradesh (UP) that the Jamaat has successfully targetted in the last 70 years in connivance with the so-called secular political parties.
The Tablighi Jamaat has changed the religious landscape of UP, Bihar, West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, Telangana, Kerala and Maharashtra extensively by targetting vulnerable and marginalised sections of the non-Muslim population allegedly aided by the secular ruling elite of India by creating a votebank for secular parties and in return, converting millions of citizens by exploiting weakness of Article 25(1). This Article guarantees to every person and not merely to the citizens of India, the freedom of conscience and the right freely to profess, practise and propagate religion.
The Tablighi Jamaat used its weapon extensively for the last 70 years by inviting many radical preachers and import of petro dollars to facilitate the growth of the Muslim population from less than seven per cent in 1947 to 14.5 per cent in 2011 to likely 16.8 per cent in 2021. Furthermore, there are indeed some links between the fringe elements in the Tablighis and the world of jihad. First, there is evidence of indirect connections between the group and the wider radical/extremist Deobandi nexus composed of anti-Shiite sectarian groups, Kashmiri militants and the Taliban. As per Intelligence reports, Rohingyas residing in camps in different parts of the country have a direct link with the Tablighi Jamaat.
The Coronavirus pandemic 2019-2020: Amid the Coronavirus lockdown, patients from Nizamuddin were tested and found to be positive for the virus, which resulted in the Arvind Kejriwal-led Delhi Government registering an FIR against Kandhlawi for arranging a Tablighi Jamaat programme despite restrictions on such gatherings after March 16 at the Nizamuddin Markaz. The Tablighi Jamaat congregation took place between March 13 and15 but over 2,000 people stayed back in the Markaz. They had sought help from authorities for vacating the premises on March 25. On March 31, an FIR was filed against Kandhlawi and others by the Delhi Police Crime Branch under Section 3 (the penalty for offence) of the Epidemic Diseases Act, 1897 and Sections 269 (Negligent act likely to spread infection of disease), 270 (malignant act likely to spread infection of disease), 271 (disobedience to quarantine rule) and 120b (punishment of criminal conspiracy) of the IPC.
Later the police slapped the 304 charge (punishment for culpable homicide not amounting to murder) while the Enforcement Directorate has filed a money laundering case and the IT department is scanning the bank accounts and suspicious transactions of the Tablighi Jaamat. Why Tablighi Jamaat antagonised their defence: Spitting and pelting stones have almost become weapons of war for the Tablighis. It makes one question as to what can be the reason for this kind of deplorable behavior? According to some news reports, there have been protests against medical staff and resistance against going to hospitals is not related to Covid-19. Some of the issues cited by them are the Citizenship Amendment Act, the National Register of Citizens, Triple Talaq, Babri Masjid and so on.
Unfortunately, some parts of the community are still focussing on politics and discrediting the Government at any cost while the entire nation is combatting the national health emergency. The country must take the threat of the Tablighis as an eye-opener for future planning that must include a ban and seizure of assets. We must identify ancillary units of the Tablighi Jamaat so that they can be stopped from operating under different names. We must punish the traitors of COVID-19, immediately amend Article 25(1) so that the money and preachers from outside the country can be restricted in their operations (it is a national security threat), set up an expert committee to re-examine provisions under Article 25-30 in the Indian Constitution and give additional power to the police to identity and book anti-nationals. It is important that Deoband, Barelvi, Salafi ideologies managing the network of mosques in India must be brought under Government supervision and control just as the temples of India are supervised under the Religious Endowment Act, 1873. An absolute freedom in the name of religion and at the cost of the nation must be immediately curbed.
(Writer: Prashant Tewari; Courtesy: Opinion Express)
The coming together of all 10 Asean heads as guests of honour for the republic Day parade signals how regional powers like India have evolved to play a vital role in modern international architecture.
Regional organisations are increasingly becoming a vital feature of modern international architecture. The Association of South East Asian Nations (Asean), which completed its golden jubilee recently in 2017, is a regional grouping of 10 separate nation-states – Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam. It was formed by five countries, which later extended to 10 members.
Asean also shares wide ranging partnerships with various other regional organizations and countries, such as India, China, Japan, South Korea, Australia and United States. It is the most institutionalized regional association in Asia and a classic example of successful regional multilateralism. Most importantly, it has not remained a mere talk shop, but has embraced economic integration and has, thereby, slowly transformed a once-impoverished Asean region with some war-torn countries into a dynamic economic power house.
The combined Asean Gross Domestic Product rose from $95 billion in 1970 to $2.55 trillion in 2016 and is expected to reach $6.4 trillion by 2027. If it were a single entity, Asean would be ranked as the sixth largest economy in the world just behind the US, China, Japan, Germany, and the UK. France is also at about the same position. Asean is projected to emerge as the fourth largest economy in the world by 2050, with some describing it as the growth engine of the world.
Asean also shares wide ranging partnerships with various other regional organizations and countries, such as India, China, Japan, South Korea, Australia and United States. It is the most institutionalized regional association in Asia and a classic example of successful regional multilateralism.
All the first five Asean countries Thailand, Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore — which once suffered varying degrees of internal communist insurgencies, managed to surpass them. Asean’s success has resulted in the fundamental transformation of geopolitics and geoeconomics in Southeast Asia. Its diplomatic weight bears footprints not only in South- east Asia and East Asia, but also in the broader Indo-Pacific region and in the global arena.
India-Asean partnership: India and Asean share geographical proximity and a robust people-to-people relation- ship which is deeply rooted in history and culture. on seeing deep cultural imprints, Rabindranath Tagore, during his visit to Indonesia lamented, “I see India everywhere, but I do not recognize it.” Even today, in Indonesia’s capital Jakarta, statues placed at major traffic intersections depict figures from the ramayana and the Mahabharata. Jeferysng, a former diplomat based in Bangkok and Kishore Mahbubani, dean of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, National University of Singapore, in their jointly authored book, The ASEAN Miracle: A Catalyst for Peace, observe, “Many ordinary Southeast Asians are well acquainted with figures from, say, the ramayana and Mahabharata. Yet, they would be surprised to learn that these figures, which they consider to be part of their heritage, come from India.”
Perhaps no other country can match India’s long historical links with Southeast Asia. Ancient maritime trade routes had linked the Kalingas, Pallavas and the Cholas to Southeast Asia.
Perhaps no other country can match India’s long historical links with South- east Asia. Ancient maritime trade routes had linked the Kalingas, Pallavas and the Cholas to Southeast Asia. Barring Vietnam and the Philippines, all other eight Asean countries share some sort of cultural roots in or exchanges with the Indian civilisation.
India’s Look East Policy, articulated during the Government of PV Narasimha Rao, has been re-phrased and energized as ‘Act East Policy’ by the incumbent Government and its being in full gear is visible from the republic Day invite to all Asean leaders. That India-Asean partnership is on the upward trajectory is evident from the fact that the partnership had graduated from Sectoral Dialogue Partnership in 1992 to Full Dialogue Partnership in 1996 to Summit Level Partnership in 2002 and then to Strategic Partnership in 2012. Asean is home to about seven million Indian diasporas. All Asean countries are among the list of countries to which India’s e-visa facility is available. India has set-up Asean-India Centre (AIC) in New Delhi in 2013 and a separate Asean diplomatic mission in Jakarta in 2015 in order to smoothly and speedily facilitate India’s engagements with Asean. Currently, 30 different dialogue mechanisms, focusing on a range of sectors are operational.
Mutually beneficial engagement: India-Asean relations are mutually advantageous and beneficial on economic, cultural and strategic fronts. India-Asean economic ties are gradually deepening. Statistics of 2016 show, Asean was India’s fourth largest trading partner, accounting for 10 percent of India’s total trade, whereas India was Asean’s seventh largest trading partner. India’s production linkages with Asean countries, especially with Malaysia in electronics, with Thailand in automobiles, with Singapore in digital networks, are strengthening. There is rapid growth in India’s textile trade with Vietnam.
India’s mostly service oriented economy has got potential to compliment the mostly manufacturing-based economy of Asean. India is a member of Asean led regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), which when implemented, is likely to cover 40 per cent of the world’s population, 40 per cent of world trade and 33 per cent of global GDP. The Government of the State of Andhra Pradesh has availed support from Singapore in designing master plan of its upcoming new capital Amaravati and is also drawing collaboration with it for infrastructure development in its new capital city.
North-East India is looked at by some as being at the frontier of India at a remote corner. But if South Asia and Southeast Asia are taken as a continuum, which is a geographical reality, then North-East India is right at the middle of it. India needs to tap this advantage to its full potential. Whereas over three million Indian tourists go to Asean countries every year, only about seven lakhs tourists from Asean come to India.
China and Japan are more preferred tourist destinations for Asean people. With improved connectivity, geared up infrastructure, enhanced awareness, North-East India, with its charming tourist destinations, should be able to attract greater number of tourists from Asean countries. Potential for land based international connectivity is the highest in North-East. Borders must be made vibrant with land ports and North-East must be evolved as a hub of healthcare and education facilities be- sides tourism.
Both India and Asean are rich with diversity and nurture a culture of tolerance and co-existence. Ecosystem of peace provided by Asean and its live illustration of the culture of co-existence may hopefully help moderate the aggressive impulses of China, which has got economic interests in Asean. India and Asean collaboration would be promising in securing trade routes, ensuring freedom of navigation and sustaining a rule-based order in the In- do-Pacific region in particular, which is vital for economic and security interests all stakeholders.
Republic Day invite to Asean: India has invited all heads of states of all 10 Asean countries to take part as chief guests in upcoming republic Day parade on January 26. Except in 1956, 1968 and 1974, when India had two republic Day guests, in all other years since 1950, there was only one chief guest each year. Hosting 10 heads of states as Chief Guests on republic Day parade this year is a unique symbolic gesture, underlining the importance India attaches to further strengthening friendly relations with all Asean countries. New Delhi will also host an Asean-India commemorative summit on January 25, which marks the silver jubilee of the establishment of dialogue partnership between India and Asean. India-Asean partnership can play a vital role in shaping 21ST century as the Asian century.
(The writer is an advocate & Assistant Editor, India Foundation Journal. Views expressed are personal)
Chetna Sinha set up the Mann Deshi Foundation with the aim of economically and socially empowering women in Maharashtra’s Mhaswad village. She has never looked back
Mhaswad village is a mere blip on India’s vast geographic radar but it shines brightly on the country’s development landscape. The lodestar in this parched village is a woman of indefatigable stamina and unshakable courage. Chetna Gala Sinha has dedicated her life to empowering some of the area’s most impoverished and dispossessed women by giving them the tools to run businesses of their own. Her work has transformed the lives of nearly half a million women and she hopes to help one million women by 2024. Mhaswad village, which has become a crucible for some of the most revolutionary social experiments, nestles in Satara district, on the placid banks of Manganga River, some 300 km south-east of Mumbai.
Rural areas typically face several developmental impediments: Small land holdings; low savings and capital formation; stagnant factor productivity; limited market access; low levels of human development; paucity of resources and a young population alienated from farming and other rural occupations. Reliant for the most part on subsistence agriculture, villagers are packing up in droves and heading to cities. They need solutions tailored to their needs and problems. Short-term palliatives like loan waivers and cash transfers cannot cure or address the pathology of poverty or fix the deep fault lines in the rural economy. Sinha’s work with marginalised communities is now a legend. Described variously as a social entrepreneur, a microfinance banker, an economist, a farmer and an activist, Sinha has set a path that continues to remain relevant and resonant. She has nurtured social entrepreneurship at the grassroots that is redefining the way the world thinks about rural distress. Sinha has been able to build women’s perspectives in the context of development, enabling them to claim space in the political, economic, societal and cultural systems. Women are reframing crucial questions on burning issues, about their experiences, problems, needs and are developing a different narrative.
Sinha grew up in Mumbai where she obtained a postgraduate degree in economics. She then moved to Bihar to work with landless labourers. She came in contact with the youth movement led by Jaiprakash Narayan and was inspired by his socialist philosophy. She met her husband Vijay Sinha, a farmer from Mhaswad, during a farmers’ movement in Maharashtra between 1984 and 1985. She moved from Mumbai to Mhaswad after marriage.
Transplanted to a totally alien culture, Sinha initially found it difficult to strike roots. She spent time helping her husband on the farm and organising the local community on different issues. The world of inequities that surrounded her kept her restless and she soon found her bearings. With the ebullient spirit that was honed in JPs movement, she set her sights on toppling the status quo in her husband’s county. She followed through to tackle inequities and eradicate dysfunction in the local society. “I found life completely different from Mumbai. It opened my eyes to the plight of people at the grassroots level and the challenge of working for their benefit came with the idealism I had grown up with,” recalls Sinha.
In 1996, Sinha founded the Mann Deshi Foundation with the aim of economically and socially empowering rural women. One of Sinha’s first actions was to set up a bank for village women. She believes access to finance is an important piece in the development ecosystem and has necessarily to be at the core of any economic strategy. “Financial services are like safe water and clean energy — they are essential to leading a better life”, says Sinha. Mann Deshi Mahila Sahakari Bank is India’s first bank that runs for and is managed by rural women. It began with 840 women members, each contributing a share capital of Rs 600. Today, it has nine branches, more than 28,000 members and a share capital of Rs 69 crore. It has enabled thousands of women to save, insure and to responsibly borrow —allowing them to build their assets and improve their well-being and financial prospects. The bank offers specially-designed savings accounts, pension services and insurance products as well as individualised loans. Financing is perhaps the biggest problem faced by small businesses in the developing world. People need credit to increase their financial prospects. “The greatest fracture facing India is women’s inequality”, reiterates Sinha. “The majority of women are doing business on roads in cities and villages, selling things in haats but they do not have access to funds. Regular banks aren’t typically an option; they have several formalities, fee and documentation that can be intimidating and require an arduous trek to the nearest town, which can compromise a day’s wages. Banks find this segment unviable because they feel the costs of underwriting and originating these small loans are substantial,” she says.
Mann Deshi serves as an umbrella platform for several community initiatives like cattle camps; mobile para-veterinary services; erection of check dams; running a farmer produce company; local radio stations and sports talent hunts. Some of the more modern innovations include a business school and the Mann Deshi Chamber of Commerce for Rural Women (MCCRW) in partnership with the Clinton Global Initiative (CGI)
Mann Deshi Business School for Rural Women (MDBSRW) is a unique nursery for unlettered women. It places “professional” expertise in the hands of the weakest of the weak and the poorest of the poor: Village women. Set up in 2006, MDBSRW offers a menu of 25 courses, largely developed in-house. These include classes in finance and marketing management and vocational skills such as screen-printing, chutney-making, bag-making, tailoring and catering among others. The courses are certified by the National Skill Development Corporation of India (NSDC). This ingenuity was recognised alongside Harvard Business School and Fuqua School of Business in a Financial Times’ ranking of the best B-schools.
A unique idea is the Business School on Wheels.The state-of-the-art bus travels with computers and micro ATMs. MDBSRW also offers a Deshi MBA, which is a year-long course where women attend workshops on finance, planning, inventory, marketing and accounting. The course syllabus was developed by Mumbai’s SP Jain Management Institute and acclaimed non-profit Accion. When the programme was set up in 2015 just 286 women participated. This year, 958 women graduated. A Deshi MBA student is also provided with a mentor. With chapters of the business school in 12 centres equipped with nine buses, MDBSRW has unleashed an entrepreneurial wave in villages across Maharashtra, Gujarat and Karnataka.
Mann Desha has helped over 4,00,000 women set up businesses and access new markets. Traditionally confined to the home, these village women have now become productive, articulate and confident in their ability to think for themselves. Sinha argues that rural women should be acknowledged for who they really are — a new generation of dynamic entrepreneurs, job-creators and economy drivers, committed to bringing a change in their communities.
Women have also been trained as “barefoot professionals”. Four years ago, Mann Deshi started a unique initiative to train women in goat farming, vaccinations, first aid and artificial insemination. They are popularly known as “goat doctors.” Today the team has 19 para-veterinarians.
The biggest contribution to the local economy are the cattle camps. This year, the cattle camp was set up in January in collaboration with the Bajaj Foundation and two other organisations. It provides fodder, water and shelter needed to sustain cattle from surrounding villages when periodical and recurrent drought stares at them. Spread over 100 acres, it sheltered 7,000 cows and 20,000 goats belonging to more than 50 villages. Along with the cattle shed, smaller tents — made out of cloth, straw, leaves and plastic sheeting — are built for families accompanying the scrawny cattle. People work through the day, chopping sugarcane and preparing wet fodder for the cattle.
Sinha has been awarded the Nari Shakti Puraskar, India’s highest civilian award for women who work in the area of women’s empowerment, Schwab Foundation’s Social Entrepreneur of the Year Award (2013), Forbes Social Entrepreneurs of the Year Award (2017). She has served as a Co-Chair of the World Economic Forum in Davos (2018) and as a Co-Chair of Financial Inclusion at the W20 Summit (2018) in Argentina.
From Mumbai to Mhaswad, Sinha has come a long way. She succeeded because she looked at the familiar problems with fresh eyes. Sinha’s work has several lessons for policymakers, who may think of changing the direction of their discourses. India spends more on programmes for the poor than most developing countries but is not getting the expected dividends that significant public expenditure would seem to warrant. The Government can complement the efforts of crusaders like Sinha by identifying, adapting and successfully scaling up promising interventions instead of rolling out more and more reforms.
(Writer: Moin Qazi ; Courtesy: The Pioneer)
Anti-intellectual trends and sectarian politics unfolding in nations ruled by elected Governments no less can push the world into a bottomless pit of cultural and civilisational decadence
Democracies across the globe are fighting a battle of survival today. India, one of the largest democracies in the world, is facing an existential threat from internal forces motivated by vested interests and narrow political gains. The ongoing attack on democracy and the resulting authoritarian regulations on people’s right to choose a Government of their choice, freedom of expression, Constitutional validity and suppression of liberal voice will take the country back to the primitive times. Signs of such a trend are already looming large on the horizon with secularism and pluralistic worldview coming under constant attack. An annual report by Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem), published in 2018, titled, “Democracy Facing Global Challenges” said that “autocratisation is now manifesting in a number of countries, including Brazil, India, Russia, Turkey and the US. Autocratisation affects one-third of the world’s population, or some 2.5 billion people. This represents a massive reduction in the global protection of rights and freedoms.”
Democratic discussions and debates have been greatly undermined in recent times, attacks on minority groups have seen a rise and religion has almost taken the centre-stage in all political discourses. Anti-democratic symptoms, such as attacks on certain sections of society based on their food habits, curtailing of freedom of individuals and organisation and interference with Government institutions for political gains, are challenging Indian democracy. In his book, Enlightenment Now: The Case for Reason, Science, Humanism, and Progress, Steven Pinker said that “a good democratic Government allows people to pursue their lives in safety, protected from the violence of anarchy and in freedom, protected from the violence of tyranny. For that reason alone, democracy is a major contributor to human flourishing.”
Currently, there are 103 democracies in the world with nearly 56 per cent of the global populations residing in them. But recent developments in the global political landscape are giving rise to authoritarianism. The rise of an alternative form of democracy, like theodicy in the Muslim world and authoritarian capitalism in China, is the primary reason for the declining popularity of democracy. Stephen Pinker, however, says that “democracies themselves are blacklisting into authoritarianism with populist victories in Poland and Hungary and the power grabs by Recep Erdogan in Turkey and Vladimir Putin in Russia.” It is true that democracies across the globe have come under a major threat as elected leaders at times refuse to vacate the office and, thus, cripple the democratic functions of the Government as mandated by the people. Similar trends are also being witnessed in the US and the UK. A Government, which functions without heeding to the needs of the very people that elected it, tends to become authoritarian sooner or later. The trends indicating a gradual but deliberate attempt to strangle and replace democracy are not only seen in India but across the globe.
The Varieties of Democracy report further adds that “aspects of democracy that make elections truly meaningful are on the decline. Media autonomy, freedom of expression and alternative sources of information and the rule of law have undergone the greatest decline among democracy metrics in recent years. This trend affects both autocracies and democracies.”
Besides, the dramatic rise in protectionist trends, deglobalisation, hyper-nationalism and divisive politics will only worsen the current state of affairs. This is more evident during election campaigns, where propaganda is skillfully employed to spread misinformation and instill fear in the minds of the people about possible threats to their religious, cultural and ethnic identities from external forces.
Elections are, thus, won and public opinion is held captive in manners never thought possible before. This not only has a regressive impact on civilisations that evolved and matured over thousands of years, but also threatens the ideals of unity, harmony and mutual tolerance. Samuel Huntington, noted American political scientist, in his article titled, “Clash of Civilisations” says that the “Great divisions among humankind and the dominating source of conflict will be cultural. Nation states will remain the most powerful actors in world affairs but the principal conflicts of global politics will occur between nations and groups of different civilisations. The clash of civilisations will dominate global politics. The fault lines between civilisations will be the battle lines of the future.”
Authoritarian regimes have always resorted to extreme measures to silence public opinion, eliminate adversary groups and create an environment of fear. Democracy was an exception that allowed and promoted free speech, dissent and peaceful protests. However, democracy today is crackling under excessive pressure from politicians, Governments and individuals with vested interests. In the words of Stephen Pinker, such trends were first witnessed in “the first decade of the 21st century with the rise of populist movements that blatantly repudiate the ideals of enlightenment — liberty, progress, Constitutional Government and fraternity. Today, they are tribalist rather than cosmopolitan, authoritarian rather than democratic, contemptuous of experts rather than respectful of knowledge and nostalgic for an idyllic past rather than hopeful for a better future.”
What can save democracy from a premature death? Democracy, in the words of Abraham Lincoln, is “A Government of the people, by the people and for the people.” Its very foundation, therefore, rests on its people, their belief and the desire to be ruled by a leader who is capable of ensuring their safety and overall well-being. Huntington, in his book, The Third Wave: Democratisation in the Late Twentieth Century, talks about three waves of democratisations, the challenges each of them faced and the democratic transitions that took place cross the globe. However, today, we need a fourth wave that would not necessitate any democratic transitions but protect the existing democracies. But this would require what Immanuel Kant calls “enlightenment” or dare to know (sapere aude).
Enlightenment, as Kant describes it, is man’s emergence from his self-imposed nonage. Nonage is the inability to use one’s own understanding without another’s guidance. “This nonage is self-imposed if its cause lies not in the lack of understanding but in indecision and lack of courage to use one’s own mind without another’s guidance.”
Enlightenment or the age of reason, which began in the 14th century and ended in the 17th century, marked a new chapter in European history that was previously plagued by ignorance, blind faith and supremacy of the Church. It was, perhaps, the enlightened wisdom that laid the foundation of modern Europe with a different worldview guided by reason and logic. A revisit of the same would usher in a new era of positive change, characterised by greater reliance on reason, logic and human intelligence.
The enlightenment values are relevant even today, particularly as the world remains highly susceptible to religious fundamentalism, strong ideological adherence to divisive politics and increasing anti-democratic trends. Further, the anti-intellectual trends and sectarian politics unfolding today in countries ruled by democratic Governments could potentially push the world into a bottomless pit of cultural and civilisational decadence.
However, active participation of people, unbiased reporting by the media and a fair judicial system can play a crucial role in upholding the sanctity and ensuring the long life of democracy. New ideologies, innovative thinking and above all, criticism, should be welcomed in the best interest of the common good and the well-being of the nation and its people. Like 14th century Europe, which experienced a revival in its thinking, political and intellectual views, enlightenment could trigger a new wave of thinking and an awakening in us to guard our Constitutional rights and a democratic life.
(Writer: Nithin Augustine; Courtesy: The Pioneer)
The current socio-economic-political situation has great similarities with the 70s and the country could witness a movement, like the one led by Jai Prakash Narayan, in a few years if the situation doesn’t improve
Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the BJP returned to power in 2019 with a bigger majority than they got in 2014. Therefore, it can safely be said that Modi is currently the most popular leader in India. But history has some parallels in this. The late Indira Gandhi was considered one of the most popular and able leaders of independent India, yet her tenure was full of turmoil. The late Jai Prakash Narayan (JP) started a revolution against her which paved the way for Emergency. The current events in the country are similar to what happened with Indira in 1971-1977 and could well spark off a movement against the Government.
Economic context: During the 1971 elections, the Congress had given the slogan of “garibi hatao”. However, the social and economic conditions in the country did not improve much after 1971-72. The Bangladesh crisis had put a heavy strain on India’s economy and this was followed by a war with Pakistan. After the war, the US Government stopped all aid to India and prices increased by 23 per cent in 1973 and 30 per cent in 1974. Industrial growth was low and unemployment was very high, particularly in rural areas.
The country is going through a similar situation now and the current unemployment rate is the highest ever seen in the last 45 years. Data published by the Government on the index of eight core industries reveals the sad state of the economy. Real estate is in negative growth and the auto industry, too, has reached a level where only structural reforms can save it. The telecom industry is also in the red and so is the aviation sector. The banking sector and the Non-Banking Financial Companies (NBFC) have suffered huge losses as their NPAs have been growing exponentially. A report from the National Statistical Office (NSO) shows that average consumer spending has declined for the first time in 40 years. So, there are many similarities with the economic conditions prevailing in the pre-Emergency era. Historically, the unemployed youth start questioning the Government and when there are no satisfactory answers, they launch a movement to protest against these debilitating problems. India would be witnessing this in a couple of years.
National political scenario: Indira enjoyed the same unmatched popularity in those days as Modi does now. The party became insignificant and elections were won or lost on the steam of the top leader. But those days saw the narrative that leaders opposing Indira were against the progress of the country, just as it is now during the Modi regime. Like Indira, Modi also has near-absolute control over the Government as well as a huge majority in Parliament and the BJP is not dependent on any supporting party.
Student agitations: Chimanbhai Patel became the Chief Minister of Gujarat in July 1973. In December 1973, students of LD College of Engineering, Ahmedabad went on a strike in protest against a 20 per cent hike in hostel food fees. A similar strike in January 1974 at Gujarat University resulted in clashes between the police and students. Ultimately the students, lawyers and professors formed a committee, later known as the Nav Nirman Yuvak Samiti, to voice their grievances. They demanded Patel’s resignation and as the agitations spread in the State, Indira asked him to resign, which he did. This movement is popularly known as the Nav Nirman Andolan which was later fought under the leadership of JP. Today, we are witnessing many student agitations that are mostly related to fee hikes in IITs, Ayurveda medical colleges in Uttarakhand and Delhi’s Jawaharlal Nehru University.
Students are also saying that such hikes are not acceptable as they lack clarity regarding their future due to the major job crisis in the country.
Naxalite of the 70s and today’s urban Naxalites: In the 70s, the “peasant movement”, which started in West Bengal, spread to several States and came to be referred broadly as the “Naxalite movement”. Later they broke off from the CPI (M) and formed a new party, Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist). It argued that democracy in India was a sham and decided to adopt a strategy of protracted guerrilla warfare in order to lead a revolution. The “Naxalite movement” used force to snatch land from rich landowners and give it to the poor and the landless. Its supporters advocated the use of violent means to achieve their political goals. In spite of the use of preventive detention and other strong measures adopted by the West Bengal Government run by the Congress, the Naxalite movement did not end. In later years, it spread to many parts of the country.
Today we hear about “urban Naxalites”. The 2018 arrests of some people in connection with a probe in the Bhima-Koregaon riots opened the debate on the concept of “urban Naxalism”. A 2004 Communist Party of India (Maoist) document, titled Urban Perspective, elaborates on this strategy with a key area of focus being on acquiring leadership from urban areas. The security establishment believes that saddled with an ageing leadership, Maoists have been looking at cities and towns for new leaders. It feels that this is in keeping with the tradition that most of their top leaders are well-educated people from universities.
JP’s total revolution: JP was a staunch Gandhian, freedom fighter and a veteran socialist, but was unhappy with where the country was headed during Indira’s regime. The people associated with the Nav Nirman Andolan movement of Gujarat asked JP to lead a peaceful agitation, which gathered support. Leaders of almost all political parties fought under his leadership. Millions of protesters, including students and the common man, inspired by JP left colleges and jobs to join the movement. JP travelled all over India to mobilise the masses against the Congress by capturing people’s sentiments through anti-corruption speeches.
Consequently, on June 12, 1975, the Allahabad High Court convicted Indira for election malpractices and declared her election null and void, which was upheld by the Supreme Court on June 24, 1975. On June 25, JP announced a nation-wide movement demanding Indira’s resignation and internal Emergency was imposed on June 25. Most of the top Opposition leaders like JP, Morarji Desai, Atal Bihari Vajpayee and LK Advani were arrested.
The Press was censored and all news articles had to be sent to the Government for approval before publishing.
Today, we are seeing the same kind of censorship. We have witnessed TV journalists losing their jobs for criticising the Government and most of them have been unable to find new ones. They are currently airing their views through social media. We have also seen a new sort of journalism where TV debate anchors are asking questions meant for the Government from the Opposition.
Newspapers are doing their jobs far better than TV as far as true journalism is concerned. In Srinagar recently, scribes protested against the lockdown and lack of internet in the Valley. The Government today keeps a close watch not only on newspaper and TV media but also on various social media platforms.
Igniting points: The Goods and Service Tax (GST) was implemented in July 2017 but it was not flawless. There are various issues and inherent problems with GST compliance and traders are not happy it. Thought it could never lead to a big movement in itself, it could become part of any big protest.
The air and water quality is not up to the mark even 70 years after Independence and these issues could be part of any movement.
Farmer suicides is an area which every political party talks about but seldom does any thing concrete to help. This could lead to a mass movement.
The problem with history is that it repeats itself. The current socio-economic-political situation has great similarities with the 70s and the country could witness a JP-like movement in a few years if the situation doesn’t improve soon.
Who the next JP will be, only time will tell. But the Government would do well to learn from the past and take corrective measures now to bring the country out of the current morass.
(Writer: Abhishek raja; Courtesy: The Pioneer)
The speed at which India is progressing on its wind energy agenda is not encouraging, whereas the targets the country has set itself are very ambitious. Why is there such a major disconnect between plan and action?
Many environmental sceptics will write off wind energy as a resource that has literally gone with the wind and rightly so, as India still has a long way to go before it can say that wind power has come to play a pivotal role in becoming the alternate source to fossil fuels.
Having said this, wind energy obviously cannot be written off as it has tremendous potential that is just waiting to be tapped. The specific circumstances in India are not able to create an enabling environment for the full-fledged harnessing of this amazing pollution-free sustainable and renewable power resource.
The speed at which India is progressing on its wind energy agenda is not encouraging whereas the targets the country has set itself are very ambitious.
Why is there such a major disconnect between plan and action? Is it due to the lack of a cohesive vision?
For instance, India has set an ambitious target of achieving 175 gigawatt (GW) renewable energy capacity by 2022. As per the Ministry of New and Renewable Energy’s figures, at the end of 2018, India had an installed capacity of 35 GW. Hence, the jump from 35 GW to 175 GW by 2022 sure looks ambitious and maybe a tad unachievable, not because the target is high but because there is an absence of aggressive policy-backed implementation efforts and initiatives to achieve the same.
The world is witnessing a major shift from fossil fuels to renewable energy, mainly due to the rising awareness regarding their ill-effects. Thanks to this awakening, the cost of renewable energy infrastructure is coming down rapidly elsewhere in the world, but in India this fall in installation rates is not translating into renewed enthusiasm for wind energy and this is concerning. The full potential of wind energy, if and when harnessed, has the ability to mitigate climate change and pollution together. In our renewable energy sector, the emphasis on grand plans and commitments is given primary importance, whereas time-bound execution of projects is sorely missing. Yet another pressing factor is going to make reliance on renewable energy compulsory sooner than later. According to a study by the Indian Statistical Institute, the projected domestic social cost of coal-based power generation will be too high by 2024-25. This will necessitate reduction in building of new coal-based power plants and render the operations of the existing ones unviable. At a time such as this, a fully-developed portfolio of renewable energy options will be able to shoulder the burden of India’s energy demand. However, this portfolio, with a robust GW capacity cannot happen overnight and needs a sufficient run up, which is not happening in the country today.
Senior environmentalists and policymakers must understand that though time is short, it is also ripe for harnessing wind energy. This is because the technology is available and energy storage is improving exponentially as a lot of innovation is taking place. Hence, it will be much more easy to adopt wind energy today than ever before.
Wind energy cannot be seen as a back-up resource or a plan B. Renewable power sources, especially the trio of solar, wind and hydro power are going to be the mainstay of the future energy sector of the country. To make this happen India must invest appropriately also.
According to the estimates of the US-based Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis (IEEFA), the country will require $500 to $700 billion in renewable energy and supporting grid investment over the coming decade in order to meet its renewable energy targets. Some immediate steps can go a long way to counter the wind energy generation slowdown.
India must first, bring policy consensus and ensure that implementation and execution remain the strong points of its policy. Also, a monthly monitoring of the hurdles being faced by the renewable energy sector will help in smooth scaling up of the wind energy portfolio.
In addition to this, the authorities may want to prepare a compelling mix of wind and solar energy generation options for small and medium investors as this will raise awareness and present a major business opportunity too. The proper and viable storage of energy is an ongoing issue, which needs to be taken care of as well.
Wind energy has a potential that is still waiting to be tapped and India can easily sail through any future energy crisis only if it has got the wind in its sails.
Writer: Kota Sriraj
Courtesy: The Pioneer
There are numerous endings and beginnings in our life. One must remember that no situation can continue forever and hence, even problems escalate and come to an end, says Rajyogi Brahmakumar Nikunj Ji
We all know that a full stop ends a sentence giving it a definite meaning. In that sense, the end of anything gives it full closure and creates a way for a new beginning. It’s a cycle of life. There are so many endings and beginnings in our life. Often, most of us prepare for the various endings in our life, like — end of a particular season, project, education, career, relationship, deal and so on. We may also sometimes reflect about the biggest ending — Death. Some endings are known and expected while others are quite sudden. Most of the time, when an end is near, we usually get some kind of signals or maybe clues to make us aware and help us meet it with grace and equanimity.
The current world scenario presents an interesting view of multidimensional forces influencing human destiny in the present time. On one hand, we see amazing wonders of science, technology, information explosion and development on several other fronts of material life. On the other hand, we witness the fast degeneration of values, ethics, extreme levels of violence, hatred, corruption and suffering on a daily basis. Today, the world is riddled with numerous problems of every kind — political conflicts, economic recession, environmental hazards, poverty, terrorism, natural disasters, inflation, social and familial divides — the list of troubles seems never ending and even gets multiplying. Apart from the looming dangers of global warming, our world is precariously balanced on a stockpile of nuclear arsenals that can trigger a holocaust of unimaginable magnitude.
While we watch, hear and read about major scams, and crime, there are numerous such incidents of violence and moral turpitude that occur on a daily basis in individual lives. Similarly, hatred, jealousy, greed, ego, lust, intolerance and mistrust have seeped deep into the human psyche influencing every thought and action. Beneath the turbulent waves of change and disintegration, the human consciousness is awakening to the reality of a new world that is shaped by more aware, enlightened, spiritually empowered and responsible human beings, who are aligned to the great values.
We all know that every problem generate a search for solutions, which leads to new knowledge, invention and change. If look at today’s world scenario, we wonder what could be the solution to end all our sufferings? Moreover, one must remember that no situation can continue forever and hence even problems escalate and come to an end. So when will the end to all our problems begin? Well, practically, it has already begun. Time, nature and the incidents in the world are all giving us a loud and clear signal about the impending change. The end is here but it is a benevolent and beneficial one. It is the catalyst that will open the door to liberation from all the sufferings. It will establish a new world of purity, peace and happiness that every human soul has been yearning for.
Now is the time for everyone to realise that supreme almighty himself is changing this old world into a new one. He is honouring his supreme wisdom and blessings directly to help us regain our original purity and virtues. He is awakening us to realise our true nature to manifest our inborn divinity. We should thus not wait for the end, instead we should wait to fly and reach our magnificence. Just remember, the old world is finally coming to an end and a new one is being established. Now it is up to us whether to become a part of this change towards the new world by connecting with the supreme or remain in an illusionary world, where everything is artificial and unrealistic.
Writer: Rajyogi Brahmakumar Nikunj ji
Courtesy: Viva City
Late Col Dalip Singh narrates his story of transporting Muslim refugees to Lahore and bringing Hindus and Sikhs to India during partition.
After having read many discourses on the subject of refugees, I listened to my inner voice, which told me that there are not many with my experience who can relocate refugees from both sides. A few months before Partition, I was posted at an Army transport company stationed in Lahore Cantonment. A unit had just come back from Iraq to India and all jawans and officers had guns. Still, there was shortage of ammunition. During Partition, this unit came under the jurisdiction of Pakistan and had men from all States, religion and caste. Non-Muslim jawans had to stay in Lahore until the unit had the required strength of Muslims. Our company was also assigned the responsibility of relocating the Muslim soldiers’ families, who were in India as also the Indian soldiers’ families residing in the villages in Pakistan.
August 15, 1947, passed and after a few days, I was deputed with a couple of lorries to go to the ammunition depot at Kasu Begu and bring the ammunition for the armoury. The depot was located near Ferozepur on the Indian side. When we reached Kasu Begu, the depot commander told us that he had just received an order saying that ammunition should not be dispensed to the units based in Pakistan. A problem had arisen. I made earnest supplications but the commander seemed tied. I tried to find a way out and told him that he had received the signal only that day and could simply backdate the release order. The officer understood that this would solve the problem and we loaded the ammunition in the trucks.
A friend of mine, Nur Mohammad Gondal, was posted in the Ferozepur Cantonment. Both of us had returned to India from the supply depot in Aden (Saudi Arabia now Yemen). Later, I was posted to Lahore and Gondal was posted to Ferozepur. When I went to see him, I came to know that he had gone to a village to fetch the family of a Muslim jawan. I waited for him and camped in his unit. Soon after arriving from Aden, Gondal got married and was staying with his family in Ferozepur. At the gate of his house, there was a guard with a sten gun and a few riflemen. His house was on a main street that was being patrolled by many groups shouting anti-Pakistan slogans. At night, we discussed the possibility of transporting him and his family to Lahore. We both went to his commander and he agreed. The whole night we packed his household and prepared for our departure. When offices opened the next day, Mohammad got his duty slip and we left for Lahore. On the way, there were a few sloganeers on the road and many groups indulging in loot, who seeing military vehicles, would give way. On the day of our arrival, similar scenes were to be seen. Here, I would like to mention a scenario. About 200-300 yards near the Ferozepur border, one could see (if one knew) the Kikar (Acacia arabica), where Shaheed Bhagat Singh was hanged. Military guards were posted outside my house — the only bungalow between Sadar Bazaar Lahore and Mughalpura railway station — allotted to me and shared with another officer.
On reaching Lahore, Gondal and his family were sent to Gujarat (north of Gujranwala) and the lorry brought back non-Muslim families from there. Three brothers of my father used to stay in Arif Wala near Mandi Montgomery. To fetch them and other families from that area, I got two vehicles and on reaching, we found that all of them, together with other refugees, had left via Pakpatan to India. Deadly scenes on the Pakpatan Fazilka road were seen. Driving through the deserted habitats, innumerable dead bodies lay scattered. At many places, the stench was so overwhelming that we had to block our noses while passing through. At many places enroute, we had to get off the lorries and clear the road of dead bodies blocking our way. Ultimately, we did make it to Fazilka. In these lorries, the seat next to the driver had a shutter above that could be opened. For almost the entire journey, I stood in this opening. Passing through the middle of Fazilka Bazaar, I spotted my father’s elder brother running and stopping the lorry. It was a moment of happiness as he told me that they had all reached Fazilka and some relatives were at the refugee camp. After picking them up, we spent the night in the Fazilka dak bungalow.
The next day, we left for Lahore via Ferozepur. I made the mistake of taking that route instead of another direct road to Lahore via Ludhiana. After crossing the border on our way to Lahore, we came across a number of Pakistani military check posts and I had to explain myself everywhere. At many places, they checked the lorries. Since my unit came under the Pakistani command, there were no major problems. After a couple of days in Lahore, I applied for a visit to Ludhiana. During the Raj, all the big units were commanded by a British officer. Our unit commander, a Major, turned out to be an extremely helpful person. Our unit used to get many requests to supply vehicles. I transported some more non-Muslims to Ludhiana and when we reached the Jalandhar check post on our return, I was shown a communiqué stating that any vehicle going to Pakistan, before proceeding further, was to report to the camp commander of the Jalandhar Cantonment refugee camp. There were a few affluent Muslim families waiting at the check post, who asked me if I could take them to Lahore. I informed them that these vehicles were for ferrying the Muslim families of the military personnel and refused their requests. Earlier in Ludhiana, I had requests from friends to carry some Muslim families across and I refused them, too. Along with the refugees from the Jalandhar camp, we proceeded towards Lahore. On reaching, I got an order for my platoon to pick up refugees from the Sikh National College, take them to India and on our return, bring back the refugees assembled at Khilchia, a big Muslim village between Beas and Amritsar.
As soon as the lorries entered the college, people filled up the vehicles without permission. When I reported to the camp commandant for further instructions, he showed his constraints. People were sitting on the bonnet cover of the engine. I tried in vain to convince them that we would take all of them in turns. When we started and were about to exit Lahore, we met a magistrate at a police control. He insisted on checking every single vehicle as they were Pakistani property and we were taking them out of the country. I made him understand that my vehicles would return with refugees from Khilchia and if the vehicles were stopped constantly, I would not be able to do my duty. I promised him that in return, I would not get the vehicles checked that would come with refugees from Amritsar. He understood the situation and we moved on. The refugees were taken off at a Hindu camp, set up in an orchard on the left side of the road and we proceeded to Khilchia. While returning with Muslim refugees, we were stopped by a non-Muslim refugee leader, who on seeing the Muslims, wanted to seize them. I made him understand that it was my duty to bring non-Muslim refugees from Pakistan and take back Muslim refugees from here. On reaching Lahore, I got the vehicles emptied in front of the Sadar Police Station. Next day, when I repeated the same procedure, the Thanedar requested me to drop the refugees at the refugee camp outside Lahore on the Ferozepur road as they were spreading a lot of filth around. After that, I never faced any problems. Evacuating the refugees from the Sikh National College, I was also asked to evacuate the refugees from DAV college hostel to Amritsar.
In due time, all the Sikh and Hindu refugees were evacuated from Lahore. Everyday, the Kafilas (caravans) and the trains were attacked and finally, we got orders to transport non-Muslim jawans in lorries and to report for duty at Jalandhar Cantonment. There was so much bloodshed near Mughalpura that we were asked not to take the Amritsar road but to go via the Ferozepur-Ludhiana route. After crossing Ferozepur, continuous downpour forced us to break our journey in Ludhiana. We parked our vehicles near the old courts down the Mall road. I went to see the Sessions Judge and requested permission to stay for the night in his office premises.
Next day, we passed through Philaur, Guraiya, Phagwara and crossing Railpur, on the right hand side opposite the railway station, we came to know that both the bridges on the river Wayin had been blown up. We had to stop and camp at the railway station and we arranged to get rations and vegetables from Jalandhar Cantonment. Rail and road communication from Jalandhar and Amritsar was stopped. One day, after crossing the broken bridge over the hanging girders, both the Majors, Commanding Officers (British) of the Lahore and Jalandhar transport companies, arrived on foot at our camp and ordered me to go to Ludhiana and take up the command of the Platoon of the Jalandhar transport company there. After a while, our Brigade was ordered to shift the refugees from Doraha refugee camp (which was under Patiala State that time), Ludhiana camp, Mulanpur camp, Jagraon camp up to Bahina Police jurisdiction and look after the safe movement of the Kafilas to their destinations. When those moved on, I had orders to provide transport for the sick and elderly, who were neglected and left behind at the camps and to transfer them to the next refugee camp. After the Kafilas had been moved, the roads looked almost empty. I was lucky that my village was only five miles from Ludhiana.
One day, three men, Sohan Singh, Bachan Singh and Tota Singh, visited me. That day, a Kafila was stationed for the night at a camp where there is an agriculture university now. The following day, I went to my village and found that the three men had not reached the village. We got worried as they had to pass by the refugee camp on foot and might have been cornered. When we went to the campsite next day, we saw some freshly spread soil and after digging the site, we found their bodies. Our apprehensions proved right. During this period, a Patwari from our village went with cash to a refugee camp to pick up a good breed horse. Neither did he return nor was his dead body recovered.
Besides being used for the refugees, my vehicles were also deputed to the PWD for constructing the refugees rehabilitation camps at a site where there is now a new model town. One of the camps was raised by my school friend Jagjit Singh Gill. One day, passing through my village on my return, an old woman stood in front of my jeep and said, “Oh my son! What is this creation of Pakistan? My married daughter is sitting in my house and her husband has kept a Muslim woman in his house. I came to know that his house was in Ramgarh village in Patiala State.” Lt Ajmer Singh Gill of the Patiala Lancers was a good friend of mine and he was in charge of the Doraha refugee camp. Whenever I had to go to Doraha, I would visit him and when he came to Ludhiana, he would visit me. When I told him about the story of the old woman, he assured me not to worry and that we would see her settled. Lt Ajmer Singh used to go hunting near Doraha. One day in the evening, after eating and drinking, we went to Ramgarh village with two or three vehicles. A word was spread in the village that the vehicles had come to transport all Muslim women to Pakistan. There in that village, the liquor shop was auctioned from time to time and during that period, the contract was held by a classmate friend of mine from Lalton village. He was very happy to meet us and invited us for food and drinks and assured us that he would settle the girl from my village. After meals we found the entire village empty, menfolk with the shady women hid in the fields. That day we did not succeed. In a few days time, however, my friend successfully rehabilitated the girl from my village. Those days, when the Kafilas would move on the roads, the scene would be the same everywhere. Once, when I was returning from Doraha at night after a meeting with Lt Ajmer Singh Gill, my jeep toppled over. The three people in the rear fell out but the driver and I remained trapped in our seats under the jeep. Grateful that my head was sticking out of the jeep and the driver was breathing heavily behind the front glass frame. The three people managed to lift the jeep a little and rested it on a stone but could not turn it over. After a little while, a truck stopped and four people climbed out and straightened our jeep. The driver tried to start the engine and we drove directly to Brown Hospital, Ludhiana. The doctor on duty there gave me first aid and tranquilisers, enabling me to sleep for the night. Next day, I was transported by military ambulance to the military hospital in Jalandhar Cantonment. My shoulder and left hand were fractured and were put under plaster. At the hospital I would listen all day long to the radio in the Officers Mess. On the evening of January 30, 1948, the radio was interrupted and we heard that Mahatma Gandhi had been assassinated. It was being continually repeated and I was informing everybody around.
Readers can very well imagine that from before the creation of Pakistan up to January 30, 1948, my entire time was spent in the service of the refugees. My life was spared because of the honesty in the delivery of my duty. When I was struck under the jeep, many instances came to my mind. One instance I want to mention is that an elderly acquaintance stopped me near the Ghanta Ghar, Ludhiana, when I was transporting Muslim families of jawans to Lahore. He came over to my side and said, “Dalip, there are many rich families, who have not been able to go to Pakistan, if you can take them to Lahore, they can give you money in abundance.” I told the person “Masterji, these vehicles are only meant to transport the families of the army jawans, not anybody else.” Also, while stuck under the jeep, I was thinking if I had not done my duty honestly, my life would not have been spared.
(Translated by AR Ranjit Singh, son of the author)
Writer: Late Col Dalip Singh
Courtesy: The Pioneer
History is replete with instances where Governors failed to adhere to the principles of the Bommai judgement and the Supreme Court had to intervene to uphold the Constitution
Despite several judicial pronouncements and recommendations of Justice RS Sarkaria and Justice Punchhi Commissions, Governors are known to have acted differently in seemingly similar situations with Constitutional consequences. Ultimately, it has been left to the Supreme Court to restore balance and uphold the principles enshrined in our Constitution.
According to the 38th Constitutional amendment of 1975, presidential proclamations issued under Article 356 were beyond the scope of any judicial review. This was later revoked by the 44th amendment of 1978. The Bommai judgement of 1994 not only laid down the principles to be followed in a Constitutional crisis — in the context of Article 356 — but also held that if the proclamation was invalidated, then notwithstanding its approval by Parliament, the court could lawfully revive the dissolved Legislative Assembly. Some of the cases, which illustrate the role of the Governor taking recourse to Article 356 and where the apex court had to intervene, have been discussed here.
In 1991, a peculiar situation had arisen in Meghalaya where the Speaker himself, with the help of the principal Opposition party, became a chief ministerial candidate. Earlier, he had disqualified five independent MLAs who had been supporting the Government, thereby precipitating a crisis. The Supreme Court intervened on a petition by the MLAs and gave an interim stay against the order of the Speaker, who then issued a Press statement to the effect that he did not accept any interference in his orders.
On a contempt petition being moved, the apex court ordered that all authorities of the State, including the Governor, must ensure that its earlier orders are implemented. The subsequent proceedings of the House showing a tie, the Speaker voted against the Government and adjourned the House sine die. It was discovered that the Speaker had not counted the votes of the Independents while declaring a tie. As such, the House continued the proceedings under a freshly elected Speaker and conveyed to the Governor that the House had confidence in the Government and had passed a motion of no confidence against the Speaker. Not paying any heed to the direction of the Supreme Court, the Governor observed that the matter was between the Supreme Court and the Speaker and recommended to the President dissolution of the House, which was so proclaimed under Article 356.
This matter came up to the Supreme Court, which in its orders stated: “The unflattering episode shows in unmistakable terms the Governor’s unnecessary anxiety to dismiss the Ministry and dissolve the Assembly and also his failure as a Constitutional functionary to realise the binding legal consequences of, and giving effect to the order of this court. What is worse, the Union Council of Ministers also chose to give advice to the President to issue the proclamation on the material in question. Prima facie, the material before the President was not only irrational but motivated by factual and legal mala fides. The proclamation was, therefore, invalid.”
Since fresh elections had been held to the Assembly and a new House had come into existence, the court did not issue the writ and direction for the restoration of the Lyngdoh Ministry or the Assembly.
Yet another case where the Governor’s action drew the public’s as well as the judiciary’s ire was from the State of Uttar Pradesh. As a former diplomat, the Governor had earlier held several important assignments. While the details of the case would be of immense interest to the reader, let me first quote the Supreme Court’s ruling in the matter:
“It appears that the Governor had proceeded on the basis of such information, intimation, letters or telephone calls. Nowhere has he mentioned that he had verified the issues himself before coming to any conclusion. His assessment was based on the intimation given to him by leaders of some of the political parties.”
The most interesting part of the events was that the Kalyan Singh Ministry was dismissed on February 21, 1998, just a few hours before the Lok Sabha elections were to be held. In the meantime, a petition was moved in the Allahabad High Court before the swearing-in of the successor Government. The proceedings in the High Court were taken up the same evening itself and continued till the next morning. In between, the Governor swore in Jagdambika Pal as the Chief Minister on the night of February 21 at 10 pm. The new Chief Minister was asked to seek a vote of confidence on February 24 but on August 22 itself, the High Court stayed the dismissal of the Kalyan Singh Government. This in effect meant that Jagdambika Pal could remain the Chief Minister for a few hours.
The matter went up to the Supreme Court, where Jagdambika Pal appealed against the stay on the dismissal of Kalyan Singh. Unprecedented in the judicial as well as legislative history, the top court fixed the time for the Assembly to meet on February 26 for a composite test. The order was unique as it was for the first time that the apex court was not only actively participating and facilitating a democratic processes but was also fixing the agenda for the legislature. The extracts from the historic order of the Supreme Court are reproduced here :
“(i) A special session of the Uttar Pradesh Assembly be summoned/convened for February, 26, 1998, the session commencing forenoon. (ii) The only agenda in the Assembly would be to have a composite floor-test between the contending parties in order to see which out of the two contesting claimants of chief ministership has majority in the House. (iii) It is pertinently emphasised that the proceedings in the Assembly shall be totally peaceful and disturbance, if any, caused therein would be viewed seriously. (iv) The result of the composite floor-test would be announced by the Speaker faithfully and truthfully.
Further, “It appears that he (the Governor) had sought to find out himself about the loss of confidence on the basis of information, as mentioned in his order, from the leaders of some groups or parties and had calculated himself to come to the conclusion that Jagdambika Pal had mustered support of the majority.” He had also mentioned that “it was not for me to do the count of heads. I have to go by what the leaders of the political parties maintained.”
According to him, no opportunity to Kalyan Singh to test his strength on the floor should be given. The reason for such a decision was sought to be supported on the ground that there was chance of horse-trading on the basis of his experience of what had happened in October, 1997. He also recorded that he received telephone calls from some people, who had informed that they were on their way to Lucknow from different places. He also mentioned that he wished to adhere to the principles of floor-test, “the essence of Bommai judgement.” In fact, this reference to the Bommai judgement was completely misplaced.
Further, according to the Supreme Court, “prima facie, it appears that the decision is based on materials, which in our view, cannot form materials for the Governor to form such an opinion. It is such a serious and a touchy issue and in such a hot haste on the eve of Lok Sabha election scheduled to be held on February 22, 1998, a few hours later, it cannot be ruled out that power has been exercised for purpose not warranted by law.”
As ordered by the Supreme Court, a composite floor-test was undertaken in the Uttar Pradesh Assembly where Kalyan Singh carried the day. Thereafter, within a few days, the Governor submitted his resignation, which was just a few months before his tenure was to come to an end.
In yet another case in Uttarakhand, the Governor had fixed the date for the Chief Minister to seek a vote of confidence but a day before it, the Assembly was suspended under Article 356. The suspension was overruled by the High Court and when the matter went up to the Supreme Court, a date for a floor-test and the modalities for conducting the same were assigned. The law and judicial secretary of the Government was entrusted the task of overseeing the process of voting where the sitting Government won the confidence of the House. Here also, the date for the Assembly to be convened and the agenda for its proceedings was fixed by the Supreme Court.
In the case of Arunachal Pradesh, in a landmark judgement, the Supreme Court led by Chief Justice of India, Justice Khehar, along with Justice Misra and Justice Madan Lokur, restored the status quo of the Assembly as prior to the declaration of President’s Rule. The Governor’s decision to advance the Session from January, 14, 2016, to December 16, 2015, was quashed as also the President’s Rule. This also led to the resignation of the Governor and restoration of the Nabam Tuki Government.
It would not be out of place to mention that in the four cases discussed above, one Governor was a politician and the other three were from the IAS, IPS and IFS. From time to time, instances have come to notice where the principles laid in the Bommai judgement have not been followed by Governors and as such, wherever and whenever warranted, despite the provisions of Article 212, where courts are not to enquire into proceedings of the legislature, the Supreme Court has assumed a proactive role to ensure the majesty of the Constitution.
(The writer is a former Governor and a Senior Advisor at the Pranab Mukherjee Foundation)
Writer: KK Paul
Courtesy: The Pioneer
The far-right going mainstream can hardly be challenged by the liberal-left, which is spiralling into acts of demonisation and reckless accusations as well
It’s being called the “new McCarthyism”. This spike in media censorship and relentless demonisation of those considered to be enemies because they hold different points of view. It’s gone global. But first, a bit about McCarthyism. The old one.
At the end of World War II, the then US President Harry Truman signed an executive order, which required all civil service employees to be screened for loyalty. The order required that federal Government employees be investigated whether they had had any past links with “‘un-American” organisations and which could undermine the loyalty of a Government employee towards the US’ interests. Between 1949 and 1955, various committees were formed to root out “the enemy within.”
In a 2014 essay, “Creating the Idealised Nemesis,” author and literary critic Alexander Chirila writes that, between 1920 and the beginning of World War II, the US had largely followed an isolationist path by refusing to play any major role in international politics. However, after it decided to join the war in 1941, the isolationist policy was abandoned. By the end of the war in 1945, the US had become a major international power. But so did its erstwhile war ally, the Soviet Union.
Chirila wrote that the shift from voluntary isolationism to active international interventionism triggered a suspicious mindset within America’s body-politic. This resulted in certain policies and narratives that were constructed by segregating what was “patriotic Americanism” from what wasn’t. So anything that allegedly wasn’t “patriotic” became “communist” and, thus, “dangerous.”
Interestingly, though Truman’s executive order was signed in this environment, it was also lobbied for by those, who believed that during the unprecedented four terms of former President FD Roosevelt (1933-45), “communists” within the US had already “infiltrated” the American state and Government.
Most large businesses had explained Roosevelt’s economic policies as being “socialist.” When Truman became President in 1945, a firebrand senator from Wisconsin, Joseph McCarthy, claimed that the federal Government was crawling with socialists and communists, who were working against domestic and international US interests. In 1950, McCarthy brandished a list in which he claimed were names of 205 state employees who were or had been members of communist organisations.
Committees sprang up within Government agencies and in various private companies to identify possible communists “working to weaken America.” The hysteria spilled over and even Hollywood script-writers, actors and directors suspected of having communist links and sympathies were reined in. E Schrecker, in his 1998 book, Many Are the Crimes, writes that the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) doubled the number of its agents to help the Government investigate possible “communist saboteurs” in various fields.
Dozens of state workers, artists and others were investigated and demonised. Many lost their jobs and could not find any other means of income. The hysteria was also used by lobbies, who were against public health services. According to an essay in the 1994 anthology, Psychiatry in Transition, these lobbies claimed that forced vaccination, mental care services and the fluoridation of water were “plans of communist world Government.”
The hysteria began to subside after McCarthy looked more and more like a demented, egotistical demagogue and when the Government of Dwight Eisenhower (1952-61) realised that the commotion was doing more damage than good to the American image. McCarthy was increasingly discredited by certain journalists and he died in 1957 due to alcoholism. But his name became associated with a tendency that makes unabashed and reckless accusations of treason and unpatriotic acts without offering any convincing evidence. This tendency became known as McCarthyism.
Till the end of the Cold War in 1989, McCarthyism was often seen as a demagogic, right-wing tendency, even though deadlier purges of this nature took place in the Soviet Union, China and in Cambodia against so-called “counter-revolutionaries.” Recently, the social psychologist Lee Jussim and controversial clinical psychologist Professor Jordan Peterson have been turning the idea of McCarthyism on its head by explaining “new McCarthyism” as the liberal-left version of old McCarthyism.
In an essay for Psychology Today, Jussim cites the findings of an elaborate 2014 research, which say that there has been “a rising tide of leftist intolerance” on American campuses. It has resulted in harassment, even violence, directed at speakers from non-left backgrounds. Speakers who present perspectives challenging “leftist sacred cows” such as affirmative action, diversity programmes and feminism have been subject to aggressive, intolerant, “proto-authoritarian” tactics, according to him.
The report concluded that “students and teachers who refuse to hear opposing viewpoints will be less likely to learn critical thinking skills and less able to defend their own beliefs once off-campus.” Professor Peterson blames post-modernism for the intolerance exhibited by the liberals and new leftists. He describes post-modernists as “cultural Marxist conspiracy theorists”, who emerged in the 1970s after Marxism failed to win the class war. He adds that post-modernists readjusted Marxism’s core axiom of class struggle to other frameworks of perceived group power struggles: Race, sex and ethnicity among other things.
Whereas post-modernism had already disintegrated by the 1990s into meaning nothing more than empty intellectual kitsch, Peterson says it went on to create subjects such as sociology, anthropology, gender and ethnic studies, which he believes use “unscientific methods” to reach conclusions that have more to do with peddling ideologies than intelligence. He says these create “cult-like behaviour”, which can explain the manner in which the so-called neo-leftists have been reacting to opposing points of view. Peterson’s own views have often been criticised as conspiracy theories.
But in an environment where the far-right is going mainstream in various countries, it can’t be effectively challenged by the kind of liberal-left Peterson is critiquing. Simply because, it seems, more than anything else causes being championed by the new liberal-left are a way to just appease individual existential crises — that old post-modernist trap. Thus, the reactionary behaviour and thin-skinned responses, which are coming from a disposition of misplaced arrogance, self-righteousness, and an assortment of intellectual and emotional insecurities.
The response (to the far-right) would require a more informed (and less reactive) retort which should involve making pragmatic alliances. But such alliances cannot be made when the new liberal-left too spirals into acts of demonisation and reckless accusations. In fact, Peterson believes that it is this which has given birth to dangerous reactions in the shape of the rise of the far-right and the discrediting of once-powerful ideas such as democracy and socialism.
(Courtesy: The Dawn)
Writer: Nadeem Paracha
Courtesy: The Pioneer
Long term Japan resident Sanjeev Sinha helps in global awareness of Japanese culture
Japan a collage of tradition and technology
For the first time in modern history the Japanese empower has decided to resign leading to a change from Heisei Period to Reiwa period from May 1st 2019. The Heiwa period has led Japan through a new paradigm of balance between modern and tradition and placing Japan into a postindustrial society 5.0.
Among many of Japan’s traditions, lacquerware making, known as urushi in Japanese, goes back to 5000 BCE in Japan during Jomon Period.
Japanese lacquerware, paintings, ancient pottery, sculpture, ink painting and calligraphy, woodblock prints, ceramics and origami are known and collected across the world. Famous ukiyo-e paintings are also a popular collector’s items. More recently manga which is modern Japanese cartoons and comics along with a myriad of other types are being known as Japanese soft power.
With a history of Japanese capital and arts and culture hubs moving to different locations across Japan, the tradition is also dispersed across different parts of Japan including small towns and villages.
Japan is also well known for bullet trains, which is demonstrably the world’s best as a combination of length, speed, frequency, service and most of all safety: not a single accident fatality despite many severe earthquakes in the total history of more than 50 years. The remote rural part of Japan is also well covered by the public transport despite a very mountainous terrain of the country through breath-taking bridges and tunnels.
Japan’s urban transport systems are also a wonder, with greater Tokyo having the world’s most extensive and smooth urban rail network of 158 lines with 2,200 stations serving 40 million passenger rides daily, a little more than the total population of the region, which is also world’s largest urban conglomerate, at about 35 million. This is further connected with a dense and frequent bus operation as well as increasingly pedestrian and bicycle friendly urban planning. This is topped with a long-time impeccable record for safety and on-going regular improvements on all aspects.This leads to a very comfortable urban life style in Tokyo with almost zero crime, practically zero unemployment, negligible traffic jams, great healthcare and increasing convenience with omnipresent network of 24 hours convenience stores.
Similar is the case for other major cities of Japan like osaka, Fukuoka, Sapporo, Sendai, Mito etc.
This poses a dilemma for Japan as the youth of Japan especially gets pulled into a handful of bigger cities not just for economic attraction but also for the active and playful lifestyle leaving the smaller cities and towns of Japan with dwindling ageing population.
A modern dilemma for traditions
While Tokyo is upcoming as a major international arts and culture hub the traditional culture, arts and craftsmanship of Japan widespread into its diverse landscape of smaller towns are facing a threat.
Sanjeev Sinha, President of India Japan Partnership Group specializing
in promotion of collaboration including technology, finance, arts and culture between India and Japan, was invited by a joint initiative of TV osaka and TV Tokyo for an experience and global awareness building of Japan’s traditional culture, arts and craftsmanship in smaller towns. In the context, Sanjeev Sinha is also an Advisor at the Committee on Promotion of AI and Inclusion at Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communication of Japan, been an Advisor to the Nagareyama City and for Japanese collaboration of new capital city of Indian state of Andhra Pradesh, President of India Japan Partnership Fund, India Japan Institute of Technology and a guest lecturer of urban Development at university of Tokyo.
The place chosen for the theme Daigo Town is a little-known place in Ibaraki Prefecture, on the border of two other prefectures of Fukushima and Tochigi for the period of April 19th to 21st 2019.
The town at 160 kilometers north of Tokyo is a host to a small community for plantation and collection of lacquer and more recently for making of inkstones and is the original investor of a popular health food of Japan Konyak.
The town also has many traditional inns called Ryokan and hot springs called onsen, as is common in many places in Japan making it a wholesome trip to experience the local culture, hospitality and economy.
The Daigo Town has records of lacquer plantation and harvesting, known as Urushi Kaki in Japanese, for more than half a millennium. Sanjeev and visitors were greeted by Mr. Tobita84yo on the slopes of the hills in the town where a new plantation for lacquer is being carried out. It takes 8 to 10 years for a tree to be harvested which takes specialized traditional tools. As the visitors were taken around different plantation sites, they were treated to a wide variety of fresh local food highlighting the hospitality of country side of Japan called omotenashi.
Return of the youth to the tradition
In the team of 5 people most people were in their 70s and 80s except one Mr. Watanabe, affectionately called Watanabe Kun, who was only 26 years old.
Watanabe Kun was born and brought up in a large and world famous city of Kawasaki which is a part of greater Tokyo described above. His presence in the small and remote Daigo Town for Lacquer plantation was a very interesting phenomenon which deserves some deeper analysis.The generation of Millennials across the world are known for their special and independent nature. The accelerated changes in the global economy which are now so fast that a single generation can face 3 or 4 different economic paradigms. At the same time the great access of latest and world wide access of information makes it a very different world where the younger generations have a huge reasons to think very independently of their earlier generations. While the economic efficiency of the new world makes their lives very comfortable in the moment the serious concerns of the climate change makes the younger generation question the very values systems of the older system.
Watanabe Kun chose to leave the comforts and economic benefits of the bigger city and live in Daigo Town just with an impulse as he liked the idea. He is not worried about his economic future because the modern economy of Japan offers him enough opportunities for a good life style anytime he wishes to choose and change.
This brings the core intellectual and aesthetic luxury of arts, culture and nature to the forefront as a major driving force. Watanabe Kun, not worried about his own economic wellbeing, just chose to live in nature and tradition in defiance to the economic common sense of the earlier generations.
vertical integration of arts and culture
While Daigo Town has had the tradition of Lacquer plantation for hundreds of years, the town has not been known much because of the background nature of the work. In the foreground is the lacquerware itself which is well appreciated as an art work across the world. Hence not surprisingly, the town has attracted an art expert Mr. Tsuji from the top arts university of Japan, Tokyo university of Arts, to make it a base for his lacquerware studio.
Mr. Tsuji is producing world class lacquer art in Daigo Town and gave a demonstration and educational session to Sanjeev and visitors group. He also uses latest technology for temperature and humidity control in his process creating a fine balance and coexistence between tradition and technology.
The arts and culture survive on a sense of pride by the community, hence the lacquerware artwork in the town also enhances the sense of pride of the lacquer plantation community and the whole town can expect a boost. This was seen in move of youth moving to Daigo to work with Mr. Tsuji, and this time it was two young ladies in their 20s from central Tokyo.
Lacquerware also has symbolism in India Japan relations as many of the Buddhist artwork exchanged between the two countries historically and contemporarily. Both countries and rest of Asia also place a huge symbolism on Lacquerware, bringing Asia together in one of the ways of culture.
Hardship of tradition and need for society
Symbolically so too, hard stone of Daigo has led to a new artwork in the town with Mr. Sato, in his 70s, to chose the town for his hard work of inkstones making.
Inkstone making goes back hand in hand to the early history of calligraphy to thousands of years back. It requires special types of stones which lend themselves for the delicate shapes and finish required for Inkstones called Suzuri in Japanese. Mr. Sato found a river basis in Daigo which has the right kind of stone for the purpose. As a one-man project to begin with Mr. Sato started digging these stone, acquiring the tools for the Suzuri making and created his workshop on the way to a shrine in the mountains.
Mr. Sato, having lost his first wife and now battling with the illness of his second partner in the hospital, is spending a rather solitary life in the mountains and couldn’t stop his tears when spoken on the matter. Over the time Mr. Sato, has attracted a group of younger professionals, still in their 50s, to support him in his efforts and now is a proud owner of a Suzuri gallery hosting Suzuri work ranging from few hundred grams to 10s of kilograms and from 20,000 yen to few million yens in valuation. omotenashi: the mantra of Prime Minister Abe to secure 2020 olympics and Paralympics
Japan is known for ometanashi, which is a level of hospitality and service from heart and culture going beyond any economic reasons. And it goes beyond age too as was proven by the four sisters all around 80 years old running a 108 years old inn called Tamaya Ryokan.
The four sisters symbolizing the longer lifespan of women then men have all lost their husbands to natural reasons. They decided to come together to renew their 80 years old bonding from childhood to live together and run the 2 storied inn inherited by them in this small town of Daigo.
Running the Ryokan requires taking care of all the errands from procurement, cooking, cleaning and bed making and they do it all with their heart into it. Their deep knowledge of the society, human relations and culture makes any conversation with them very lively and enlightening.
Even in the age of 80s the third eldest sister makes an annual trip of couple of weeks with around 40 other friends from the Daigo town to different parts of Japan. Showing how the passion for life, community bonding and active lifestyle can help one live longer naturally and happily. The reason for their good health also lies in the healthy traditional food of the town as the town takes the credit for invention of famous health food of Japan called Konjak(pronounced in Japanese as Konnyaku) made from the Asian plant Amorphophallus konjac and has great health benefits with negligible calories in the various forms of processed Konjac. As Japanese tea has become very popular in India in recent years for its health benefits, Sanjeev is also exploring promoting Konjac in India for its dieting benefits. Japan with its excellence in food processing has a wide range of Konjac based health supplements which can be preserved, transported and consumed under various conditions. Daigo town hosts a historical factory of Konjac and offers a wide variety of Konjac cuisines. Daigo also has a beautiful municipality run hot water spring,known as onsen in Japanese, in the mountains with open air baths called Rotenburo. It’s a delight to soak in the natural hot water in a very comfortable and clean environment surrounded by hills and trees.
The town is also attracting modern style guest houses like Lahar run by a young couple Mr. and Mrs. Komatsuzaki. Coming from the bigger capital city of Ibaraki Prefecture called Mito, the couple is providing the much-needed outbound marketing insights to the town that Sanjeev and other foreigners as longtime resident of Japan in the visiting group could closely associate with. Japan having been a very homogenous country lacks the global marketing acumen which is much needed to promote the awareness of Japanese virtues to the rest of the world and India is
widely recognized as a trusted potential partner for the same.
Smaller towns as a guidelight for modern solitude
The modern world especially in big well managed cities like Tokyo have gone beyond their economic necessities. With good lifestyle infrastructure of restaurants, 24 hour convenience stores and trustworthy health care with ambulances reaching within few minutes of calling, every individual is extremely self-sufficient. The self-sufficiency has led to people living alone and has taken its toll on human and family bonding leading to serious issues of loneliness.
The lifestyle of the four sisters in the small town of Daigo comes as a great inspiration and a living example to solve that problem of solitude as the people in Japan can afford to focus more on culture and lifestyle than economy. Smaller towns can serve as the hubs for community rebuilding and in parts the big cities can also emulate to implement similar lifestyle models in the big cities.
With modern economic and urban development advantages, Tokyo is already seeing new development of smaller self-sustainable residential hubs in the so-called Society 5.0 or Post Industrial Society model which will underline the new Reiwa period. Japan with its long term and wellbalanced socio-economic planning leads the world in post-industrial society issues and solutions and can offer a significant amount of experience and know how in the domain, including the example of Daigo.
WRITER IS SANJEEV SINHA: He is based in Japan.
FREE Download
OPINION EXPRESS MAGAZINE
Offer of the Month