Last year Indian Air Force Chief said that Pakistan is changing its strategy and had indicated a new developing strategy which is denoted by “Triple R”. The triple R here means rearticulate, reorganize and relocate. The changing military strategy of Pakistan is a result of certain geopolitical changes or opportunities which began forming after Taliban takeover last year. However, with FATF's exit recently, It may solidify and New Delhi has to push up its guard to deal with changing Pakistan’s conventional and unconventional mixed gameplan.
The Changing Strategy
There is not one regional or global level development but multiple developments spined in the past year which kept the matchstick burning in Islamabad. The first one is the fall of Kabul. Islamabad saw Kabul's fall as an opportunity to attain strategic depth against India. Second growing Pak-China nexus. Since the past year since the pandemic has begun and China’s exercising provocative and aggressive maneuvers at the borders to create pressure on the other front which Pakistan saw as an opportunity to create two-front tensions for India. The growing Pak-China cooperation had also resulted in breaking some defense-related deals with Pakistan like Submarines and drones[ii]. Few instances of build-up in the PoK like infrastructural and military are also some visible signs of Pakistan China increasing cooperation[iii] and Pakistan’s intent to grow its capabilities with the help of China. Third is the recent exit of Pakistan from FATF which would be instrumental in giving some financial openings to Pakistan’s deep state. Things would be worse if gets added with the Chinese flavor of cooperation. Nepal elections have concluded, and though the present PM Sher Bahadur has emerged as the winner but K.P Sharma’s deceitful political tactics may complicate things while forming and stabilizing the government and that might not be good news for New Delhi.[iv] As an obvious implication, crisscrossing of proxy dealings and terror funding viz-a-viz Nepal would surely get a boost. China’s political lobbying would also get a good opening in Kathmandu. The recent appointment of Asim Munir as Pak Army chief who is called “Mulla General” because of his radical approaches moreover, he is a straight arrow who knows how to sharpen the tip of the knife and hence New Delhi has the watch the Af-Pak region with more caution. Both hostile neighbors, one is freed from long-standing shackles and the other is patiently waiting to assert its political and military charm. Islamabad’s comfortable repositioning and Beijing’s wait for an opportune moment is something for which New Delhi has to watch out in the coming time. At the global level, the Central Asian region would again come under Pakistan-China strategic considerations to squeeze New Delhi’s footprints. Earlier, Islamabad’s regional and global syncing with China was disrupted with a series of sanctions and watch on Pakistan which was further at least to some extent still is complemented by its own issues at home. However, by freeing a tied hand, Islamabad would soon create something out of its franklin monster menu and revamp defunct unconventional and conventional machines against India. Perhaps, it would have consonance with what the IAF chief last year said about the “Triple R strategy”. The Triple Rs- Rearticulation, Reorganize and Relocation becomes a key here for Pakistan to revamp its military and operational postures against India especially involving China factor in it. It is also imperative to understand what exactly this acronym means:
Decoding Triple R
The Triple R stands for Rearticulation, Reorganization, and Relocation
Rearticulate- ReRearticulatehe the older conventional and unconventional strategies with new defense deals and military equipment to increase and upgrade operational capabilities against India. Given the fact that the Chinese are increasing their strategic acumen in the Central Asian region with Russia which would eventually exacerbate Pak-China diplomatic friendhood in the Central Asian region to squeeze New Delhi’s rapid efforts of increasing diplomatic influence in the Central Asian region. On the unconventional front- Pakistan may increase their attempts to weave out new terror outfits in deep inside or clandestine locations in Afghanistan against India(a part of strategic depth strategy), revamping terror modules and making new ways for crisscrossing borders for infiltration and subversion purposes. Pakistan would not leave any stone unturned in articulation, especially in its terror networks and covert operations. Small-scale attacks in Jammu&Kashmir are quite visible in the recent past. Though, given some contradictory or adverse developments in Af-Pak region- Taliban and Pakistan army faceoff along with TTP threat, Islamabad may approach with caution that might delay some plans but cannot be ignored at New Delhi’s end.
Reorganize- After rearticulating its conventional and unconventional arms, Pakistan will look at to reorganize its military presence at the borders. Strategically, Pakistan seems to have begun with it by starting a new airport at PoK which may have involved some reorganization work of the military or strengthening of military presence along with terror outfits. It can be said that Infrastructural developments may see a rise in the coming time.
Relocate- Relocation works parallelly with reorganizing work. As indicated above that Pakistan may weave terror outfits, it is possible that Pakistan’s relocate its terror camps near or deep inside Afghanistan or scatter them deeper to avoid detection. Relocation also involves the relocation of military assets near borders which may involve Chinese military assets to gain strength at the war and operational fronts.
Pakistan’s Revival Exercise And A Chinese Trap
Pakistan’s exit from FATF is most likely put Pakistan in a revival exercise with China’s backing. This exercise indicates that Pakistan would not leave any stone unturned in re-establishing the sync with China and playing diplomatic circus at regional and global levels especially against India. Islamabad more or less would now concentrate on reviving and re-strengthening the military structure. Pakistan a few days back made some strong choices of bringing Asim Munir as Pakistan Army Chief, this makes the picture slightly clear that Pakistan will go on to make some more choices which is absolutely hard. Islamabad would also start rapid efforts in making its military and national security apparatus capable to capitalize on possible opportunities emanating from the current geopolitical landscape. The indication is also towards possibilities of serious threats emanating out from Pakistan’s re-strengthening exercise at the unconventional front because Pakistan uses an unconventional front maximum against India. The recent clash at Tawang, Arunachal Pradesh indicates that China is planning to lock India in a protracted conflict inspired by Mao’s strategic thinking at the borders to hinder its resources capitalization and utilization at a juncture where India has assumed immense strategic significance and G-20 is at New Delhi’s doors, here Beijing also aims to disturb India’s external and internal strategic environment. In such circumstances, New Delhi has to develop a long view of the strategic realities of a Chinese trap and Pakistan’s nefarious intentions to flare up the cross-border terrorism post their FATF exit. It is now required to boost all fronts(conventional and unconventional) increasing the number of fleets and military equipment and defence procurements to make our war capabilities superior and strong. Maybe New Delhi has begun spreading its vigilant web across the South Asian region and deploying effective deterrence and combative countermeasures to thwart the Chinese trap, the recent visit of R&AW Chief to Sri Lanka to caution and discuss security and strategic issues especially on the issue of Chinese research ships which are most likely meandering in the Indian Ocean which led to the postponement of our ballistic missile test. This indicates at the New Delhi’s part that New Delhi has started its heavy brainstorming to counter a slightly relaxed Pakistan and impatient China.
Owing to their self-claimed tag of being progressive and inclusive, institutions across the country have been successful in effortlessly ignoring and in a way promoting discrimination against caste minorities.
The blatant denial of institutional murder carried out along the lines of caste discrimination has been diverted to place the blame on the students for “lacking merit” and being unable to cope with academic pressure. This argument is in addition to that of reserved category students “taking up” seats that the general category students “deserved” and the former’s presence would depreciate the institution's education quality.
With students being forced to decide to end their lives, one can, without the need for statistical evidence, assume the heights of harassment the students faced and are still facing.
The statements and legal actions, although negligible, taken in this regard are absurdly inconsistent with the reality, with the very recent case of a bright prosperous medical intern committing suicide due to caste discrimination, adding how despite multiple FIRs being lodged, the student received no legal assistance and protection.
In accordance with a pan-India pilot survey conducted in 2023, with respondents belonging to these reputed elite institutions, survey results depicted the presence of discrimination either faced by the respondent personally or them witnessing their peers face such discrimination from general category students as well as faculty.
One respondent remarked how “ English proficiency is a huge issue, because allegations of lack of merit are put against SC/ST students. Classroom discussions where reservations are blamed for "brain drain" and lack of quality institutions is another thing that is normalized” while another respondent pointed out to the “progressive inclusive” hypocritical attitude of general category students and their “Use of certain words, certain connotations, having a savarna savior complex by being "okay" with reservation.”
Therefore there are two kinds of responses that are prevalent with respect to and in response to caste discrimination in institutions:
On one hand, we see the denial of any discrimination, which is what is more evident and quantifiable since the negative can be argued when cases of Dalit student suicides are brought up, and on the other hand, we see extreme normalisation of caste discrimination (especially in states such as West Bengal), where brahminical hegemony is so intrinsically woven into the ambits of the society that instances of caste discrimination and oppression are not only ignored but consciously practiced in everyday situations down to the very use of language that more often than not, contains casteist slurs.
As several pieces of literature has pointed out, there has been a consistent existence of the “included inconsistency” and the “graded distribution” of privileges, opportunities and experiences.
In a similar manner, Dalit students, although being given the opportunity of being a part of an elite institution, are deprived of the same experiences that an upper caste student gets very invariably. As Ajantha Subramanium pointed out in her book, Caste of Merit, when general category students score bad grades, the response is they were merely “having fun” whereas if a reserved category student got the same grades, they are blamed for not having the “required merit” and intellectual competence to do well. Thus the former have the privilege of having the obvious “inherited merit” whereas the latter is forced to prove their merit at every turn.
Similarly, there have been instances of Dalit students being denied access to certain campus facilities, them facing unequal treatment from faculty and peers alike and also being shamed for their mere presence on campus as they are tagged as being undeserving, publicly shaming them for their academic ranks and subjecting them to negative attention, etc all while ignoring the reality of what general category individuals think “merit” (the core point of contention) to be - inborn representation of intelligence- whereas in reality merit is actually an outcome- of economic capital, access to resources, family support, ability to care, primary education access and quality and so on - which is denied in India’s ‘historically privileged, dominant caste’ run unjust society.
In a report published by The Wire, the Ministry of Education on March 15, 2023, presented data in the Rajya Sabha concerning student suicides. The report unveiled that across the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs), National Institutes of Technology (NITs) and the Indian Institutes of Management (IIMs), there were a total of 61 suicides between 2018-2023. Additionally, with 2500 IIT Roorkee students opposing OBC reservation (2006) - highlights the true social dynamics that exist and the discriminatory attitudes of the students.
Yashpal Jogdand, a professor at IIT-Delhi, whose work focuses on social identity, social psychology of caste, and stigma and well-being among marginalized groups suggests that members of the upper castes are generally aware of caste-related injustice and violence, but their response is usually ambivalent because of the sense of disruption to their worldview - this he had mentioned during an interview conducted by Scroll.
The fault lies not in the Dalit (students), but in their perception of the upper castes.
Jogdand goes not further in the interview to rightly point out the two pillars/determinants that qualify an individual as a human being: meaning and recognition by others. As the argument of this article follows, Dalit students are deprived of these two basic yet fundamental human markers when they are wrongly stereotyped as meritless and inferior, whether monetarily, socially, or intellectually.
Efforts to address the issue of caste-based discrimination in educational institutions have been ongoing, with initiatives such as SC/ST grievance cells or other academic support provisions and institutional mechanisms being established for addressing this issue, these efforts are only scratching the surface with institution’s ‘lacking the will to implement’ this corrective measure in full.
As Yashika Dutt, author of ‘Coming Out As Dalit’ has rightly pointed out how although “untouchability has been illegal since 1950… cacasteistsound ways to continue unchecked in insidious ways”. Thus, if institutions truly want to be diverse and inclusive as they claim to be, the first place to start would be to shift the narrative from falsely criticizing Dalit students to correcting the casteist mentalities as that is what is truly “diluting the reputation of the institutions.”
It was the afternoon of 23 February 2023, a contingent of Punjab Police, with lathis in their hands, was standing behind barricades outside the Ajnala Police Station in the Amritsar district of Punjab, facing a huge crowd, many armed with Kirpans. The crowd was also carrying the Guru Granth Sahib in a bus. And walking among this crowd, surrounded by armed men with rifles, was Amritpal Singh Sandhu, who is being seen as the new face of the resurging Khalistan demand in the country.
Within minutes, the crowd broke the barricades and using the bus as a shield soon attacked the police. Amritpal and his supporters occupied the police station for the next several hours and left only on the assurance that his aide, Lovepreet Singh would be released who was arrested on charges of kidnapping and assault.
This incident created big headlines in the media. The K-word surfaced everywhere. Equations started to be drawn between Amritpal Singh Sandhu and Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. It is being said that this is the repetition of the 1980s and is the resurgence of the Sikh separatist movement.
But why are such demands surfacing again? And who is this guy— Amritpal Singh? To understand the current situation, we must have a look at the very roots of the Sikh separatist movement in the country.
Militant Identity of the Sikhs
The idea of Khalistan started coming up in the 1920s but even before that Sikhs had developed a firmly militant identity due to persecution by the Mughals. The militancy was fostered, especially under Guru Gobind Singh who in 1699 established a special group called 'Khalsa'. Sikhs who chose to be baptised into the Khalsa dedicated themselves utterly to their faith. Guru Gobind Singh created and initiated the Khalsa as a warrior with a duty to protect the innocent from religious persecution.
Though not all Sikhs became baptised members of the Khalsa, Sikhism as a religious tradition generally accepts the legitimacy of violent resistance in the face of repression of faith. Sikh identity gradually became tied up with the Khalsa identity and its militancy.
Before the Independence
In the early years of British rule in the country, Sikhs had proven their loyalty to the British, particularly as soldiers of the British Indian Army. But this loyalty started to wane away due to several things like the Rowlatt Act, Jallianwala Bagh Massacre, issues regarding separate electorates, etc. Several Sikh leaders wanted a separate Sikh State along the lines of Pakistan but that could not happen. Instead, Congress gave them assurances that after independence the political aspirations of the Sikhs would be honoured.
Punjab Reorganisation Act, 1966
After the Constitution came into being, many Sikh groups claimed they were not granted the autonomy they had been promised. Thus, in the 1950s the 'Punjabi Suba Movement' started gaining momentum. Although the demand was for a state on a linguistic basis, it was seen to have religious overtones as the demand was mainly from the Sikhs in Punjab. The Central Government was not ready to create states on religious grounds, although, in 1966 it conceded to dividing Punjab on 'linguistic lines' into the Sikh-majority Punjabi-speaking Punjab and Hindu-majority Hindi-speaking Haryana. Chandigarh became a Union Territory and acted as the shared capital of the two states.
But this did not completely satisfy the demands of the Sikhs. Many didn't like the idea of sharing Chandigarh with Haryana and wanted Chandigarh to be completely a part of Punjab. Another problem was that some Punjabi-speaking districts went to Haryana and Himachal Pradesh, they wanted those too to be included in Punjab.
Sikhs not “Hindus”
Another major contention was that the Constitution included Sikhs under the definition of “Hindus”. This was a major reason why when the Constitution came into being, Shiromani Akali Dal rejected it. It is because Sikhs have often been seen as a part of the larger umbrella of Hinduism. But the Sikhs feel that they are a separate religion and not just a category of Hindus. They do have various similarities with Hinduism but that does not make them Hindus.
The same thing happened when the Hindu Code Bills were brought in the 1950s. There too, Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains were included under the definition of “Hindus” and these laws also governed the people of those three religions.
Anandpur Sahib Resolution
In Punjab politics, there were two major parties tussling for power—? Shiromani Akali Dal and the Congress party. The dilemma for the Akalis was that despite being a strong advocate of the Sikh culture and religion, they never enjoyed the full support of the Sikhs. Its rival, Congress, had been more effective in state politics. Concerned with their declining popularity and lack of unity within the party, the Akali Dal came up with the Anandpur Sahib Resolution in 1973. This declaration addressed the economic concerns of Punjab along with the religious and ethnic demands of the Sikhs. This resolution was not secessionist in content but called for greater autonomy for Punjab. There were 3 major demands in this resolution—?
This resolution didn’t play any important role initially and was forgotten but would later go on to become the foundation of Akali Dal’s future agenda as well as for Sikh separatism.
On the other hand, Congress under Indira Gandhi played a major role in undermining the Akali Dal. Indira adopted a highly authoritarian approach and centralised power in the country. The Emergency created anti-Congress and anti-Centre sentiments in Punjab. In 1980 nine states whose governments were unfavorable to Indira were placed under President’s Rule. Punjab was one of those states where the Akali Dal-Jana Sangh government was dismissed.
Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale
It is believed that in order to split the Akali Dal’s vote bank, Congress in the late 1970s started cultivating the religious leader Jarnail Singh Bindranwale as an alternative. Bhindranwale was the leader of a prominent orthodox Sikh institution—? Damdami Taksal. He sought to promote the conservative aspects of Sikhism and emphasised the stringent following of religious doctrines. But why Jarnail Singh? What was special in him that Congress felt he could be helpful? The answer is his immense popularity.
Green Revolution
In the 1960s the Green Revolution was introduced, resulting in a great increase in the production of food grains and Punjab was its biggest beneficiary leading to great prosperity in the state—? this is what we've been generally taught. But there’s a darker side to it too.
The Green Revolution was successful initially because of government subsidies and support prices. However, this could not continue indefinitely and with the rising cost of fertilizers and pesticides, small farmers were the worst hit. Also, the increase in productivity could not be sustained because the new varieties created new ecological problems by reducing genetic diversity and affecting soil and water systems.
And whatever gains Punjab earned from the Green Revolution weren’t distributed equally among various sections and regions of the state. This led to the growing numbers of marginalised poor peasants, who could neither reap the benefits of the land nor find employment in the industrial sector because the industries in the state remained underdeveloped.
River Water Dispute
Punjab had a long grievance against the Central government regarding the distribution of water from the Ravi, Sutlej and Beas rivers. The three rivers flowed through Punjab but through an elaborate canal system water was being diverted to drier areas of Haryana and Rajasthan. In the wake of the Punjab Reorganisation Act of 1966, the Centre decided that Punjab would get only 23% of the water and the rest would go to states like Rajasthan and Haryana. This was felt as unfair and instilled a sense that the Central government is having discriminating tendencies against the Sikhs.
Such factors added to the deepening sense of alienation and growth of separatist sentiments among the Sikhs. And at this very time, Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale started gaining popularity. His popularity grew especially among the poor farmers of Punjab’s rural areas. These poor people had lost all hope in the political class, who were mainly big landlords, and they felt more connected with Bhindranwale, who was from a small farmer family. They saw in him their leader who could be their voice.
In the late 1970s and early 1980s, he toured across Punjab to spread his teachings. He appeared at a time when leaders were not engaged in the community. He started to hold courts to settle disputes and addressed social grievances. He preached to the young Sikhs, encouraging them to return to the path of the Khalsa, to abstain from drugs and alcohol—? the two main practices which were badly affecting rural society in Punjab. As a social reformer, he denounced practices like the dowry and encouraged the reversal of the Green Revolution. These along with his remarkable ability as a preacher helped him gain enormous popularity.
The Out-of-Control Genie
Bhindranwale was considered Congress’ masterstroke, however, as his popularity grew he started playing both Congress and Akali Dal against each other. And Congress soon realised that the genie it had unleashed refused to go back in its bottle.
Remember the Anandpur Sahib Resolution?
That resolution got revived in 1981 when Akali Dal and Bhindranwale came together. Akalis because they wanted to grab power from the Congress in Punjab and Bhindranwale because he was interested in the dominance of Sikhs in the state. Together they launched the ‘Dharam Yudh Morcha’.
Bhindranwale started directing his anger against the Centre regarding issues like Chandigarh’s inclusion into Punjab, distribution of river waters, etc. He believed that the Centre only served the interests of the Hindus. So he also started targeting Hindus in Punjab. He used offensive language against Hindus in his speeches.
“He exhorted every Sikh to kill 32 Hindus to solve the Hindu-Sikh problem.”
—?Khushwant Singh, author
He advised the Sikhs to acquire firearms to defend themselves. He also organised ‘killer squads’ in each village to eliminate the “enemies” of Sikhism. Violence in Punjab escalated with attacks on policemen and political figures becoming common. Many Hindus fled their homes due to fears of getting killed. Not only Hindus but Nirankari Sikhs were also being targeted by the followers of Bhindranwale as they were considered “fake Sikhs”.
Why Hatred against Hindus?
Okay, but from where the Hindus came into the picture? Why did Bhindranwale target the Hindus? And what Hindu-Sikh problem?
The thing is that the very foundation of this separatist movement was that Sikhs have a separate identity and they are different, especially from the Hindus. And whenever the Sikhs of Punjab felt marginalised or discriminated against by the Centre, it was seen as the Hindu Government oppressing the Sikhs (Bharat being a Hindu-majority country).
Another reason was language. Although this should be a separate article in itself, still I’ll explain the thing in short. After the Punjab Reorganisation Act of 1966, Punjabi-speaking Hindus remained in Punjab. But many Hindus in Punjab started resonating more with the rest of the Hindi-speaking Hindu population of Northern Bharat rather than Punjabi-speaking people. Why did that happen? It was because, in the minds of many Hindus, ‘Punjabi Suba’ became “Sikh Suba” as there was a great emphasis on Punjab being the state of the Sikhs. And as Sikhs wished to be seen as separate, the Punjabi Hindus also got concerned about their identity.
Apart from this many Hindu organisations like RSS strongly believed in the idea of Hindi-Hindu-Hindustan. This was promoted aggressively and somehow it played well in Punjab. Lala Jagat Narain, the founder and editor of the Hindi newspaper Punjab Kesari, was a staunch opponent of the Punjabi Suba Movement and especially the Khalistan movement. Narain through his newspaper had urged Hindus in Punjab to disown Punjabi as their mother tongue. He was killed by the supporters of Bhindranwale in 1981 for writing against the Khalistan movement.
All such things played a significant role in encouraging the communal divide between Hindus and Sikhs in Punjab, and further added ghee to the fire of separatism in Punjab.
Operation Blue Star and its Aftermath
Shaken by the scale of violence, President’s Rule was imposed in Punjab in 1983. Bhindranwale and his armed supporters had taken refuge at Akal Takht in the Harmandir Sahib complex (Golden Temple complex). He was being supported and accommodated by the Akali Dal.
After negotiations failed, Indira Gandhi rejected the Anandpur Sahib Resolution and armed forces were called upon to remove Bhindranwale and his supporters from the temple complex. On 1 June 1984, Operation Blue Star was launched and the fight continued for 10 days. At last, Bharatiya forces neutralised Bhindranwale and his supporters and gained control of the temple complex. This attack resulted in huge civilian and military casualties. And not just lives, the structure of the Akal Takht, the highest spiritual and political authority of the Sikhs, suffered heavy damage because of the attack.
The Sikh community all over the world was outraged by this action of the government. They felt that it was an attack on their holiest shrine, on their religion.
In the eyes of a simple Sikh farmer, the soldiers were invaders, and Bhindranwale and his supporters were protectors of their religious place.
4 months later on 31 October 1984, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her Sikh bodyguards. This, in turn, resulted in a violent organized massacre against the Sikhs all over the northern part of the country and especially in Delhi. Independent sources claimed 8,000-17,000 Sikhs were killed across the nation. More than 50,000 Sikhs fled their homes across northern Bharat to take refuge in Punjab which they not only saw as a safe haven but also a place they could call their own.
“Jab bhi koi bada ped girta hai, to dharti thodi hilti hai.
(When a big tree falls, the earth shakes.)”
Then PM Rajiv Gandhi justified the massacre at a public rally.
To our minds, the story ends here. But the real phase of militancy in Punjab started now.
Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale became a martyr in the minds of a large number of Sikhs. Bhindranwale did die but his ideas remained. Attacks by the Khalistani terrorists intensified both in the country and abroad. In 1985, Air India Flight 182 was bombed, killing 329 people. Former Chief of Army Staff, General Arun Shridhar Vaidya who led Operation Blue Star was assassinated in 1986. Punjab CM Beant Singh was assassinated by a suicide bomber in 1995. In March 1986, Khalistani terrorists again occupied the Golden Temple Complex which necessitated another action known as Operation Black Thunder. Several cases of mutinies by Sikh soldiers were also reported.
Due to several military and police actions, the Khalistan movement in the country became extremely weak by the mid-1990s. But it was through sustained political negotiations and peacebuilding policies that the government was able to gain the confidence of the people of Punjab.
Wait. There is no happy ending yet.
Many Khalistani leaders are still operating from foreign countries like the US, UK and Canada. And now it seems that these people got a representative within Bharat—? Amritpal Singh Sandhu.
Amritpal Singh Sandhu
Amritpal is a 29-year-old guy who comes from Jallupur Khera village in the Amritsar district. In 2012 he went to Dubai. His social media shows him often taking up issues concerning Punjab but he never had much traction before 2019 when he came out in support of the farmers’ protest against the now-repealed Farm Laws. He became part of the protests, especially the strand of the movement associated with Deep Sidhu. Amritpal defended Deep Sidhu on social media, especially after the actor was arrested and most political parties and farmer groups shunned him following the 26 January 2021 Red Fort violence where Nishan Sahib was hoisted at the Red Fort.
Deep Sidhu started an organisation called ‘Waris Punjab De’ in September 2021. This organisation was originally floated as “a pressure group to protect and fight for rights of Punjab and raise social issues”. During the launch event in Chandigarh, Sidhu described it as an organisation that would “fight for the rights of Punjab against the Centre and raises voice whenever there will be any attack on the culture, language, social fabric and rights of Punjab”. Sidhu also added that his front would only support the party that talks of Punjab and its rights. Eventually, he supported the radical pro-Khalistan party SAD (Amritsar) of Simranjit Singh Mann and also campaigned for them ahead of the 2022 Punjab Assembly Elections.
After the sudden death of Deep Sidhu in a car crash in February 2022, a letter was published by ‘Waris Punjab De’ on 4 March 2022 declaring Amritpal Singh as the organisation's leader. Amritpal returned to Bharat from Dubai and became a baptised Sikh with long hair tucked into a blue turban, a long flowy beard, a steel bangle on his wrist and a kirpan hanging from his waist, looking very different from his old photos with trimmed hair and beard and no hint of the religious preacher’s look that he puts on now. In September 2022 he took over as the head of ‘Waris Punjab De’ and a ‘dastar bandi’ ceremony was held at Rode, the ancestral village of Bhindranwale. The ceremony was attended by thousands raising pro-Khalistan slogans.
Amritpal started tapping the followers of Deep Sidhu. He moved around Punjab, meeting several Sikh political and religious leaders and seeking their support. He also asked the young Sikhs to join the Khalsa.
Amritpal calls Bhindranwale his “inspiration”. He dresses like Bhindranwale and copies his mannerisms. Similar to Bhindranwale, he also preaches orthodox Sikhism. He has been travelling across the State, promoting ‘Khalsa Vaheer’— a traditional religious procession preaching Sikhism to youth and encouraging them to shun drugs.
He blames the Central government for the issues the Sikh community faces. He says that be it the farm laws, the water crisis in Punjab, the drug menace, migration of people from UP and Bihar into Punjab, arrest of political dissidents, and undermining of the Punjabi language are all part of a "silent genocide" of Sikhs.
Since his ‘dastar bandi’ Amritpal Singh has been calling for violence and urging secession and separatism, openly espousing the cause of Khalistan on all platforms. He also moves around with heavily armed Nihang Sikhs.
Interestingly, many within the pro-Khalistan sphere are a little distrustful of Amritpal Singh. This is mainly because the older guard understands the plot of state agencies and they don't trust new people easily.
But why is he getting so popular? There are two major reasons for that— Economic and Political.
The economic condition of Punjab
While preparations were going on for the presentation of the National Budget of 2023, noted economists from Punjab urged the country’s Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman to take urgent steps to revive the growth momentum in the Punjab economy, as the State has transitioned over the years from being “debt-stressed” to “debt-trapped”.
In recent times, Punjab’s agricultural growth has been very slow. But Punjab still depends on agriculture which contributes to about a quarter of its GDP. Punjab had seen immense growth in its industrial sector in the past but since the Economic Liberalisation in 1991, the industrial growth has slowed down. According to the Economic Survey of 2021-2022, Punjab ranked among the worst in terms of unemployment.
“The first thing that Punjab had to do was to promote free markets and competition, through which the private sector would grow, and offer well-paying jobs. But the politicians themselves became industrialists and marred competition in the state. Investors feared spending in Punjab due to this.”
—?Lakhwinder Singh Gill, ex-professor at Punjabi University’s Khalsa college in Patiala.
The people of Punjab are not interested in doing low-paying industrial jobs, which is why industries rely on migrant workers from UP and Bihar. And due to this, many Punjabis look for employment opportunities in other states or even foreign countries.
However, despite the economy in tears, the state government has been making populist policies by promising freebies and making almost no fundamental changes to the existing structure of economic development.
What has Amritpal done regarding this?
He endorsed the concept, “Punjab is for the Punjabis” and jobs should be reserved for locals. He is encouraging the Punjabi Sikhs to join him and leave evils like alcohol and drugs, in return he would provide them with jobs and education.
Political Vacuum in Punjab
The Punjabi society has been suffering from long-standing socio-economic crises like unemployment, drug addiction, and religious and political crises. A section of society has lost faith in the traditional political parties, like Akalis and Congress, to tackle these issues. And the biggest beneficiary of this vacuum has been AAP which swept to power with a record mandate in the 2022 Punjab Assembly Elections. However, now certain signs show that the people are not too happy even with the Aam Aadmi Party. Then there is a perception of the Bhagwant Mann government being controlled by AAP’s Delhi leadership.
Some loss of faith is visible in the fact that the protesters in the state are maintaining a distance from the political parties. Whether it is the protest against the Farm Laws or any other protest, political parties have not been welcomed anywhere.
“Politics is all about meeting the aspirations of the people. When it does not happen, people find ways to express themselves in one way or another. Amritpal’s rise reflects it.”
—? Baljit Balli, senior journalist and Editor of Babushahi.com
Because Punjab is suffering from deep political, social and economic crises, the extremist ideas of Amritpal are gaining some attention when he raises these concerns. Similar things also happened in the 1980s.
Endnotes
At a time when the country is being branded as a "Hindu Rashtra", there is bound to be a sense of alienation in the other communities, they will feel sidelined. The same is the case when attempts are made for the imposition of Hindi. It creates fear and insecurity among various communities regarding their identity, language, culture, traditions, etc. Yes, Hinduism being the majority religion will reflect in various aspects of life in this country but overtly emphasising that ignoring the diversity of the country, gives way to demands like Khalistan.
What I’m not able to understand is why does the strongman-imaged Modi Government seem to be so casual about Amritpal’s prominence? There have been no overt signs of discomfort at his growing popularity.
“How can a person who lived in Dubai for many years suddenly surface in Punjab and project himself as a leader of the entire Sikh masses, besides interpreting the Sikh history, culture and ethics in his own way?
People can’t be easily swayed by this sentiment since they have seen the past repercussions. Those days are still fresh in the minds of Punjabis, particularly Sikhs and the state’s political class.”
—? Manjit Singh, ex-professor of Sociology at Punjab University in Chandigarh.
Yes, it is right that drawing parallels with Bhindranwale may seem like fantasization at this stage, but to deny any similarity would be foolishness.
It was the afternoon of 23 February 2023, a contingent of Punjab Police, with lathis in their hands, was standing behind barricades outside the Ajnala Police Station in the Amritsar district of Punjab, facing a huge crowd, many armed with Kirpans. The crowd was also carrying the Guru Granth Sahib in a bus. And walking among this crowd, surrounded by armed men with rifles, was Amritpal Singh Sandhu, who is being seen as the new face of the resurging Khalistan demand in the country.
Within minutes, the crowd broke the barricades and using the bus as a shield soon attacked the police. Amritpal and his supporters occupied the police station for the next several hours and left only on the assurance that his aide, Lovepreet Singh would be released who was arrested on charges of kidnapping and assault.
This incident created big headlines in the media. The K-word surfaced everywhere. Equations started to be drawn between Amritpal Singh Sandhu and Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. It is being said that this is the repetition of the 1980s and is the resurgence of the Sikh separatist movement.
But why are such demands surfacing again? And who is this guy— Amritpal Singh? To understand the current situation, we must have a look at the very roots of the Sikh separatist movement in the country.
Militant Identity of the Sikhs
The idea of Khalistan started coming up in the 1920s but even before that Sikhs had developed a firmly militant identity due to persecution by the Mughals. The militancy was fostered, especially under Guru Gobind Singh who in 1699 established a special group called 'Khalsa'. Sikhs who chose to be baptised into the Khalsa dedicated themselves utterly to their faith. Guru Gobind Singh created and initiated the Khalsa as a warrior with a duty to protect the innocent from religious persecution.
Though not all Sikhs became baptised members of the Khalsa, Sikhism as a religious tradition generally accepts the legitimacy of violent resistance in the face of repression of faith. Sikh identity gradually became tied up with the Khalsa identity and its militancy.
Before the Independence
In the early years of British rule in the country, Sikhs had proven their loyalty to the British, particularly as soldiers of the British Indian Army. But this loyalty started to wane away due to several things like the Rowlatt Act, Jallianwala Bagh Massacre, issues regarding separate electorates, etc. Several Sikh leaders wanted a separate Sikh State along the lines of Pakistan but that could not happen. Instead, Congress gave them assurances that after independence the political aspirations of the Sikhs would be honoured.
Punjab Reorganisation Act, 1966
After the Constitution came into being, many Sikh groups claimed they were not granted the autonomy they had been promised. Thus, in the 1950s the 'Punjabi Suba Movement' started gaining momentum. Although the demand was for a state on a linguistic basis, it was seen to have religious overtones as the demand was mainly from the Sikhs in Punjab. The Central Government was not ready to create states on religious grounds, although, in 1966 it conceded to dividing Punjab on 'linguistic lines' into the Sikh-majority Punjabi-speaking Punjab and Hindu-majority Hindi-speaking Haryana. Chandigarh became a Union Territory and acted as the shared capital of the two states.
But this did not completely satisfy the demands of the Sikhs. Many didn't like the idea of sharing Chandigarh with Haryana and wanted Chandigarh to be completely a part of Punjab. Another problem was that some Punjabi-speaking districts went to Haryana and Himachal Pradesh, they wanted those too to be included in Punjab.
Sikhs not “Hindus”
Another major contention was that the Constitution included Sikhs under the definition of “Hindus”. This was a major reason why when the Constitution came into being, Shiromani Akali Dal rejected it. It is because Sikhs have often been seen as a part of the larger umbrella of Hinduism. But the Sikhs feel that they are a separate religion and not just a category of Hindus. They do have various similarities with Hinduism but that does not make them Hindus.
The same thing happened when the Hindu Code Bills were brought in the 1950s. There too, Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains were included under the definition of “Hindus” and these laws also governed the people of those three religions.
Anandpur Sahib Resolution
In Punjab politics, there were two major parties tussling for power—? Shiromani Akali Dal and the Congress party. The dilemma for the Akalis was that despite being a strong advocate of the Sikh culture and religion, they never enjoyed the full support of the Sikhs. Its rival, Congress, had been more effective in state politics. Concerned with their declining popularity and lack of unity within the party, the Akali Dal came up with the Anandpur Sahib Resolution in 1973. This declaration addressed the economic concerns of Punjab along with the religious and ethnic demands of the Sikhs. This resolution was not secessionist in content but called for greater autonomy for Punjab. There were 3 major demands in this resolution—?
This resolution didn’t play any important role initially and was forgotten but would later go on to become the foundation of Akali Dal’s future agenda as well as for Sikh separatism.
On the other hand, Congress under Indira Gandhi played a major role in undermining the Akali Dal. Indira adopted a highly authoritarian approach and centralised power in centralized The Emergency created anti-Congress and anti-Centre sentiments in Punjab. In 1980 nine states whose governments were unfavorable to Indira were placed under President’s Rule. Punjab was one of those states where the Akali Dal-Jana Sangh government was dismissed.
Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale
It is believed that in order to split the Akali Dal’s vote bank, Congress in the late 1970s started cultivating the religious leader Jarnail Singh Bindranwale as an alternative. Bhindranwale was the leader of a prominent orthodox Sikh institution—? Damdami Taksal. He sought to promote the conservative aspects of Sikhism and emphasised the stringent following of religious doctrines. But why Jarnail Singh? What was special in him that Congress felt he could be helpful? The answer is his immense popularity.
Green Revolution
In the 1960s the Green Revolution was introduced, resulting in a great increase in the production of food grains and Punjab was its biggest beneficiary leading to great prosperity in the state—? this is what we've been generally taught. But there’s a darker side to it too.
The Green Revolution was successful initially because of government subsidies and support prices. However, this could not continue indefinitely and with the rising cost of fertilizers and pesticides, small farmers were the worst hit. Also, the increase in productivity could not be sustained because the new varieties created new ecological problems by reducing genetic diversity and affecting soil and water systems.
And whatever gains Punjab earned from the Green Revolution weren’t distributed equally among various sections and regions of the state. This led to the growing numbers of marginalised poor peasants, who could neither reap the benefits of the land nor find employment in the industrial sector because the industries in the state remained underdeveloped.
River Water Dispute
Punjab had a long grievance against the Central government regarding the distribution of water from the Ravi, Sutlej and Beas rivers. The three rivers flowed through Punjab but through an elaborate canal system water was being diverted to drier areas of Haryana and Rajasthan. In the wake of the Punjab Reorganisation Act of 1966, the Centre decided that Punjab would get only 23% of the water and the rest would go to states like Rajasthan and Haryana. This was felt as unfair and instilled a sense that the Central government is having discriminating tendencies against the Sikhs.
Such factors added to the deepening sense of alienation and growth of separatist sentiments among the Sikhs. And at this very time, Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale started gaining popularity. His popularity grew especially among the poor farmers of Punjab’s rural areas. These poor people had lost all hope in the political class, who were mainly big landlords, and they felt more connected with Bhindranwale, who was from a small farmer family. They saw in him their leader who could be their voice.
In the late 1970s and early 1980s, he toured across Punjab to spread his teachings. He appeared at a time when leaders were not engaged in the community. He started to hold courts to settle disputes and addressed social grievances. He preached to the young Sikhs, encouraging them to return to the path of the Khalsa, to abstain from drugs and alcohol—? the two main practices which were badly affecting rural society in Punjab. As a social reformer, he denounced practices like the dowry and encouraged the reversal of the Green Revolution. These along with his remarkable ability as a preacher helped him gain enormous popularity.
The Out-of-Control Genie
Bhindranwale was considered Congress’ masterstroke, however, as his popularity grew he started playing both Congress and Akali Dal against each other. And Congress soon realised that the genie it had unleashed refused to go back in its bottle.
Remember the Anandpur Sahib Resolution?
That resolution got revived in 1981 when Akali Dal and Bhindranwale came together. Akalis because they wanted to grab power from the Congress in Punjab and Bhindranwale because he was interested in the dominance of Sikhs in the state. Together they launched the ‘Dharam Yudh Morcha’.
Bhindranwale started directing his anger against the Centre regarding issues like Chandigarh’s inclusion into Punjab, distribution of river waters, etc. He believed that the Centre only served the interests of the Hindus. So he also started targeting Hindus in Punjab. He used offensive language against Hindus in his speeches.
“He exhorted every Sikh to kill 32 Hindus to solve the Hindu-Sikh problem.”
—?Khushwant Singh, author
He advised the Sikhs to acquire firearms to defend themselves. He also organised ‘killer squads’ in each village to eliminate the “enemies” of Sikhism. Violence in Punjab escalated with attacks on policemen and political figures becoming common. Many Hindus fled their homes due to fears of getting killed. Not only Hindus but Nirankari Sikhs were also being targeted by the followers of Bhindranwale as they were considered “fake Sikhs”.
Why Hatred against Hindus?
Okay, but from where the Hindus came into the picture? Why did Bhindranwale target the Hindus? And what Hindu-Sikh problem?
The thing is that the very foundation of this separatist movement was that Sikhs have a separate identity and they are different, especially from the Hindus. And whenever the Sikhs of Punjab felt marginalised or discriminated against by the Centre, it was seen as the Hindu Government oppressing the Sikhs (Bharat being a Hindu-majority country).
Another reason was language. Although this should be a separate article in itself, still I’ll explain the thing in short. After the Punjab Reorganisation Act of 1966, Punjabi-speaking Hindus remained in Punjab. But many Hindus in Punjab started resonating more with the rest of the Hindi-speaking Hindu population of Northern Bharat rather than Punjabi-speaking people. Why did that happen? It was because, in the minds of many Hindus, ‘Punjabi Suba’ became “Sikh Suba” as there was a great emphasis on Punjab being the state of the Sikhs. And as Sikhs wished to be seen as separate, the Punjabi Hindus also got concerned about their identity.
Apart from this many Hindu organisations like RSS strongly believed in the idea of Hindi-Hindu-Hindustan. This was promoted aggressively and somehow it played well in Punjab. Lala Jagat Narain, the founder and editor of the Hindi newspaper Punjab Kesari, was a staunch opponent of the Punjabi Suba Movement and especially the Khalistan movement. Narain through his newspaper had urged Hindus in Punjab to disown Punjabi as their mother tongue. He was killed by the supporters of Bhindranwale in 1981 for writing against the Khalistan movement.
All such things played a significant role in encouraging the communal divide between Hindus and Sikhs in Punjab, and further added ghee to the fire of separatism in Punjab.
Operation Blue Star and its aftermath
Shaken by the scale of violence, President’s Rule was imposed in Punjab in 1983. Bhindranwale and his armed supporters had taken refuge at Akal Takht in the Harmandir Sahib complex (Golden Temple complex). He was being supported and accommodated by the Akali Dal.
After negotiations failed, Indira Gandhi rejected the Anandpur Sahib Resolution and armed forces were called upon to remove Bhindranwale and his supporters from the temple complex. On 1 June 1984, Operation Blue Star was launched and the fight continued for 10 days. At last, Bharatiya forces neutralised Bhindranwale and his supporters and gained control of the temple complex. This attack resulted in huge civilian and military casualties. And not just lives, the structure of the Akal Takht, the highest spiritual and political authority of the Sikhs, suffered heavy damage because of the attack.
The Sikh community all over the world was outraged by this action of the government. They felt that it was an attack on their holiest shrine, on their religion.
In the eyes of a simple Sikh farmer, the soldiers were invaders, and Bhindranwale and his supporters protectors of their religious place.
4 months later on 31 October 1984, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her Sikh bodyguards. This in turn resulted in a violent organised massacre against the Sikhs all over the northern part of the country and especially in Delhi. Independent sources claimed 8,000-17,000 Sikhs were killed across the nation. More than 50,000 Sikhs fled their homes across northern Bharat to take refuge in Punjab which they not only saw as a safe haven but also a place they could call their own.
“Jab bhi koi bada ped girta hai, to dharti thodi hilti hai.
(When a big tree falls, the earth shakes.)”
—then PM Rajiv Gandhi justified the massacre at a public rally.
To our minds, the story ends here. But the real phase of militancy in Punjab started now.
Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale became a martyr in the minds of a large number of Sikhs. Bhindranwale did die but his ideas remained. Attacks by the Khalistani terrorists intensified both in the country and abroad. In 1985, Air India Flight 182 was bombed, killing 329 people. Former Chief of Army Staff, General Arun Shridhar Vaidya who led Operation Blue Star was assassinated in 1986. Punjab CM Beant Singh was assassinated by a suicide bomber in 1995. In March 1986, Khalistani terrorists again occupied the Golden Temple Complex which necessitated another action known as Operation Black Thunder. Several cases of mutinies by Sikh soldiers were also reported.
Due to several military and police actions, the Khalistan movement in the country became extremely weak by the mid-1990s. But it was through sustained political negotiations and peacebuilding policies that the government was able to gain the confidence of the people of Punjab.
Wait. There is no happy ending yet.
Many Khalistani leaders are still operating from foreign countries like the US, UK and Canada. And now it seems that these people got a representative within Bharat, Amritpal Singh Sandhu.
Amritpal Singh Sandhu
Amritpal is a 29-year-old guy who comes from Jallupur Khera village in the Amritsar district. In 2012 he went to Dubai. His social media shows him often taking up issues concerning Punjab but he never had much traction before 2019 when he came out in support of the farmers’ protest against the now-repealed Farm Laws. He became part of the protests, especially the strand of the movement associated with Deep Sidhu. Amritpal defended Deep Sidhu on social media, especially after the actor was arrested and most political parties and farmer groups shunned him following the 26 January 2021 Red Fort violence where Nishan Sahib was hoisted at the Red Fort.
Deep Sidhu started an organisation called ‘Waris Punjab De’ in September 2021. This organisation was originally floated as “a pressure group to protect and fight for rights of Punjab and raise social issues”. During the launch event in Chandigarh, Sidhu described it as an organisation that would “fight for the rights of Punjab against the Centre and raises voice whenever there will be any attack on the culture, language, social fabric and rights of Punjab”. Sidhu also added that his front would only support the party that talks of Punjab and its rights. Eventually, he supported the radical pro-Khalistan party SAD (Amritsar) of Simranjit Singh Mann and also campaigned for them ahead of the 2022 Punjab Assembly Elections.
After the sudden death of Deep Sidhu in a car crash in February 2022, a letter was published by ‘Waris Punjab De’ on 4 March 2022 declaring Amritpal Singh as the organisation's leader. Amritpal returned to Bharat from Dubai and became a baptised Sikh with long hair tucked into a blue turban, a long flowy beard, a steel bangle on his wrist and a kirpan hanging from his waist, looking very different from his old photos with trimmed hair and beard and no hint of the religious preacher’s look that he puts on now. In September 2022 he took over as the head of ‘Waris Punjab De’ and a ‘dastar bandi’ ceremony was held at Rode, the ancestral village of Bhindranwale. The ceremony was attended by thousands raising pro-Khalistan slogans.
Amritpal started tapping the followers of Deep Sidhu. He moved around Punjab, meeting several Sikh political and religious leaders and seeking their support. He also asked the young Sikhs to join the Khalsa.
Amritpal calls Bhindranwale his “inspiration”. He dresses like Bhindranwale and copies his mannerisms. Similar to Bhindranwale, he also preaches orthodox Sikhism. He has been travelling across the State, promoting ‘Khalsa Vaheer’— a traditional religious procession preaching Sikhism to youth and encouraging them to shun drugs.
He blames the Central government for the issues the Sikh community faces. He says that be it the farm laws, the water crisis in Punjab, the drug menace, migration of people from UP and Bihar into Punjab, arrest of political dissidents, and undermining of the Punjabi language is all part of a "silent genocide" of Sikhs.
Since his ‘dastar bandi’ Amritpal Singh has been calling for violence and urging secession and separatism, openly espousing the cause of Khalistan on all platforms. He also moves around with heavily armed Nihang Sikhs.
Interestingly, many within the pro-Khalistan sphere are a little distrustful of Amritpal Singh. This is mainly because the older guard understands the plot of state agencies and they don't trust new people easily.
But why is he getting so popular? There are two major reasons for that— Economic and Political.
The economic condition of Punjab
While preparations were going on for the presentation of the National Budget of 2023, noted economists from Punjab urged the country’s Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman to take urgent steps to revive the growth momentum in the Punjab economy, as the State has transitioned over the years from being “debt-stressed” to “debt-trapped”.
In recent times, Punjab’s agricultural growth has been very slow. But Punjab still depends on agriculture which contributes to about a quarter of its GDP. Punjab had seen immense growth in its industrial sector in the past but since the Economic Liberalisation in 1991, the industrial growth has slowed down. According to the Economic Survey of 2021-2022, Punjab ranked among the worst in terms of unemployment.
“The first thing that Punjab had to do was to promote free markets and competition, through which the private sector would grow, offer well-paying jobs. But the politicians themselves became industrialists and marred competition in the state. Investors feared spending in Punjab due to this.”
—?Lakhwinder Singh Gill, ex-professor at Punjabi University’s Khalsa college in Patiala.
The people of Punjab are not interested in doing low-paying industrial jobs, which is why industries rely on migrant workers from UP and Bihar. And due to this, many Punjabis look for employment opportunities in other states or even foreign countries.
However, despite the economy in tears, the state government has been making populist policies by promising freebies and making almost no fundamental changes to the existing structure of economic development.
What has Amritpal done regarding this?
He endorsed the concept—? “Punjab is for the Punjabis” and jobs should be reserved for locals. He is encouraging the Punjabi Sikhs to join him and leave evils like alcohol and drugs, in return he would provide them with jobs and education.
Political Vacuum in Punjab
The Punjabi society has been suffering from long-standing socio-economic crises like unemployment, drug addiction, and religious and political crises. A section of the society has lost faith in the traditional political parties, like Akalis and Congress, to tackle these issues. And the biggest beneficiary of this vacuum has been AAP which swept to power with a record mandate in the 2022 Punjab Assembly Elections. However, now certain signs show that the people are not too happy even with the Aam Aadmi Party. Then there is a perception of the Bhagwant Mann government being controlled by AAP’s Delhi leadership.
Some loss of faith is visible by the fact that the protesters in the state are maintaining a distance from the political parties. Whether it is the protest against the Farm Laws or any other protest, political parties have not been welcomed anywhere.
“Politics is all about meeting the aspirations of the people. When it does not happen, people find ways to express themselves in one way or another. Amritpal’s rise reflects it.”
— Baljit Balli, senior journalist and Editor of Babushahi.com
Because Punjab is suffering from deep political, social and economic crises, the extremist ideas of Amritpal are gaining some attention when he raises these concerns. Similar things also happened in the 1980s.
Endnotes
At a time when the country is being branded as a "Hindu Rashtra", there is bound to be a sense of alienation in the other communities, they will feel sidelined. The same is the case when attempts are made for the imposition of Hindi. It creates fear and insecurity among various communities regarding their identity, language, culture, traditions, etc. Yes, Hinduism being the majority religion will reflect in various aspects of life in this country but overtly emphasising that ignoring the diversity of the country, gives way to demands like Khalistan.
What I’m not able to understand is why does the strongman-imaged Modi Government seem to be so casual about Amritpal’s prominence? There have been no overt signs of discomfort at his growing popularity.
“How can a person who lived in Dubai for many years suddenly surface in Punjab and project himself as a leader of the entire Sikh masses, besides interpreting the Sikh history, culture and ethics in his own way?
People can’t be easily swayed by this sentiment since they have seen the past repercussions. Those days are still fresh in the minds of Punjabis, particularly Sikhs and the state’s political class.”
— Manjit Singh, ex-professor of Sociology at Punjab University in Chandigarh.
Yes, it is right that drawing parallels with Bhindranwale may seem like fantasization at this stage, but to deny any similarity would be foolishness.
The writer's views are personal, editorial support the views hence it is published.
In picture: Padma Vibhushan Sri SM Krishna ji with Prashant Tewari Editor-in-Chief Opinion Express
SM Krishna, a stalwart of Indian politics, is undeniably a real hero of Bangalore and Karnataka. With a career spanning several decades, he has made significant contributions to the growth and development of the region, leaving an indelible mark on its history.
His early life was marked by determination and a thirst for knowledge. He pursued his education with diligence, earning a law degree from Maharaja's College in Mysore. He obtained a law degree from University Law College. Rare in those days, Krishna studied in the United States, graduating from the Southern Methodist University in Dallas, Texas, and The George Washington University Law School in Washington D.C, where he was a Fulbright Scholar.
Soon after his return to India, His foray into politics began in the 1960s when he joined the Indian National Congress and soon emerged as a prominent leader with a progressive vision for Karnataka he was elected to the Karnataka Legislative Assembly in 1962.
Krishna's first major political milestone came in 1992 when he was elected as a Member of Parliament from the Mandya constituency. His exceptional leadership skills and commitment to public service quickly propelled him to higher positions within the party and the government. In 1999, he assumed the role of Chief Minister of Karnataka, a position he held with great distinction for two terms, from 1999 to 2004 and again from 2004 to 2006.
During his tenure as Chief Minister, Krishna spearheaded numerous initiatives that transformed Bangalore and Karnataka into a thriving hub of technology, innovation, and economic progress. He recognized the potential of the information technology (IT) sector and played a pivotal role in positioning Bangalore as the Silicon Valley of India. Through strategic policies and proactive measures, he attracted global IT giants to set up their operations in the city, creating employment opportunities and fostering technological advancements.
Krishna's visionary leadership extended beyond the IT sector. He championed infrastructure development projects that bolstered the state's overall growth. Under his guidance, Bangalore witnessed the construction of flyovers, modernization of roads, and improvements in public transportation systems, making it a more liveable and accessible city. Additionally, he focused on the expansion of educational institutions, healthcare facilities, and the preservation of cultural heritage, all of which contributed to the holistic development of Karnataka.
Apart from his contributions to Bangalore's transformation, Krishna played a crucial role in shaping the state's governance and policies. He implemented administrative reforms, ensuring transparency, efficiency, and accountability in the government machinery. His emphasis on good governance and the welfare of the people earned him immense popularity and admiration among the citizens of Karnataka.
Krishna's accomplishments extended beyond the borders of Karnataka. As India's Minister of External Affairs from 2009 to 2012, he effectively represented the nation on the global stage. He played a pivotal role in strengthening India's diplomatic ties with various countries, promoting trade and investment, and projecting India's interests on key international issues. Krishna's diplomatic acumen and statesmanship were instrumental in enhancing India's image and influence in the international arena.
Even after retiring from active politics, SM Krishna continues to inspire and contribute to society. His vast experience and wisdom are sought after by various organizations and institutions. He remains an influential voice on matters of governance, leadership, and public policy, sharing his insights and guidance with the next generation of leaders.
In conclusion, SM Krishna's legacy as a real hero of Bangalore and Karnataka is undeniable. His visionary leadership, unwavering commitment to public service, and transformative initiatives have left an indelible mark on the region's progress. His contributions to Bangalore's rise as a global IT hub, along with his focus on infrastructure, education, healthcare, and governance, have significantly impacted the lives of the people of Karnataka. Even today, his wisdom and guidance continue to shape the future of the state and inspire generations to come. It is up to the present generations of leaders in Karnataka to get inspired by the life of a living legend and take key lessons to develop the state in a fashion that SM Krishna has shown the road map.
By Prashant Tewari Editor-in-Chief with Inputs from Mohandas Hedge from Bangalore.
In picture: Prashant Tewari Editor-in-Chief of Opinion Express with Former Governor & Law Minister of India Sri HR Bharadwaj
HR Bharadwaj, a distinguished statesman, legal luminary, and mentor, left an indelible mark on the Indian political landscape as a former Governor and Law Minister. His unwavering dedication to public service, astute legal acumen, and exceptional leadership qualities make him a true inspiration for generations to come.
Born on December 2, 1928, in Rohtak, Haryana in a humble family background, ( Today is his 85th birth anniversary ) HR Bharadwaj embarked on a remarkable journey that would shape his illustrious career in law and politics. After completing his legal education, he emerged as a brilliant advocate, respected for his deep knowledge and understanding of constitutional law. Bharadwaj's impeccable professional integrity and commitment to justice earned him the admiration and respect of his peers.
A deep administration to Pandit Nehru led to his closeness with then PM Mrs Indira Gandhi, and this made way for his foray into politics. It was marked by his appointment as a member of the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of the Indian Parliament, in 1982. Bharadwaj's tenure as a lawmaker was characterized by his profound understanding of legal frameworks and his ability to navigate complex legislative processes. His contributions to the development of progressive laws and policies were instrumental in shaping India's legal landscape.
In 2004, Bharadwaj was bestowed with the significant responsibility of serving as the Union Minister for Law and Justice in the Government of India. During his tenure, he played a pivotal role in advancing legal reforms and strengthening the judiciary. He championed the cause of judicial accountability and transparency, advocating for the establishment of the National Judicial Commission. Bharadwaj's efforts to streamline the justice delivery system and ensure the timely disposal of cases were widely recognized and appreciated. He is perhaps the last known law minister who successfully established a brilliant working relationship between the executive and judiciary. The current mess and friction started the moment he left the office of the law minister of India and the situation has deteriorated further than getting rectified.
As a mentor, Bharadwaj was revered for his wisdom, humility, and commitment to nurturing young talent. He believed in empowering the next generation of leaders and provided guidance and support to aspiring lawyers and politicians. His mentoring extended beyond his immediate circle, as he actively engaged with students and professionals, sharing his invaluable insights and experiences.
Bharadwaj's impact extended beyond his role as a legislator and minister. In 2009, he was appointed as the Governor of Karnataka, where he furthered his vision of inclusive development and good governance. As the constitutional head of the state, he fostered an environment of harmony, promoting dialogue and cooperation among diverse stakeholders. Bharadwaj's tenure as Governor exemplified his unwavering commitment to upholding the values of democracy and pluralism.
In recognition of his exceptional contributions, Bharadwaj was honored with numerous accolades and awards throughout his career. His profound impact on the legal and political spheres, coupled with his dedication to public service, earned him the respect and admiration of the nation. More than the awards, he was an extremely warm, loving, and compassionate human being.
Today, as we reflect on HR Bharadwaj's remarkable journey, we pay tribute to his exemplary leadership, unyielding commitment to justice, and tireless efforts in shaping India's legal and political landscape. His legacy serves as a guiding light for future generations, inspiring them to strive for excellence, uphold democratic values, and work toward the betterment of society. At least I can admit that my limited success in public life has had a huge influence and blessing on my guru late HR Bharadwaj.
To conclude, HR Bharadwaj's tenure as Governor and Law Minister of India stands as a testament to his exceptional leadership, legal expertise, and unwavering commitment to public service. His contributions continue to shape the nation, and his legacy will forever be cherished in the annals of Indian history.
Inputs from Mr Arun Bharadwaj Senior Advocate S/O Late Dr Hansraj Bharadwaj.
The dictatorial Xi's China is the biggest global jailer of journalists with more than 100 behind bars, according to a press freedom group, as President Xi Jinping’s government tightened control over society.
PRC Xi’s government also was one of the biggest exporters of propaganda content, according to Reporters without Borders. China ranked second to last on the group’s annual index of press freedom, behind only neighbour North Korea.
The ruling Communist Party has tightened already strict controls on media in China, where all newspapers and broadcasters are state-owned. Websites and social media are required to enforce censorship that bans material that might spread opposition to one-party rule. The model is unique since the West is critical of human rights abuses yet the internal rebellion is far away within the country.
As India is approaching the summer season, record levels of heat-trapping greenhouse gases have led to increased incidences of droughts, floods and heatwaves on a global scale, the World Meteorological Organisation's (WMO) annual report for 2022 said.
The WMO, an agency of the United Nations, in its report, said real-time data from specific locations show that levels of the three greenhouse gases - carbon dioxide, methane and nitrous oxide - continued to increase in 2023.
Water crises, Droughts, floods and heatwaves affected communities on every continent including India and cost many billions of dollars, the report said. Antarctic sea ice fell to its lowest extent on record and the melting of some European glaciers was, literally, off the charts, it said.
Global mean temperatures for the past eight years have been the highest on record; in 2022, it was 1.15 degrees Celsius above the 1850-1900 average.
The policymakers must take note of the crisis, the world will witness tremendous discomfort.
India has surpassed China (142.57 crore) to become the world’s most populous nation with 142.86 crore people, according to United Nations Population Fund, but the news has come with a demographic dividend —about 50 percent of India’s population is below the age of 25 years.
According to the UNFPA’s State of World Population (SWP) Report 2023, about 25 percent of India’s population is in the age group of 0-14 years, 18 percent in the 10 to 19 age group, 26 percent in the age bracket of 10 to 24 years, 68 percent in 15 to 64 years age group, and 7 percent above 65 years, said United Nations Population Fund India representative Andrea Wojnar.
The UN projections estimate that the country’s population is expected to grow for the next three decades after which it will begin declining.
The population demographics of India vary from State to State. UN analysis has revealed that Kerala and Punjab have an aging population, while Bihar and Uttar Pradesh have a young population.
This is the first time that India has topped the UN list of most populous countries since it started collecting population data in 1950. According to the United Nations’ World Population Prospects-2022, India’s population was 86.1 crore while China’s population was 114.4 crore in 1950.
The report further states that by 2050, India’s population is expected to rise to 166.8 crore while China’s population would dip to 131.7 crore.
Subodh Narain Agrawal is a thought-provoking visionary serial entrepreneur who has made relentless pursuits across multiple business domains in the last 40 years. Although he could easily make a footprint through his ongoing family business, he endeavored to make his path by tapping into unexplored domains.
As an entrepreneur mind, Subodh has always been an inquisitive mind - he has always tried to find the challenges that can bring a much greater solution for the world and to choose a new path to create his own signature & societal impact.
Global warming, a crucial concern for humanity, has also been a focus for Subodh for a long. He always believed that it is our duty to improve the planet for the benefit of the next generation. In 1995, Subodh pioneered Liquified Natural Gas (LNG) in India, which could decrease CO2 emissions by 40% and lead to a direct environmental impact.
Soon after his LNG pursuit, he entered other domains like cross-border trading, mining, etc., eventually developing an interest in Investment Banking. In 2002, Subodh moved to the United Kingdom, founded Euromax Capital, an investment banking firm, and acted as its Executive Chairman. With his leadership, passion, pathbreaking thinking approach & persuasion to get undone done, in a very short stint, Euromax Capital participated in Mergers and acquisitions (M&A) transactions for companies in the telecom, steel, oil, gas, and mining sectors with a maximum valuation exceeding $30 billion. Subodh’s unparalleled leadership took Euromax to new heights - it became one of the most trusted niche investment banking firms with an unmatched success rate of deal closing. Subodh is an expert in deal advisory on mergers and acquisitions, divestitures, joint ventures, debt capital raising, recapitalization, and leveraged buyout transactions through his venture.
Subodh Agrawal’s relentless attitude & passion towards work has been a constant driving force for not settling into one comfort zone & taking up new challenges. In 2016, Subodh co-founded Sunways Global Group, which developed the concept of distributed and decentralized renewable energy for emerging markets. Sunways currently has a pipeline of 1000 MW projects, with a concentration on the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and India.
Subodh also pursued varied business experience across Asia, Africa, Europe, the US & the Far East in Emerging Technologies, Commodities Trading, Natural Resources, Solar Energy, IT, and other domains. According to Subodh, his life has been paved by seven mantras, namely, self-belief, curiosity, a risk-taking mindset, the capacity to turn obstacles into opportunities, perseverance, willpower, and luck. To him, an entrepreneur's success is linked to these aspects.
In an interview with us, he also stated that developing solid relationships is the foundation of every business endeavor.
Subodh’s never-ending curiosity & dynamic mind, has resulted in the formation of his latest venture - Biocube, which is a globally unique artificial intelligence-powered biometric identity & analytics platform. While going through the visa application process for international travel, he found the process a lot of hassle - where applicants are required to go to physical visa centers, submit paper documents & biometrics & lots of logistical activities with high visa processing fees. Subodh started thinking about bringing a unique solution to solve this. During almost the same time, Subodh became a victim of identity theft and incurred a major financial loss in his multiple bank accounts.
Mr. Agrawal realized that solving identity fraud & hacking is a critical need in today’s digital world. But there is no comprehensive solution where people can prove their identity accurately while maintaining convenience. To overcome both issues, Mr. Agrawal devised a solution for revamping digital identity using multifactor contactless biometrics. In 2017, he founded Biocube, and worked relentlessly to create this next-gen biometric identity solution ahead of any other competing product in the market.
Over the last couple of years, Biocube has had a robust & unparalleled biometric authentication platform with multifactor, multimodal, contactless functionalities, integrable with any modern-day edge devices, and lots of data analytics capabilities. Biocube offers various industry focussed products and services that focus on fraud proofing, user convenience & data security. Subodh’s unique invention, Biocube, has also been granted a patent in the USA.
Subodh, though coming from a business family, started his own unexplored journey in entrepreneurship. Subodh has also made major contributions by participating in various notable forums, pursuing partnerships, and taking advisory roles in eminent organizations/committees. He played an instrumental role in developing a strategic partnership with the China Centre for International Economic Exchanges (CCIEE). He has been a part of many public and private advisory boards of companies in infrastructure, IT, fashion, media & entertainment, and other sectors.
Mr. Agrawal is also a goodwill ambassador and spokesperson for the Secretary General of IIMSAM, an autonomous IGO to the United Nations that manages multilateral diplomatic arrangements between several sovereign states. He supported the IIMSAM and the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals by applying his vast knowledge & experience in international business.
He was a board member of the ‘Rajasthan Foundation’ and ‘India-Japan Global Partnership’ (IJGP), ‘Indo-European Business forum’. He has also been a patron of the ‘Loomba Foundation’ and a trustee of Pratham UK. The Pratham UK is a premier charity literacy movement focused on educating 100 million children. On the other hand, the Loomba Foundation takes care of children and women.
Mr. Agrawal believes in cross-border relationships and became a special advisor to the ‘Olusegun Obasanjo foundation, which caters to human security advancements across Africa.
In 2016, Subodh was conferred the ‘Leader of the decade’ award at the Women Economic Forum for creating bonds beyond boundaries. A year later, in 2017, he was recognized for his business excellence & acumen and awarded the ‘Entrepreneur of the Year award at the Asian Business Awards. In 2018, he was honored with the ‘Global Indian Icon award.
His latest achievement includes the 'Pride of India – Innovation & Sustainability' Society Achievers Award 2022 from the Honorable Chief Minister Shri Eknath Shinde and the Deputy Chief Minister Shri Devendra Fadnavis of Maharashtra, India. The award recognized his outstanding contribution to innovative technology through his two ventures, Biocube & Sunways Global Group, and driving Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in India.
Subodh recently spoke about the need for “Industrial Collaboration in the Digital Decade” at the 46th Joint Meeting of the India-Japan Business Cooperation Committee held at FICCI, New Delhi, which was attended by H.E. Hiroshi Suzuki, Ambassador of Japan to India, Mr. Tatsuo Yasunaga, Chairman of JIBCC, and other notable dignitaries.
Subodh’s undauntable motivation & enthusiasm to see dreams every day and to pursue those dreams into reality with unequaled willpower set him apart and created him a role model for today’s young generation.
India Centre for Policy Research & Development (ICPRD) is a Policy and Advocacy think tank headquartered in New Delhi. We take this opportunity to inform you that we organised a Conference/Summit “Amrit Manthan: India’s Sustainable Transition” on Friday, 7th April 2023 at 02:30 pm in WTC, (World Trade Centre), Cuffe Parade, Mumbai. This event was organised by the experts and policymakers for Climate Resilient India where the experts from worldwide spoke on People Planet and Profit 3P’s of the sustainable model & its impact, Just Transition in Community development and Green funds allocated & the action plan for the execution as related in COP 27 global event.
This was orchestrated by Shri Rajiv Ranjan Singh, President, India Centre for Policy Research & Development (ICPRD), New Delhi & attended by experts from India as well as experts from worldwide in the presence of our honourable Senior BJP Leader Sh. Sunil Deodhar, Sh. Shyam Jaju, Sh. Vijay G Kalantri, Chairman WTC, Mumbai, Shri Kripa Shankar Singh Sr leader BJP and ex-minister of the state of Maharashtra, Dr Mukesh Batra founder of Dr Batra's group of companies, & an author, Shrimati shilini Singh Journalist and an active promoter of climate resilient India and founder of NGO PARI, Dr. Khwaja Iftikhar Ahmed Founder President, Inter Faith Harmony Foundation of India and Senior climate change Experts like Dr. Prateek Sharma, VC, Teri University, Prof. Arun Sawant, Former VC, Mumbai University, Smt. Krishna Gangopadhyay, MD & CEO, Afrinix Exchange Mauritius and Finance and legal Expert Mr. Suraj Nangia- CA & LLM management graduate from The Wharton School USA the Managing Partner from Nangia & Company who presented their vision for India’s sustainable transition.
“Amrit Manthan: India’s Sustainable Transition” at world trade Centre Mumbai focus on achieving the dream and vision of our Hon'ble Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi Ji's to build a sustainable ecosystem for 7 billion people worldwide in the true spirit of "Vasudeva Kutumbakam" (One Family, One Future, One Earth) during this "Amrit Kaal." Said Shri Rajiv Ranjan Singh, President of, India Centre for Policy Research & Development (ICPRD).
In a tactical shift of setting up historical perspective right, "Gandhiji's death had magical effect on communal situation in the country", "Gandhi's pursuit of Hindu-Muslim unity provoked Hindu extremists" and "Organisations like RSS were banned for some time" are among the portions missing from the class 12 political science textbook for the new academic session.
The National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT), however, claims that no curriculum trimming has taken place this year and the syllabus was rationalised in June, last year. As part of its "syllabus rationalisation" exercise last year, the NCERT, citing "overlapping" and "irrelevant" as reasons, dropped certain portions from the course including lessons on Gujarat riots, Mughal courts, Emergency, Cold War, Naxalite movement, among others from its textbooks.
A text reading, "Communal Politics began to lose its appeal" in reference to the time after Gandhi's death in 1948 was also removed from the textbook. The rationalisation note had no mention of excerpts about Mahatma Gandhi. "The entire rationalisation exercise was done last year, there is nothing new that has happened this year," NCERT Director Dinesh Saklani said.
A note by NCERT on its website reads, "In view of the COVID-19 pandemic, it was felt imperative to reduce the content load on students. The National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 also emphasises reducing the content load and providing opportunities for experiential learning with a creative mindset. In this background, the NCERT had undertaken the exercise to rationalise the textbooks across all classes and all subjects".
"The present edition is a reformatted version after carrying out the changes. The present textbooks are rationalised textbooks. These were rationalised for the session 2022-23 and will continue in 2023-24," it adds.
Among the reasons cited behind the choice of dropped subjects during rationalisation are – content based on genres of literature in the textbooks and supplementary readers at different stages of school education; for reducing the curriculum load and exam stress in view of the prevailing condition of the pandemic; content.
Subjects easily accessible to students without much interventions from teachers and can be learned by children through self-learning or peer learning and content that is "irrelevant" in the present context were also dropped from the curriculum.
An official from the education ministry, who did not wish to be identified, said the new curriculum framework as per the NEP is still being worked out and the new textbooks as per the updated curriculum will only be introduced from the 2024 academic session.
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