The Modi Government must consider two important legislations when claiming a record in productive legislative business.
Without strong watchdog institutions, impunity becomes the very foundation upon which systems of corruption are built. And if impunity is not demolished, all efforts to bring an end to corruption are in vain,” said Rigoberta Menchu, Nobel Peace prize winner of 1992 from Guatemala. Writing for Transparency International on June 12, 2017, Menchu summed up the essence of it all as to why a watchdog institution like an Ombudsman (Lokpal), a much awaited body, is a must and is required to be constituted for our country to fight corruption.
The year 1809 is of notable significance since it was during this time that the concept of Ombudsman took birth in Sweden. The Swedish Parliament created the post of Riksdagens justitieombudsman, now commonly known as Ombudsman, whose duty was to help maintain public confidence in the court’s activities and in public administration by ensuring that the said functionaries acted within the framework of law and the duties cast upon them.
The Swedish model was so successful and estimable that other Scandinavian countries adopted it in the due course of time. As of now, 150 countries have adopted such model and have an ombudsman in place. The spread of the concept of ombudsmen across a diverse geographical and political spectrum is a reverential acceptance of a creditable experiment. It is also an ode to all those who not only earned respect for themselves but also brought credence to the institution. LM Singhvi, one of the members of the Constituent Assembly, was so enamoured by the functioning of the Swedish body that he talked of the same on the floor of the Lok Sabha on April 3, 1963, and urged the powers that be to form a body like an Ombudsman for the country. It was he who coined the term “Lokpal”, which has come to stick with the body in its Indianised avatar.
The administrative reforms commission set up in January 1966 made several recommendations. One of them was to have an institution to redress grievances of citizens on the lines of an Ombudsman. The foundation was laid for the introduction of a Bill in 1968 in the Lok Sabha. However, it did not take the shape of a law. Many failed attempts were made by successive Governments, to be precise nine times, till a popular movement by “India Against Corruption” forced the hands of political parties to put their acts together and pass the legislation ie, The Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act, 2013. It came into force from January 16, 2014. Despite the Act having been on the statute book, it took another five years and three months for the body to be formed. It was a record of sorts as the period of gestation for the Lokpal lasted 51 years.
What now and what next is the question on many people’s minds. For common men and women, for whom it is a struggle to make a living every day, they want relief from any kind of demand or forced payment of speed money to get things done from Government agencies or authorities. For the informed or opinion-makers, it is the systemic and structured corruption, which has implanted itself in the very innards of the system, that has been a cause of worry.
This country has experienced many popular movements when corruption made life insufferable for a majority of the citizens and Article 21 of the Constitution of India ie, Right to life, remains illusory. To recall some noticeable ones, Jayaprakash Narayan’s concept of “Total Revolution” and the more recent one by Anna Hazare’s movement against corruption. The fall of the UPA-II Government is attributed to the people’s anger against “corruption” in all its forms and reach.
Along with the Lokpal Bill, two other legislations were introduced that are of vital significance in the fight against corruption but somehow have not yet seen the light of the day.
The first is the Right of Citizens for Time-Bound Delivery of Goods and Services and Redressal of their Grievances Bill, 2011 and the second is the Whistle Blowers Protection Act, 2014. Aimed at safeguarding disclosures affecting the sovereignty and integrity of India and security of the state, the Government introduced the Whistle Blowers Protective (Amendment) Bill, 2015 in the Lok Sabha, which passed it on May, 13, 2015. On being transmitted to the Rajya Sabha, the said Bill is still ruing its fate.
The newly-elected Government has set a record of kind in productive legislative business in the two Houses. Hoping the same momentum to be alive, steps should be taken to include the two legislations as part of legislative business in the next session.
This writer has a reason to argue for this based on experience, gained in the last few months, from the volume of complaints received by the Lokpal from diverse corners and cross-section of people of the country. Besides complaints on issues of corruption, a large number of them relate to such public grievances for which there are mechanisms in place but there are shortfalls and disaffection in their delivery. They find hope in the Lokpal. The present arrangement needs a serious revisit and relook whatever be the reason for non-resolution of complaints.
Many other public grievances can be redressed if not addressed under the Right of Citizens For Time-Bound Delivery of Goods and Services and Redressal Of Their Grievances Act, if enacted. The said Bill is required to be brushed up, may be recast and brought in as legislation without losing out on the object and reasons as well the need why it was drafted in the first place as a Bill.
The Whistleblowers Protection Act, 2014 enables any person (ie, a whistleblower) to report an act of corruption, wilful misuse of power or discretion, or criminal offence by a public servant. This includes all public servants, including Ministers, Members of Parliament, regulatory authorities, Central and State Government employees. Such disclosures are made to a specified competent authority, who must conduct a discreet inquiry and conceal the identity of the complainant and public servant. Now that the body of the Lokpal has been constituted, the Whistleblowers Protection Act must see the light of day as soon as it is supplemental in nature to the Lokpal Act.
I hope that the powers that be take note of the same and respond by bringing the two legislations at the earliest. This will not only enhance the image of the Government by showing its resolve to fight corruption at all levels but also save valuable time resources and energy of the Lokpal if complaints are channelised to the body which was contemplated under the Right of Citizens For Time-Bound Delivery of Goods and Services and Redressal Of Their Grievances Bill 2011.
Many complaints do not come within the purview of the Lokpal Act but are still issues that vex most citizens in their daily interface with governmental and administrative agencies. That is sullying the image of governance cumulatively. If it were not so, Transparency International would not have ranked India 78th globally in its 2018 report. This isn’t complimentary for any self-respecting nation.
(The writer is former Chief Justice of Chhattisgarh High Court, now Judicial Member, Lokpal of India)
Writer: Ajay Kumar Tripathi
Courtesy: The Pioneer
On I-Day, PM Modi addressed the consolidation of past gains and setting new targets for the country to meet by 2022.
Normally Independence Day speeches by Prime Ministers are considered to be statements of achievements and vision mantras, purely intended to convey the feeling that the going is good and that national well-being has been entrusted in capable hands. And since it happens year after year, it is generally a summation of immediate pretexts and action taken. Prime Minister Narendra Modi over the years has been very precise in placing a statement of accounts of his governance and yesterday was no different. With one exception. It was more deterministic about the nation as a monolith of purposiveness than a behemoth of ideas. And though everybody would but naturally latch on to his position on Jammu and Kashmir, after the big move of Article 370 being abrogated there and its demotion from statehood to Union Territory, he did mention issues that would contribute to the ease of living of citizens more. Adroitly, he simplified his politics to echo with the understanding of average citizens and sought their support to do it. If previously such declarations remained in the realm of futuristic vision, this time he meant business with specifics. In fact, he pushed his muscularity of purpose on this front too, using Kashmir and a clutch of legislations to demonstrate that if he could bring about a tectonic shift in India’s most controversial and conflict-ridden issue, he could ensure our emergence as a $5 trillion economy too. “Our government does not delay decisions. We neither nurse problems nor keep them pending,” he said while referring to Article 370. And it is this centrality of reinventing the Kashmir doctrine in his One India, One Constitution narrative or making the intangible tangible that stands out as his legacy moment, whether anybody likes it or not. The barbs at past Congress regimes as to why they didn’t make the Article 370 permanent if it was so good or the selective appropriation of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel was in the same tenor. As was the announcement that India would now have an integrated defence system with a new Chief of Army Staff coordinating the three forces. This strategic preparedness is clearly aimed at avoiding repeats of Kargil. It is also a warning to any military misadventures by Pakistan and an attempt to neutralise rhetoric of the kind easily spouted by its Prime Minister Imran Khan in that nation’s Independence Day speech. The competitive comparison is so well established by now that one needs more solace in addressing the human cost of a policy shift, the battered Kashmiris who feel torn between extremes of being stooges or separatists, having walked the middle path of integrating with India socially and economically, no matter what the politics and feeling betrayed for investing in moderation. It would be pertinent to note that yesterday was also the day when two Kashmiris were part of the physically-challenged T20 cricket team that won the World Cup series and celebrated their success although the Valley lockdown prevented them from talking to their families. The greatest challenge is in winning back these Kashmiris with a humanising participatory dialogue than a dictatorial imposition. Although he has laid the plan for revival and promised an election in his earlier national addresses, some words of solace to people who make Kashmir a reality would not have softened the Modi 2.0 image but reloaded it.
That he would be monolithic even about challenging the framework of the Constitution was evident from his fresh call to “one nation, one election” or simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies to save public money. Though the opposition to this once came from regional parties and leaders, who saw it as an encroachment on the nation’s federal character and a subjugation of local issues to a centralised lens of the ruling party, they have now abdicated that responsibility and have transacted their political tag and survival with acquiescence to Central policies. Perhaps that’s the reason why Modi raised this issue again though much legal debate remains on aligning terms in Houses that may not coincide with the General Elections and the unfairness of not allowing local parties the full play of their administration. Even as the Law Commission is studying possibilities of defections and mid-term collapses, Modi is hoping to actualise it by the time of the next Lok Sabha.
Of course, there were economic takeaways too, a promise of Rs 100 lakh crore for infrastructure development, upgrading basic aspirations to state-of-the-art facilities, be it high-speed trains or airports. And though he claimed Modi 1.0 had added $1 trillion to the economy as compared to the $2 trillion in 70 years of independence, the fact is jumpstarting the economy in the middle of its worst slowdown, global meltdowns and unemployment troughs is a tall order indeed. How much of exhortation to people to consume “Made in India” products, expanding the exports basket in a protectionist era, perking up wealth creators and promoting domestic tourism will help in this effort is still beyond an educated guess. Of course, his call to Indians to visit at least 15 tourist destinations across India before 2022 is clearly aimed at elevating tourism as a key growth driver and job-giver. And in climatically challenged times, Modi made the right noises by allocating Rs 3.5 lakh crore for the Jal Jeevan scheme intended to provide potable piped water to every home, encouraging water conservation at the grassroots level and discouraging single-use plastics in mission mode. The only bold socio-political statement came in linking small families to an act of nation-building, an area that no politician has dared to touch since the time of Sanjay Gandhi. India is at a real risk of seeing its demographic dividend reduced to a demographic slag till its birth rate plateaus out three decades later and Modi has addressed a real challenge to human capital and resources that could derail us in the interim.
Of course, he attempted to be a please-all Pied Paper, saying that if 2014-19 was about fulfilling people’s needs, the next five years would be about meeting their aspirations and dreams and minimal interference of the government in people’s lives. But can that mean much when the pervasive narrative of fear has already crept in, one where a Pehlu Khan finds no justice despite witnesses? Would the saviour spirit for women suffering the excesses of triple talaq not be extended to contemplate an anti-lynching law?
Writer & Courtesy: The Pioneer
With the Modi Government completing 75 days of governance today, the Prime Minister speaks about the way forward and touches upon key issues like J&K and the importance of education
With Prime Minister Narendra Modi completing 75 days today in his second avatar as the nation’s helmsman, he speaks extensively to IANS on his priorities going forward and also touches upon various sensitive issues varying from Jammu & Kashmir (J&K), medical reforms, criticality of education to taking the knife to the malaise of corruption within the bureaucracy. In an extensive conversation, the Prime Minister walks through the most contentious issues facing India and his remedies for maladies.
You complete 75 days of your Government today. Every Government passes through such milestone numbers and talks about steps taken. Why should we think your Government is any different?
We have set an unprecedented pace within just the first few days of our Government. What we have been able to achieve is the result of “Spasht Neeti, Sahi Disha (Right Intentions, Clear Policy).” In the first 75 days of our Government, a lot has happened. From children’s safety to Chandrayaan-II, from action against corruption to freeing Muslim women from the scourge of triple talaq, from Kashmir to kisan, we have shown what a resolute Government with a strong mandate of the people can achieve. We have taken a head-start in tackling the most pressing issue of our times, with the formation of Jal Shakti Ministry for a mission mode and integrated approach to improve water supply and augment water conservation.
Did the unprecedented mandate help you firm up your commitment to the people with an unstinting resolve that reform has to percolate down? And have you used your political heft by going beyond the executive and using the mandate in the legislature?
In a way, it is also the result of the Government coming back with a stronger mandate. What we were able to achieve in the first 75 days was the outcome of the robust base we were able to build in the last five years. Hundreds of reforms in the last five years have ensured the country is now ready to take off, powered by the aspirations of the people. The first session of the 17th Lok Sabha has been a record-creating one — it was the most productive session since 1952. This is not a minor achievement but, in my view, a historic turn for the better and one which will make our Parliament much more responsive to the needs and aspirations of the people.
Many momentous initiatives have been taken such as pension schemes for farmers and traders, reform of the medical sector, important amendments in the Insolvency and Bankruptcy code, beginning of labour reforms, I could go on and on… But the gist of the matter is that when the intentions are right, there is clarity of purpose and implementation and when there is people’s support, then there’s no limit to what we can do.
Your decision on Article 370 has been welcomed by many and also been opposed by a few. There seems to be an uneasy calm at the moment. Why do you think the people of J&K will stand with you?
Please see the list of people who have opposed the decisions about Kashmir — the usual vested interest groups, political dynasties, those who sympathise with terror and some friends in the Opposition. The people of India, irrespective of what their political preference is, have supported the steps taken in Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh. This is about the nation, not politics. The people of India are seeing that tough but essential decisions that were earlier assumed to be impossible are becoming a reality. It is now clear to everyone how Articles 370 and 35(A) fully isolated Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh. The status quo of seven-long decades clearly could not fulfill people’s aspirations. Citizens were kept away from the fruits of development. The greatest casualty was the lack of any proper economic avenues to increase earnings. Our approach is different — instead of the vicious cycle of poverty, the people need more economic opportunities.
What is your message for the people of J&K in the new dispensation, unshackled and unfettered to reap the future of reform in India, one replete with jobs and a better life?
For years, intimidation ruled the roost. Let us now give development a chance. My sisters and brothers of Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh always wanted a better future for them but Article 370 did not enable it. There was injustice against women and children, ST as well as SC communities. And, most importantly, the innovative zeal of the people of Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh was not harnessed. Now, from BPOs to startups, from food processing to tourism, many industries can avail investment and create opportunities for the local youth. Education and skill development will also bloom. I want to clearly assure my sisters and brothers of Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh that these regions will develop as per the wishes of local people, their dreams and ambitions. The growth of these regions will first and foremost be powered by those belonging to these regions. Articles 370 and 35(A) were like chains that kept people tied. These chains are now broken, people have been unshackled from such dominance and they will now shape their own destiny.
Those who are opposing the decisions on J&K should answer one basic question: What is their defence for Articles 370 and 35(A) remaining? They would have no answer to this question. And these are the same people who are used to protesting when it comes to anything that helps common people. There is a project to provide water to people, they will oppose it. There is a railway track being built, they will oppose that. Their heart only beats for Maoists and terrorists, who have only bullied common citizens. Today, every Indian is fully standing with the people of Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh and I am confident they will stand with us in the aim to boost development and bring peace.
But aren’t there concerns about democracy? Will the voice of the people of Kashmir be heard?
Kashmir has never witnessed such a strong commitment in favour of democracy. Remember the turnout during the panchayat elections? The people voted in large numbers and did not get cowed by bullying. In November and December of 2018, there were 35,000 sarpanches elected and the turnout in the panchayat elections was a record 74 per cent. There was no violence during the panchayat elections. Not a drop of blood was shed in poll violence. This, when the main parties there, were lukewarm to this entire exercise. It is very satisfying that now panchayats are back at the forefront of furthering development and human empowerment.
Imagine, for so many years those in power did not find it prudent to work towards strengthening panchayats. And remember, they gave great sermons on democracy but the words never led to action. It surprised and saddened me that the 73rd amendment did not apply to J&K. How could such injustice be tolerated? It was in the last few years that panchayats in J&K got more powers to work towards people’s progress and various subjects transferred to panchayats under the 73rd amendment were transferred to panchayats of J&K. Now, I have requested the Honourable Governor to work towards organising Block Panchayat elections, too.
Recently, the J&K administration conducted the “Back to Village” programme, where the entire Government machinery went to the people instead of vice versa. They went just to mitigate people’s problems. The common citizens appreciated the programme. The results of these efforts are for all to see. Swachh Bharat, rural electrification and other such initiatives are reaching the grassroots. This is what democracy truly is. In any case, I have assured people that elections in Jammu, Kashmir will continue and it is the people of these regions only who will represent the larger public. Yes, those who ruled Kashmir thinking it is their divine right to do so will dislike democratisation and peddle incorrect narratives. They do not want a self-made, younger leadership to emerge. These are the same people whose own conduct in the 1987 elections has been suspect. Article 370 has helped the local political class avoid transparency and accountability. Its removal will only empower democracy even more.
You have appeared in Man Vs Wild. What prompted you to appear in this very unconventional show for a politician?
Sometimes it is good to do something unconventional to highlight a conventional cause. I believe that it is always a good time to speak and act for the right cause. Every community, every State, every country, every region has a cause dear to it. But I believe the cause of environment conservation is larger than the sum total of all causes affecting select groups of people. This affects every single human being, every single herb and bush, every single animal on the planet today. It is a test of humankind of how fast and how effectively can we rise above our self interests to think about global interest.
India has a great tradition of living in harmony with nature. Across the country, across States and cultures, various aspects of nature are considered holy, automatically helping in its preservation. This is in a way a natural conservation mechanism inbuilt in our country. Our upbringing is such that we are trained to co-exist with nature. We just need to remember these ideals. I think we are also succeeding as the recent released figures show an impressive increase in the tiger population. The programme was a good medium to show India’s flora and fauna, along with its beauty and its richness to the world. India is blessed with innumerable places for people, who love nature, places rich in various forms of vegetation, places rich with various forms of wildlife. The last five years have seen an increase of almost 50 per cent in terms of the foreign tourist arrivals in our country. I am confident that with various initiatives planned to boost infrastructure, connectivity and safety we will see even more tourists coming in from across the world to experience the beauty of Incredible India.
There has been some noise on the medical reforms front from various quarters. Do you think the changes you have brought in are well thought through?
When we formed the Government in 2014, there were many concerns about the existing system of medical education. Earlier, courts have used strong words for the institution overseeing medical education in India, calling it a “den of corruption.” A parliamentary committee did rigorous study and took a very dull view of the state of affairs in medical education. It pointed out mismanagement, lack of transparency and arbitrariness. Earlier Governments, too, had given a thought to reforming this sector but could not go through with it. We decided to go through with it because this is not a matter that can be taken lightly as it concerns the health of our people and future of our youth. So, we set up an expert group to look into what is plaguing it. The expert group studied the system carefully and brought out the problems and improvement areas. It is based on the suggestions from experts that we came to the current Bill.
Why is there so much hullabaloo about the Bill then?
The National Medical Commission (NMC) is a far-reaching reform in this space and seeks to correct prevalent problems. It contains multiple reforms that curb avenues of corruption and boost transparency. At a time when nations are looking at India to power the next wave of growth in the world, we realise that this can happen only with a healthy populace. Freeing the poor from the vicious cycle of poverty that lack of health perpetuates is very important. The NMC serves this purpose well, too. It will ensure transparency, accountability and quality in the governance of medical education in the country. It aims to lessen the burden on students, increase the number of medical seats and reduce cost of medical education. This means more talented youth can take up medicine as a profession and this will help us increase the number of medical professionals.
Ayushman Bharat is bringing about a revolution in the healthcare sector. It is increasing awareness as well as affordability of quality healthcare, especially in tier-II and tier-III towns. We are also working to ensure that there is at least one medical college between every three districts. With rising awareness about healthcare, increasing incomes and greater focus on aspirational goals among people, we will need thousands and thousands of doctors to fulfill the demand, especially in rural and urban areas. The NMC seeks to address these issues for a better outcome for all stakeholders. You must have also read that the academic year 2019-20 will see the biggest addition of medical seats in Government colleges in a single year with the creation of around two dozen new Government medical colleges. Our roadmap is clear — a transparent, accessible and affordable medical education system, leading to better healthcare outcomes.
Education is critical for a young nation. However, in the conversations surrounding your Government, education seems missing. What is the Government doing on this?
Education is not just critical but the most important component in the overall spectrum of skilled human resource for a technology-oriented, inclusive, people-centric and people-driven growth model. It not only has the potential to positively transform lives but also has a bearing on the future of the nation.
We are working on all aspects of education. At the school level, special focus is being paid to improving quality of education, improving learning outcomes, giving a boost to innovation and scientific temper, improving infrastructure, using technology to improve understanding among the students. We are trying to leverage technology like Artificial Intelligence and machine learning to improve school education. In higher education, we are constantly striving to increase seats, increase presence of premier institutions across the country, give more autonomy to institutions while boosting research and innovation. We set up a Higher Education Financing Agency (HEFA) with an aim to provide funds up to one lakh crore rupees by 2022. A sum of Rs 21,000 crore has already been sanctioned till now. Sixty higher educational institutions, including 52 universities, have been granted autonomy.
These universities will remain within the ambit of the University Grants Commission (UGC) but will have the freedom to start new courses, off campus centres, skill development courses, research parks and any other new academic programmes. They will also have the freedom to hire foreign faculty, enroll foreign students, give incentive-based emoluments to the faculty, enter into academic collaborations and run open distance learning programmes. Progress has been also made in taking forward the mission of National Education Policy (NEP). The first draft of NEP got lakhs of inputs and suggestions right from the block and panchayat level. Looking at the response and interest of various stakeholders, the committee went for another round of consultations.
The latest draft of the education policy, drawn after such extensive consultations, has again been put in the public domain for a final round of inputs. All stakeholders in education — the States, parents, teachers, students and counselors — have been heard a multiple number of times. Our focus is that the NEP should be driven by educationists, experts and stakeholders so that it does not remain a policy but is adopted in practice at the earliest. India, with its huge demographic dividend, has the potential to become a leading knowledge economy in the world.
A couple of important decisions related to corruption sent shock waves in the bureaucracy — what message were you intending to send?
Since India’s independence, one of the biggest things holding us back was corruption. It spared no one, neither the rich nor the poor. People resorted to corruption either due to some greed or to make a quick buck or due to some compulsion. But even these people wanted corruption to stop. The question in everyone’s mind was that who will start the fight against corruption and from where? The fight against corruption always had the support of people, media and institutions because everyone agreed that it was a major obstacle in India’s development journey. And this was not only an issue related to money. Corruption eroded trust in the society, be it a Government office or the market. A person going to the police station would think whether he will get justice and similarly a person buying something from the market will fear adulteration.
We decided, right from day one, to attack the menace of corruption. Someone had to make a start somewhere, we decided to do this, without caring for political consequences. The results show that we are succeeding. Not only is corruption coming down but trust in society is increasing. The number of people filing income tax returns almost doubled in the last five years. We have systematically clamped down on corruption and made tax filing and refund process online.
Already, refunds are being credited directly to bank accounts of income-tax payers, without any human intervention. Going a few steps further, we aim to make faceless assessment of income tax return a reality. This would be a game-changer in ushering a new era of transparency in the tax system. We are firm in our commitment that neither will we allow corruption nor will we tolerate any form of undue harassment. Hence, we took tough steps and compulsorily retired some tax officials in the last few weeks. In the previous term also, hundreds of Government officials were removed from service when there were reasons to do so. We have also leveraged the power of technology through Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT), which has resulted in a savings of more than Rs 1.4 lakh crore.
How do you see the developments in Congress where Sonia Gandhi became the president after Rahul Gandhi had publicly said that he doesn’t want any Gandhi to get the role?
What happened in the Congress is an internal matter of their family. I would not like to comment on it.
It was believed in 2014 that you would not be able to establish friendly relations with Gulf countries, but we have seen that India’s relations with the them have been improving since 2014. Currently, it may not be wrong to say that India’s relations with Gulf countries are the best now in the last seven decades. How do you explain this?
I feel that there are two aspects to this. First, a certain section of people believed that my Government — and I personally — would fail on the foreign policy front not just in the Gulf region but also in the wider context. The reality is that my Government’s successful track record on foreign policy across the world is there for everyone to see. In fact, after assuming office in 2014, the very first Foreign Minister my Government received on an official visit was that of the Sultanate of Oman. So, what others thought of me and what the reality turned out to be, is for them to introspect.
I want to focus on the second aspect instead — the importance of the Gulf region to India. This is a region that has deep-rooted historical and cultural ties with India. It is home to almost nine million Indians whose remittances are a significant contributor to our economy and they have also contributed immensely to prosperity in the region. I have always found that leaders of the Gulf countries value the enriching presence of the Indian diaspora and care for their well-being like a guardian.
This region is also our major partner in ensuring our energy security. We have gone beyond a buyer-seller relationship with them. The UAE has participated in our strategic petroleum reserve programme and both the UAE and Saudi Arabia are to invest in the world’s largest oil refinery project in India. For the first time, Indian companies have secured rights in offshore oil fields in the Gulf region.
I have made a special effort to focus our foreign policy on enhancing our ties with all countries in the region. Our outreach to the region has been unprecedented, right from the official level to the political level. I have myself visited the region many times and we have also hosted many leaders from the region in India. Some of my closest and warmest interactions anywhere in the world are with leaders in the Gulf region. We are regularly in touch. And I think our policy has succeeded to a large extent because of this outreach, this constant engagement. We have not allowed any miscommunication, any doubts to play spoilsport. We have been very open with all the countries and they have also reciprocated with warmth and friendship. I firmly believe that India and the Gulf countries have only begun to explore the true potential of a partnership, which will go far beyond mutual benefits and can anchor peace, progress and prosperity not only in our common and extended neighbourhood but also in the larger world.
During the 2019 elections, a lot of people predicted that you may not get the majority. Some said that 2014 was a Black Swan moment. While you were campaigning what was your inner self saying and how confident were you of the victory?
There is a set of people, who because of their prejudice, ideology or some sort commitment, invent logic to defeat people they do not like. There is a time when the reality becomes evident on the ground but these people choose to rubbish the reality. They deploy lies and spurious data to create confusion in the minds of people. It is these people who invent theories like BJP will not get majority, BJP will form Government but will need a new leader and BJP will need newer allies, among other things. These people also discredit those who don’t toe their line. They have been caught again and again but their behaviour remains the same.
In our country, election analysis by this set of people takes into account parties, potential alliances, glamour of families based on decades old chemistry but ignores people and their aspirations. In 2014 and 2019, people, who chose to talk to people and understand their preferences, knew what was happening.
As for us, we don’t work to win elections, we work to win trust of people. Meeting sarkari targets alone don’t achieve much if we do not win people’s trust. “Sarkari Dhan se zyada Janta ke Man ki Taakat hota hai” (People’s views are more powerful than government’s money). We focus on the welfare of the people, election results are a byproduct. For the last 20 years, I have been actively involved in several campaigns and there has not been one election where my defeat has not been predicted. There are doom-sayers and I wish them well.
Talking specifically about 2019, I can tell you that I was very confident about our electoral prospects. This confidence stemmed out of the track record of our government and the manner in which we have delivered on the agenda of good governance and development.
Wherever I went, I could see the groundswell of support for the BJP and NDA family. The people had made up their mind — corruption, nepotism, dynasty politics are not acceptable in 21st century India. We live in the era of politics of development and performance, not outdated rhetoric and tokenism. To give you an example — the Congress spoke about the NYAY scheme. Perhaps, it was the biggest ever pre-election promise but the people saw through such empty promises. They did not see the Congress as having the honesty and capacity to deliver on such a scheme. No wonder those, who promised Rs 72,000, could not even manage 72 seats!
Writer & Courtesy: The Pioneer
New India must understand that maximum power is also about maximum embrace, not about threats but reassurance
The nation turns 73 today, ripe-old considering its milestones that have mapped impossible dreams to catching them and literally going to the moon. Young, considering its evolutionary experiments as a post-Independence democracy, one that is still churning with ideologies to find its place. Yet, it is also an age where the old order is fading away and a new one is filling the vacuum, desperate to shake off the shadow of the past and create its present moment in the sun. And it is in this transit moment that we must stop and introspect, where the tidal gush of a Naya Bharat tends to swamp the old, which laid the course in the first place, and understand that time and contexts decide our human responses, that everything is relative and history is a timeline of phases and considered action taken, not about comparative records. And so it is that the nation is on the threshold of a time where the conflict worldwide is over patriotism and nationalism, the former, in the words of Charles De Gaulle “is when love of your own people comes first” and the latter “when hate for people other than your own comes first.” Sadly, we are lumping our “own” as “others.” In a post-globalised world of sameness, where institutional systems and thought processes of the West have colonised mindsets and policies as the prescribed liberal doctrine, identity politics has been simmering, erupting and is now hyper-assertive. Therefore, muscular nationalism as an emerging credo has not left us untouched either. The Goliathic right-wing phenomenon is a product of this sentiment, one that wants to wave billowing flags at every street corner than put a mini Tricolour replica on the car dashboard.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi has addressed an inner angst of Hindu identity and majority stakeholdership, one that has been projected to be diluted or rewritten, first by invasions and imperialism, second by colonial hangovers of liberalism. Despite 80 per cent of the population being Hindus, politics in our democracy has been defined by accommodating segmented votebanks, be it of caste or religion. Truth be told, secularism has never been treated as syncretism or absorbing religiosity of all kinds but more like an overt propagation of sectarian interests. The Right wing has just turned years of denial of Hindu rights, rather emotions, and preferential molly-coddling into a plank to build a brand of a socialist republic called One India, pivoted on an Indic consciousness. The “India First” aggression, of course, has had its positives — holding our own to global bullying, thwarting external threats, increasing global stakes, carving an Oriental counterpoint to prevalent Western cliches, protecting our national well-being, fuelling space-age goals and building ethnic pride. This craftsmanship has indeed worked in breaking the status quo and encouraging paradigm shifts, acceptable simply because of the transformative persistence it comes with. And though there’s much to be desired on economic indices — industrial slowdown, lack of innovation, the agricultural crisis and joblessness — the new regime has bridged the traditional class cleavage and the dole economy by pivoting economic criteria as deciding benefits, where the battle would be to equalise the haves and have-nots. A massive electoral mandate has followed the simplicity of these binaries and a redefinition of the socialist economy. But one cannot overlook the social ramifications. And India has flourished only when it has appreciated the complexity of our delicate diversity. People have to be taken along in a consultative partnership and not as an asset base that can be weaponised or victimised at will. Maximum power is also about maximum embrace, not about threats but reassurance, not about undoing wrongs but avoiding making new ones. One where consolidation of power, howsoever strong, shouldn’t run counter to the spirit of Constitutionalism or consider it a stumbling block. Indian secularism is not simply a product of politics but is ingrained in our civilisational DNA as a social grace that had us on the frontline of world trade as it existed through the Silk and Spice Routes. Neither should the enlightened few abdicate their responsibility to raise questions. Undoubtedly, we have the leadership needed to take the country along. Now only if we could follow Swami Dayanand Saraswati’s philosophy — “No human heart is denied empathy. No religion can demolish that by indoctrination. No culture, no nation and nationalism, nothing can touch it because it is empathy.”
Writer & Courtesy: The Pioneer
Now that Sonia Gandhi is the Congress Chief, she has an array of challenges to tackle including building a grassroots base, boosting the morale of workers, fighting the assembly, and bringing the old and young camps together.
Sonia Gandhi has her task cut out. As the Congress chief, she has to build a grassroots base, boost the morale of its workers, fight the Assembly elections and most importantly, bring the old and the young camps together
Sonia Gandhi is back again as the Congress’ chief after almost a break of two years. She had taken a back seat during this period, leaving the field entirely to her son Rahul Gandhi in 2017. But now, she will be at the helm of affairs until the party holds the next organisational elections.
After going through the motions of the consultation process, the Congress Working Committee (CWC) has ultimately brought back Sonia Gandhi. But it is not clear whether she will be able to restore the party back to its health. Sonia had made her political debut in 1998 when the grand old party was in bad shape and she was able to check erosion. She even brought the party to power twice (2004-2014). Now that she is reluctantly back as the chief, what would be her challenges in the coming days and months?
The first daunting challenge for Sonia will be to restructure a demoralised organisation. She commands respect, trust and loyalty from party leaders and workers across the generational divide. After the Congress’ humiliating defeat in the 2019 Lok Sabha polls, where it won just 52 seats, as also the leadership crisis it faced for the past 75 days after Rahul Gandhi stepped down as party president, the morale of party workers is down. Many disgruntled partymen have left the grand old party. She needs to give a pep-talk to the workers, who may have confidence in her, and boost their morale.
Second and more importantly, Assembly elections are due in the States of Maharashtra, Jharkhand and Haryana in the next two months and the Congress is still not ready to face them. On the other hand, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is all set to win the three States. Sonia has to put the right people for the right kind of job and strengthen the party organisationally. There is factionalism and erosion of workers and leaders. She has to appoint strong general secretaries who can oversee election preparedness. Even if the party can win just one State, it will go a long way in boosting the morale of the cadres.
Third, Sonia has to keep her flock together. The old guard has had its way, she must make sure that the disappointed younger lot do not look for greener pastures. Already, there are rumours that some of the younger leaders are in talks with the BJP. She should be able to persuade them to remain in the party and give them importance.
Fourth, it is important to check the erosion. Sonia was able to do so in 1998 when she took over from Sitaram Kesri. She did so at a time when the party was in the Opposition and many senior leaders were leaving the party. The scenario is the same now. MPs like Sanjay Singh and Bhubaneswar Kalita have joined the BJP. More are likely to go. In most States, including Maharashtra, Goa and Telangana, several Congressmen are leaving the sinking ship. The question is whether she will be able to stop them.
Fifth, she should restore the position of the Congress as a challenger to the BJP. For this, the need is to repackage the party. She was successful in doing so earlier by holding conclaves in Pachmarhi and Shimla with brainstorming sessions involving party leaders. The same zeal is needed now, especially after the party’s humiliating defeat in 2019 polls. The party is yet to introspect and come up with corrections.
Sixth, she must define the roles for her children, otherwise there will be three power centres. Rahul Gandhi has said that he will continue to work for the party. Priyanka Gandhi Vadra is already the general secretary from Uttar Pradesh but she is not just another general secretary because of her access to her mother.
Seventh, she must re-work her coalition strategy and States where the Congress is not strong, she must look at alliances with smaller and regional parties. The party must realise that this is the only way it can improve its chances.
Last but not the least, it is imperative to concentrate on reorganising the party and re-connect with the voters. The Congress scored zero in 17 States in the 2019 polls. In the past five years, the BJP has considerably expanded its base and won even those States where it never won in the past and has now emerged as the principal pole of national politics, replacing the Congress.
The Congress has to come up with a new plan to revive the party in the northern and eastern States. There are five years to do this until the 2024 polls although the intervening Assembly polls are also important. The party should work with a missionary zeal to achieve this. For all these, Sonia Gandhi needs a good team. While the coterie might expect to grab all the power, she must have a mix of old and young Congress leaders in her core team. All these have to be taken up with utmost urgency as there is not enough time before the ensuing Assembly polls.
(The writer is a senior journalist)
Writer: Kalyani Shankar
Courtesy: The Pioneer
Tackling the over-development in eco friendly zones is a must after the damaging floods across the western coast.
Nature can be devastating as the recent floods across the western coast from Gujarat to Kerala have proven. However, it is becoming apparent that no matter how brutal it might be, human activity has become a force multiplier, worsening its impact. Rampant and often illegal construction across many parts of the ghats, particularly in the ecologically-sensitive areas of Karnataka and Kerala, are blocking natural flow paths and in the absence of new channels to divert overflow, the raging waters are running amok and inundating settlements. Elsewhere, the montane forests have been denuded blatantly, loosening the soil and leading to massive mud and rockslides, burying men, women and children under tonnes of rubble. Mangroves have been uprooted in the name of development, leading to tidal surges as bad as tsunamis. And all of this coupled with the clear and present danger — man-made global warming — has made these annual rains deadlier. The prevalence of micro-climate and intense bursts of showers even in lean phases have stressed existing infrastructure further. On August 8, Karnataka received nearly five times the rainfall it normally does. Mysuru in south Karnataka received 62.2 mm absolute rainfall in a day — 3,176 per cent, or 32 times, the long-term average for that day.
But we ought not to be surprised as floods and other natural disasters have been continuing since time immemorial. Our earliest history mentions them as does almost every major religious text. As a civilisation, we have done much to mitigate the risks. Even in India, over the past few years, proper planning and better rescue and relief operations have meant more people are being rescued and fewer lives lost to post-disaster hunger and disease. For this, we must thank the officials and foot soldiers of the National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) and the armed forces. Navy and Air Force pilots often fly helicopters to rescue and send relief in extremely trying conditions. Even the process of relief collection and distribution has improved thanks to social media and funds. But disaster preparedness means factoring in evacuation drills, riverine overflows and predictive scenarios of destruction rather than short-term structural solutions like construction of embankments or digging of canals and spurs.
An entire settlement disappeared because a hill collapsed in Kerala. Shocking as it is, blame the politicians and even the Church who protested the Gadgil Committee and Kasturirangan Reports on the Western Ghats that wanted to protect several areas from a rush of development. Across the southern state, hillside construction has worsened matters than before. It was only a matter of time before a devastating rainfall would make the chickens come home to roost. It is, therefore, ironic that Kerala has been hit by floods two years in a row. It is now imperative that the State Government seriously explore how to implement the reports and if need be, demolish constructions. Kerala’s successive plight should be a lesson for the rest of India where unplanned development and political ineptitude to act against those who encroach forest areas, often because they are politically-connected, continue unabashedly. Politicians would then actually have blood on their hands because people are dying thanks to their greed. Man can no longer control nature but can control how it will impact us.
Writer & Courtesy: The Pioneer
Revocation of Article 370 has had an impact on Kashmiris. There is nothing that can compensate for what the Kashmiris have lost – autonomy and special status.
Government agencies have reported that Friday prayers and Eid prayers were held in Jammu & Kashmir without incident. NDTV’s Srinagar correspondent Nazir Masoodi wished his mother and friends Eid Mubarak via his channel as other means of communication were blocked. He also reported that Eid celebrations were markedly subdued while Government reports indicated they were robust.
Normalcy is being projected. National Security Advisor (NSA) Ajit Doval has deployed himself in the Valley, boosting the morale of the police and fraternising with people, portraying a rosy picture. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Union Home Minister Amit Shah, Jammu &Kashmir Governor Satya Pal Malik and industrialists Mukesh Ambani and Uday Kotak have all made big promises of turning Jammu & Kashmir into a land of milk and honey. Why should the Kashmiris, who have been betrayed, believe any of them? After all, they have heard of economic packages several times earlier. In the loud din of the lockdown, all one can see are concertina coils of barbed wire, soldiers and pigeons.
During a debate in the Rajya Sabha over the abrogation of Article 370, Minister in the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO), Jitendra Singh, reported that there was jubilation in Srinagar whereas television channels showed deserted streets. Four days later, at an Observer Research Foundation (ORF) conference in New Delhi, a Special Secretary to the Government of India referred to the situation in Kashmir as a “crisis.” A young Kashmiri researcher with ORF predicted that insurgency has been given a new 30-year lease of life. Normalcy and lockdown are a contradiction in terms.
Tomorrow, the Bakshi Stadium in Srinagar will be filled with police and officials when the tricolour will be unfurled and the State flag consigned to the dust-heap of history. What will resound in the Valley are Shah’s misplaced words that terminating Article 370 will end terrorism and usher in development. This is a patently false narrative.
On terrorism, post Burhan Wani, new militancy acquired an indigenous and religious colour: From Sufi to Salafi. Of the 250 militants in the Valley, 60 per cent are local lads. The Army’s ‘Operation All Out’ has gained an upper hand but its valuable hearts and minds campaign is absent. Last week, the Army announced that 83 per cent of the terrorists have a history of stone-throwing and advised mothers that if their wards were throwing stones for `500, they were “tomorrow’s terrorists.” The Army has dramatically reduced life-cycle of terrorists to “ten days to one year” from “six months to three to five years” a decade ago. The double whammy of eradicating special status and diminution from State to a Union Territory will produce a backlash — a virulent form of alienation.
Pakistan will not let go this opportunity to add fuel to fire. It has upped the ante by taking a number of political, diplomatic, people-to-people and military steps. While fidayeen squads have been infiltrated and more are in readiness, the use of IEDs and even classic suicide bombing a la Pulwama should be expected.
Stephen Cohen, the American India-Pakistan expert, had prophesied that wars between the two countries will go on for a hundred years before there is light at the end of the tunnel. The ORF researcher’s forecast about longevity of militancy is spot on. The Indian Army in Jammu & Kashmir since 1947, whose mandate is to create conditions for political outcomes — which it has many times — will remain stuck fighting limited wars triggered by inept politics.
Development in Jammu & Kashmir is a chimera. It’s the chicken and egg story about violence and development: Which comes first. As long as the roots of militancy are not addressed, socio-economic development plans will be hollow. None of the past promises by India Inc and PMO’s economic packages were implemented due to violence and political instability. In 1995, when militancy was endemic, Field Marshal Sam Manekshaw, who was chairman of one of the companies in Jammu & Kashmir, made this tongue-in-cheek offer to a retired Major General: “Look sweetie, there’s this sick sawmill in Srinagar. It has no power, no labour, no wood, no security. But I want you, with your contacts in the Army, to operationalise it.” Even the Sam magic could not revive it.
Dr Haseeb Drabu, who was Jammu & Kashmir’s Finance Minister recently, said in a TV interview last week that linking Article 370 to the lack of development was misplaced. He asserted that the lack of public and private investment was due to militancy and violence. The powers for lease of land for 90 years and extendable have always been there: That’s how Hotel Oberoi, ITC and others came in. There is a big opportunity. For example, India is the fifth largest producer of apples in the world, of which 2.5 mn tonnes are from Jammu & Kashmir. Drabu said the situation will get worse due to uncertainty from the State’s demotion to a Union Territory, Finance Commission award and Goods and Services Tax.
In the external domain, there is misplaced optimism about having outflanked Pakistan. While Russia, the UAE and Maldives have called the Constitutional re-adjustments as an internal matter, others are sitting on the fence. The US said it was not consulted, counselled restraint and referred both countries to resolving outstanding issues through bilateral dialogue. The UN, while rejecting mediation, called for maximum restraint, affirming Jammu & Kashmir is governed by the UN Charter and applicable UN Security Council Resolutions and advised guidance by the Simla Agreement, which states that “the final status of Jammu & Kashmir is to be settled by peaceful means….”
UN High Commission on Human Rights in its July 8 report had painted a grim though exaggerated picture of violation of civil liberties in Jammu & Kashmir. UN Special Rapporteur on freedom of expression has called the present crackdown as draconian. The China story is one of shifting stance. Initially, Beijing called “parties concerned to exercise restraint and caution”, especially actions that unilaterally change status quo. Later, it noted that creating Ladakh as separate Union Territory could alter status quo along the India-China border and damage China’s territorial sovereignty by unilaterally modifying domestic law, which was unacceptable. Still later, after the visit of Pakistan Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi to Beijing, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi referred both countries to the Simla Agreement, UN Charter and UN Security Council resolutions. All-weather allies agreed to work on a joint UN strategy. This could be the beginning of a two-front diplomatic offensive.
The Government is in for a long haul in Jammu & Kashmir. Winning the hearts and minds of Kashmiris can alone facilitate their integration into India. Modi and Shah’s promises of development will not compensate Kashmiris for what they have lost: Autonomy and special status.
(The writer is a retired Major General of the Indian Army and founder member of the Defence Planning Staff, currently the revamped Integrated Defence Staff)
Writer: Ashok K Mehta
Courtesy: The Pioneer
Only the future knows if the revocation of Article 370 will be a success or failure. Although one must hope for good to come out of it.
In my last opinion piece in The Pioneer on August 3, I had concluded my piece with a plea for the real Narendra Modi to please stand up. Well, the Prime Minister answered my question quite definitively the very next day. Whatever may be his faults — undoubtedly there are many — self-confidence and the willingness to take risks are certainly not among them.
Undoubtedly, the high-stakes gamble in Jammu & Kashmir is one such. Whether the Prime Minister’s actions will turn out to be a grave miscalculation or a hugely successful one only time will tell. But whatever the future may hold, nobody can fault him for lacking in courage for his “bold” attempt to cut the “Gordian Knot” ie, the Kashmir dispute, which has strangled peace and progress in the sub-continent for over seven decades now ever since independence.
While the unholy pact between the National Conference (NC) and the Congress to suborn the 1987 local elections in the State resulted in insurgency, that continues to haunt us to this day, it was the British meddling — the true unfinished agenda of Partition — that has finally been laid to rest. The only dispute that now remains and requires early resolution — either bilaterally or through third party mediation — is for the return of Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) to us.
Though in the interest of peace and goodwill in the region, we should be willing to forego our claims in exchange for recognition of the Line of Control (LoC) as the international boundary. Then, open borders in the not too distant future, something that many on both sides crave, could be a distinct possibility.
Every counter-insurgency practitioner knows well and understands that no insurgency can ever be successfully defeated through just military means. Insurgencies are political in nature and, thus, can only be resolved through political initiatives. Yet, over the past three decades that this insurgency has ebbed and flowed in Jammu & Kashmir, never has any Government expended the necessary political capital required to resolve the issue satisfactorily.
Thus, we have seen repeated cycles of violence that have adversely impacted developmental activities in the State. Moreover, given the law of diminishing returns, controlling violence and returning the State to relative calmness after each successive cycle of violence has got much more difficult and complex. Thus, undoubtedly, this initiative of the Prime Minister will be wholeheartedly welcomed by the security forces, especially the Army, as the goal of winning hearts and minds has a more substantive focus.
Whether the manner in which Article 370 has been employed to supersede the Presidential Order of 1954 with a new order of August 2019 — which allows for the supersession of Article 35A as well as the application of the entire Indian Constitution in the State — is unconstitutional or not is for the courts to decide. But clearly, as a temporary provision that it was stated to be, it had long outlived its utility. By no stretch of imagination did it protect the Kashmiri identity or culture, Kashmiriyat, as many suggest.
It had instead become a potent weapon in the hands of vested interests, which allowed them to exploit the State for personal ends. The truth that Kashmiriyat died the very day the Hindu minority in the Valley was targetted and forced to flee, most of who continue to languish in refugee camps, cannot be wished away.
In this context, therefore, those, who allege that this initiative of the Government was against our “secular” framework and aimed at further marginalising the Muslim minority, are being parochial in their outlook apart from being extremely hypocritical, given that they have done little or even shown any concern or compassion for those rendered homeless within their own country.
Pakistan’s reaction to all of this has been along expected lines. For its Army to respond in any other manner, given that its primacy within the country is directly linked to the situation in Jammu & Kashmir, is simply not viable. If this dispute were to be somehow resolved, the importance of the Pakistan Army would be greatly diminished, which would hurt not only the ego of many Generals but also their extensive business interests.
Yet, their room for manoeuvre is severely constrained, especially given Pakistan’s economic situation. Nevertheless, the threats of war emanating from there need to be taken seriously and bankruptcy has never stopped warmongers.
Obviously, given the meticulous manner in which this political initiative has been planned, one can be certain that the Government is well prepared to deal with any foolishness the Pakistan Army may decide to indulge in.
In a just-concluded conference organised by the Observer Research foundation (ORF) on ‘Tackling Insurgent Ideologies 2.0’, a speaker made a pertinent point that while a compromise on financial issues is a relatively easy possibility, given that both sides can negotiate to reach a middle ground, it is not so easy to do so when negotiations involve the politics of identity, which tend to be seen as a zero-sum game.
A seemingly intractable problem that has been around for seven decades is not going to just disappear and it will require much patience and understanding before the general population comes around and accepts the new reality. In the interim, the possibility of sporadic street violence cannot be ruled out.
But what probably scares Pakistan and even more local mainstream political and separatist leaders the most is the possibility that the general population in the Valley may not respond with violence to the new scheme of things. This could well be because they have, over a period o time, realised that the price
paid by successive generations for such opposition has been extremely high; while its fruits have only been enjoyed by those who have instigated the mobs.
Moreover, given the thorough preparations made by the Government, the large quantum of force deployed will also be a very big deterrent as well.
Finally, the optimistic view could be that the average Kashmiri is quite tired of the way things have gone in these last few decades and would be willing to give this game-changing initiative a try.
Whatever be the reason, if that were to happen, the credibility of the Pakistani Generals and local politicians alike would be badly hurt, which in turn would certainly decimate the business of insurgency in quick time.
One can only hope and pray that good sense will prevail and the course of events turns out just this way. That would not only be a victory for the country but also for the long suffering people of Jammu & Kashmir, who have been held hostage by circumstances for far too long and have been forced to pay a very high price in blood. We all deserve better.
(The writer, a military veteran, a consultant with the Observer Research Foundation and a Senior Visiting Fellow with The Peninsula Foundation, Chennai)
Writer: Deepak Sinha
Courtesy: The Pioneer
Returning to her former role, the Congress matriarch may now find difficulty in handling disputes within the party.
The Congress is a grand old party indeed, so set in its ways that it sticks by them as it fears anything that’s new wave. In the process, India changed and slipped out of its hands. Still the altered reality that has clearly denounced all that the Congress has so far been known for — chief among them dynastic entitlement, minority politics, coterie culture and social welfarism — has failed to shake it up from inside. There was a chance this time to turn the poison of electoral irrelevance of a decade into a real cure with revival but the battered ship has left the harbour to sail in choppy waters again. Not that there weren’t winds of change within. Rahul Gandhi’s leadership may not have delivered results that matter but under his stewardship, a sizeable rank of Young Turks has emerged. Chastened by political wisdom and most importantly, seeking personal legacies with their voluntary performance than gifted family posts, some of them have not only made a difference on the ground but also challenged old world cliquism by showing that they, too, could chart a new course that could work despite the BJP juggernaut. Nobody understood this better than Rahul himself, who was at the receiving end of the worst kind of assaults on his lineage, and was, therefore, willing to break through by disowning party positions that came courtesy it and work like an ordinary partyman. And though there was no open revolt, the divide became more and more apparent, particularly when the young brigade approved the revocation of Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir. Many feel that the gradual divergence, besides Rahul’s aversion to continuing as chief or letting any family member continue at the helm, was to force the inevitable, a new order. One which even gathered some encouragement from practical minded old-timers like Amarinder Singh and Karan Singh. But the rigid old guard, which has built its political legitimacy by virtue of the party’s top positions, cosying up to the leadership and becoming its filter and sieve for the grassroots, scuttled the chances of Young Turks by bringing back Sonia Gandhi as the interim president. The only shift that the new leaders could effect was to get state units have a say in electoral committees of those headed for new Assemblies and a promise of organisational elections. While the Rahul camp sincerely threw names like Jyotiraditya Scindia for Congress presidentship, the old guard threw around decoys when they were actually working on his mother, convincing her the situation was desperate enough for herself to be more voluble.
Sonia Gandhi has always been a reluctant leader, even after Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination. And though she has overseen two UPA governments as Congress chief, she is not in a position to make any dramatic difference now. But she has always given in to persuasion and interpretation of the old guard, some of whom have convinced her that the party would split or wither away if it didn’t have the family seal. And given the traumatic existence of the Gandhis’ political life or the burden of legacy that was thrust upon her, she surely doesn’t want to be seen as driving the party to extinction. Her loyalists know this and except senior leader AK Antony, who said Sonia should not be saddled with party affairs again because of her health, everybody else welcomed the status quo. Sonia Gandhi has been the face of compromise for much of her political life, holding all UPA constituents and allies together at one time with her personal intervention and gravitas. Not only that, she can bind the Opposition. This was one of the reasons why alliances with regional partners failed during the Rahul regime and no UPA 3 could emerge before the Lok Sabha election. Though that’s lost, as interim Congress president she can unite both the old and new in the party. Even Rahul wouldn’t have an objection to that. On the face of it, there has been a smooth transition of power within the cocoon of family warmth that the Congress is scared to part with. Politically, the reformist young lot, who are in their middling years now, may not like to fight senior hawks and lose again. They may retreat or chase new horizons rather than being “alone.” The Congress matriarch may not be able to assuage her son and his vision, saying they would have their time, but may be compelled to give something to loyalists given Assembly polls are around the corner. While the BJP may gleefully scream “I told you so”, Sonia’s biggest worry is the raging emotions despite her calm visage. Her party needs to buck up now.
Writer & Courtesy: The Pioneer
The revoking of Article 370 caused many leaders demanding the repeal of the revocation. However, Congress failed to make any such moves. The union of Modi-Shah duo enabled J&K to stand together.
It appears as if every prominent leader of the Indian National Congress (INC) is running around like a headless chicken after the momentous decision taken by the Narendra Modi Government to abrogate Article 370 and fully integrate Jammu & Kashmir into the Indian Union.
That the INC is no longer “national” or “nationalist” is now obvious going by the utter confusion at top-level decision-making but the party was not always like this. It had robust and patriotic leaders in the past and there is sufficient evidence of this in our parliamentary records. Here is a sample of what tall leaders of the party, including K Hanumanthaiah, Member of the Constituent Assembly, former Chief Minister of Mysore and later Union Minister for Railways, had to say in the Lok Sabha on September 11, 1964, on abrogation of Article 370 and of their disillusionment with the pusillanimity of the Congress:
Hanumanthaiya (Congress): “Not merely Members of Parliament from Kashmir but irrespective of parties — from the extreme right to the extreme left of this House — we are all of one opinion that this Bill (abrogating Article 370) should be made into a law. To go against it or to say anything against this unanimous opinion of this House is to disown Constitutional responsibility in a convenient manner. Article 370…stands in the way of full integration.”
Hanumanthaiya also dealt with the constant fear in the Government about world opinion. Referring to the Western nations he said, “They are not our masters. It is not they, who have to dictate…It is the responsibility of this House to direct this…”. He said he would appeal to the Government “not to be nervous about world opinion or about opinions expressed by the UK, the US, Soviet Russia or any other power.” The Government, he said, should shake off “inferiority complex” that it had inherited from the British days and stop worrying about the response of foreign powers.
He said, “Here is a case where we could show equal determination and courage and solve the problem once and for all.” He told his Government to stop being so modest and realise that India was stronger and more influential than most countries in the world…”.
Considering how Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union Home Minister Amit Shah executed the plan to abrogate Article 370 — with quiet determination and the virtual endorsement of it by many nations, thanks to Modi’s sustained, calibrated diplomatic contacts with global leaders over the last five years — it appears as if they were following the advice given by Hanumanthaiya to his own party 55 years ago.
In fact, some parts of Hanumanthaiya’s speech sound like he was delivering them on August 5, 2019. He said, “This is the unanimous opinion of this House (to abrogate Article 370) and it is applauded by the whole country. Therefore, I want the Government to take a determined stand…”
In conclusion, he thanked Prakash Vir Shastri for bringing the private Bill for repeal of Article 370, which had won the admiration of members across the political divide.
Many other Congress stalwarts forcefully demanded repeal of Article 370 during this debate.
Bhagwat Jha Azad (Congress): The Government must fearlessly declare its policy on Kashmir. From Kashmir and across the Gangetic plains and the Narmada to Kanyakumari, people want to see full integration. No Government or party can go against the wishes of the people.
Ram Sahay Pandey (Congress): He blamed Jawaharlal Nehru for rushing to the United Nations to complain about infiltration of Pakistani troops into Kashmir after it acceded to India. He said by seeking UN’s intervention and accepting its ceasefire order, Nehru had squandered away a fine opportunity to recapture the territories, which were in illegal possession of Pakistan. Gen Thimayya, who was handling the military operations, had pleaded with the Government for just two more days to recapture these territories but Nehru’s move and the ceasefire wrecked the Indian Army’s plans.
Gopal Dutta Mengi (Congress): I support this Bill. All over India, people want Jammu & Kashmir to be fully integrated with the country. Constitute a committee of legal experts to extend the Union Government’s power to the State.
Inder J Malhotra (Congress): I…agree that Article 370 be omitted. The people of the State have no special liking for Article 370…and we shall be very happy as soon as this is omitted. I request the Home Minister that this Bill should not be opposed.
These sentiments were echoed by MPs across parties, including MV Kamath (Praja Socialist Party) and Ram Manohar Lohia (Socialist Party).
But the clincher came from DC Sharma, an Independent MP. He said, “Our Article 370 has disfigured our Constitution. This Article is nothing more than a Constitutional anachronism. I say that for the good name of India, for the Constitutional propriety of India, for the legal correctness of this country, this Article should be scrapped forthwith without any hesitation, without any doubt…this Article refers to those conditions, which no longer exist and which are not operative now. Therefore, this Constitutional impropriety, which is embedded in…370, must go.”
When we reflect over the advice Sharma gave to the Congress Government way back in 1964, which was not acted upon, the clarity of thinking in the present Government on such a tangled issue and the precision with which Prime Minister Modi and Shah have acted at this juncture, we realise the yawning gap between the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) on critical issues pertaining to national integrity and national security. Here is another example.
DC Sharma (Ind): Wisdom consists in settling unsettled things. The act of statesmanship is an act of boldness, firmness and decisiveness. But I do not know what has happened to my country that instead of settling unsettled things, we have unsettled settled things.
Finally, the clincher: “Article 370…is not a wall…it is a big mountain, which stands between India and Jammu & Kashmir. I feel this mountain should be blasted with dynamite, with the dynamite of goodwill, firmness and decision. That way lies the salvation of India and that way lies the good and welfare of the people of Jammu & Kashmir.”
Thanks to Modi, India no longer suffers from an “inferiority complex” that Hanumanthaiya lamented about. Also, Modi and Shah have acted with “boldness”, “firmness” and “decisiveness” — the qualities that MPs wanted the Congress Government to exhibit in 1964, “to settle unsettled things” and to blast the mountain called Article 370 “with the dynamite of goodwill, firmness and decision!”
(The writer is an author specialising in democracy studies. Views expressed are personal)
Writer: A Surya Prakash
Courtesy: The Pioneer
Post article 370 revocation, the government aims at working toward managing conflict and peace in Kashmir.
There’s something inherently reassuring about the return of normalcy in the daily rhythms of life, people moving about in the streets, shopping for rations, visiting places of worship, children going to schools and the elderly taking their walks. Life, as it happens around us in its mundane beats, gives a strange sense of continuity and status quo. The Valley, which was traumatised into silence after heavy security deployment, the abrogation of Article 370 and its declaration as Union Territory, came out on the streets despite the overturning of what had so far underpinned its political existence. At least, people attempted to resume their social life as they knew it with the relaxation of restrictions, albeit under strict vigilance. Some of them even managed to speak to the Press despite the presence of security personnel, even sharing their repressed views and fears. Others lamented the lockdown had thrown life out of gear. Yet others went about shopping for Bakr-Id, hoping their sincere prayers would be heard and bloodshed would stop in the Valley. This is an uneasy truce, something they have lived with for years, but the inevitability of a changed status is new to them. And they do not quite know how to react. This is where Naya Bharat’s Kashmir doctrine will be put to test, whether the healing touch of socio-economics will win over the people’s hearts or not, whether the muscularity of a bold move will be complemented by an empathetic understanding of people’s needs, where majoritarians understand that yielding space and listening may deliver greater returns than expected and that a tectonic policy shift also entails a mindset change.
Of course, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s outreach does talk about issues that matter to the ordinary Kashmiri — boosting growth, powering MSMEs, developing a tourism hub, opening institutions of excellence, marketing Kashmir’s heritage crafts, creating jobs and so on. Now translating them on the ground must be done judiciously. While Jammu might feel that it has been denied resources because of the special status to Kashmir for too long, it shouldn’t be seen as being rewarded so much that Kashmir feels the integration was just a political punishment. As a State, which was undoubtedly under-served economically and infrastructure wise, it still had been able to maintain some healthy growth indices. Because, though buying land as promised may seem like a whole new world, the fact is the 99-year lease model has worked for setting up existing businesses. While the nature of industries may be limited given the region’s Himalayan terrain and climate concerns, it can become a major pharmaceutical, medical and research hub with more knowledge-based units. The educated Kashmiri youth could become a national asset as they have proved their excellence, particularly in scientific disciplines, in the rest of India and abroad. Harnessing them properly and absorbing them in jobs could undoubtedly give us a talent pool but it’s a tough act considering there is joblessness in the rest of the country. It is difficult to demonstrate short-term gains in Kashmir where reclaiming peace will undoubtedly be a long journey. And without that stability, investment will just not come in. For starters, the re-organisation has pushed the civil society further away from us. And tainting politically-elected leaders as the nation’s disruptors and arresting them have distanced any hope of a return to consultative and consensual dialogue. They need to be coopted, not distanced, considering they have always chosen to side with democracy. Even the educated elite have through generations invested their faith in the idea of India than separatism, and so the Government must take care to ensure that trust is not misplaced. For the sense of betrayal could result in unimagined hitbacks. This requires a velvet glove approach considering the abolition of statehood has also meant a denial of their identity as they knew it. The mass protests by ethnic Muslims from Kargil are warning bells that bifurcation could trigger demands for further division and autonomy, resulting in unrest. The Government needs to have its ear stuck to the ground to anticipate implications and have a redressal mechanism in place. The panchayat model of devolution of power should now be systematically built up to local governance structures. Unrealistic imposition can never transplant realistic grace.
Writer & Courtesy: The Pioneer
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