Beijing will continue to make tall claims, hoping to coerce us in a bloodless war. New Delhi must encircle it in the neighbourhood
For years together, China’s intimidatory tactics and surreptitious salami slicing of territories had gone unchallenged along our Himalayan border. A logistically disadvantaged India meant that China could keep a fairly low-cost vigilance operation and easily push its ultimate aim of controlling the Karakoram, Central Asia and beyond with Pakistan as the key conduit. But that has changed recently. Irrespective of the clash at Galwan, infrastructure development in border areas, particularly Ladakh, has been ramped up on our side over the last few years. Better roads have meant that we can rush supplies and reinforcements to our frontier posts and amass a presence quickly, something which was China’s forte for long. With its strategic edge compromised and now that our troops have shown in Galwan that they are as adept in mountain warfare and capable of giving a bloody nose to marauders, Beijing has realised that its ambush tactics can no longer “shock and awe” us. And given that the nature of the Line of Actual Control (LAC) is not codified despite India’s best efforts in forcing China to a discussion on it, perceptional differences mean India is now more vociferous about its rightful claims, too. Post-Galwan, it is determined to not give up its acquired positions and ridges and stare down at China with the same gusto. This explains the rather hyperbolic and impassioned war cry by Chinese President Xi Jinping, asking his troops to be ready for war, while his administration objected to the opening of 44 bridges in Ladakh and Arunachal Pradesh, saying they were “the root cause for tension between the two sides.” This came barely a day after Beijing declared that it considered both Ladakh and Arunachal Pradesh illegal. Of course, India categorically rejected this latest missive, saying China has no locus standi to comment on its internal matters. This even as Minister for External Affairs Subrahmanyam Jaishankar said that since peace talks with China were still on, he would not like to hazard an assessment. But his measured response was contradicted by Xi’s provocation, clearly as part of his relentless effort to wear us out in the war of perception. For the first time, if anything, this betrays China’s anxieties over what it had assumed would be a cakewalk, namely browbeating India. It may even tempt India into a limited theatre of war and then try to extract a give-and-take formula but it is getting exasperated with us refusing to bite the bait. The Siachenisation of Ladakh would cost it, too. Hence the stepped up rhetoric in the hope of getting some leeway in Ladakh. At best, the diplomacy is just a diversionary tactic as Beijing will not forfeit this geographical wedge between Gilgit-Baltistan in the west (Pakistan-occupied Kashmir), where it is invested in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), and Aksai Chin in the east. It is an irritant to its regional supremacy, strategically and economically. And it wants an unhindered run of the highway from Xinjiang to Tibet, 179 km of which is under Indian shadow. As it is, by agreeing to a buffer zone, we have ceded our right to monitor forward areas in the Pangong Tso region. We should be wary of the fact that the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), which has been pitching tents, building roads and marking territories since 2013 and which takes orders from Xi himself, intends to keep the LAC hot. And challenge us routinely on a battle of nerves, hoping to coerce us in a bloodless war if possible.
India is already working on a multi-pronged global approach to rein in the dragon’s territorial and economic imperialism. It is challenging China in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), neutralising the latter’s maritime conduits and engaging with South and Southeast Asian nations that have been held hostage by Beijing’s debt-trapping economic bailouts. And to counter our greedy neighbour’s “string of pearls” diplomacy, which means having strong military and economic ties with all our neighbouring nations and laying siege to our national interests, we, too, have rolled the dice. The Government is bolstering defence cooperation in the neighbourhood, leasing out a submarine to Myanmar and arming it with torpedoes. We have begun ramping up the naval strategy around the Malacca Straits, which happens to be China’s trade and strategic corridor. India has deployed its vessels to keep a check on any activity of the Chinese Navy and is planning to maintain hawkish patrols through autonomous underwater vessels, unmanned systems and sensors. It has got more active in the Quad initiative with the US, Japan and Australia and is using its international goodwill as a nation that respects “rule-based order” to build a case against China’s “wolf warrior” tactics. Diplomatically, India should be transactional in its approach to China and lay down in no uncertain terms that the latter’s avarice for global domination would only push the second-largest Asian entity towards the US-led bloc. In fact, we have to be overt about our strategic partnership with the US but it wouldn’t be too invested in a theatre where it is not the dominant player. Besides, it may not want India to become too formidable in its quest to blunt China. Russia, for all its deepest desire to counter-balance China’s growing heft and leverage itself vis-a-vis the US, is compromised by economic dependencies. So, India is pretty much on its own and has to use every multi-national forum, alliance and bilateral ties to make enough noise about the asymmetric relationship with China. And it must girdle up with nations that are directly under our neighbour’s threat in the region to stand up and be counted.
A hub and spoke model and a 100 per cent non-remunerative blood donation structure will help India and Assam reduce deaths
The United Nations (UN) Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 3 seeks to ensure health and well-being for all as a social capital. SDG 3, more specifically SDG 3.1, aims to reduce the global Maternal Mortality Ratio (MMR) to less than 70 per 1,00, 000 live births by 2030. As per the World Health Organisation (WHO), maternal death is the demise of a woman while pregnant or within 42 days of termination of pregnancy, from any cause related to or aggravated by the pregnancy or its management. As per the goal laid down in the National Health Policy 2017, the target for MMR per 1,00,000 live births by 2020 is 100.
Figures from a special bulletin released by the Office of the Registrar General’s Sample Registration System (SRS) in July this year show that MMR in India stood at 113 in 2016-18. Although it has seen a reduction from 122 in 2015-17 and 130 in 2014-2016, the number is way behind the SDG target. The most disturbing figure comes from Assam where MMR is at 215. However, if one compares it to the 2012-13 data of the State, it has been significantly brought down from 301. Nevertheless, given India’s SDG commitment, immediate intervention is needed to bring down the ratio further.
As recently as July, Prime Minister Narendra Modi delivered the keynote address virtually at the high-level segment of the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) session, wherein he highlighted that India’s developmental motto of “Sabka saath, sabka vikaas, sabka vishwas (Together, for everyone’s growth, with everyone’s trust)” resonates with the core SDG principle of leaving no one behind. He also emphasised that India’s success in improving the socio-economic indicators of its vast population has a significant impact on global SDG targets. Hence, addressing individual health indicators like MMR is certainly critical in improving the country’s public health and meeting targets set by the SDG.
The role of individual States is also critical. For example, it is important for a State like Assam with a high MMR to tackle the problem on a priority basis. According to an Epidemiological study of maternal death in Assam, data show that 21.3 per cent of the deaths were due to haemorrhage, 17.3 per cent due to pregnancy-induced hypertension and 10 per cent due to sepsis. Blood loss of 500 ml or more within 24 hours after birth is known as postpartum haemorrhage. Such deaths can be brought down significantly by developing a robust blood transfusion system, which provides universal access to safe and adequate blood. The annual blood collection in Assam in 2018-19 was 2,34,488 units whereas the State needed 2,42,000 units against the total number of hospital beds in 2019. As per a State-wise ranking, which maps the annual requirement to actual collections of blood units, Assam comes at the bottom five. With 82 blood banks in the State, it is regrettable that shortage of blood remains an area of concern.
Another crucial aspect is the quality of the blood available. The National AIDS Control Organisation revealed that around 1,342 people contracted HIV infection due to blood transfusion in 2018-19 pan India. This information raised several questions on the existing blood transfusion system in the country. An effective solution to ensure availability of safe blood involves shifting to 100 per cent voluntary help and doing away with replacement donation. Recruitment of donors becomes one of the most crucial features of blood transfusion services and a system supported by healthy, responsive and motivated voluntary blood donors can significantly reduce the associated quality issues. The percentage of voluntary donation in Assam is 47.9 per cent, which is way below the national average of 71.9.
Another problem that exists in a developing country like India is a fragmented blood transfusion system. For effective operation of the 3,321 blood banks in the country, it is imperative that there is transparency and guaranteed quality systems. But ensuring surveillance of 3,321 blood banks for effective operation is not practically feasible. However, empirical data from developing countries show that adopting a centralised hub and spoke model can help in accessing safe blood to a great extent.
Sadly, such a centralised blood transfusion system is currently non-existent in India, even though it prevents wastage of extra blood collected, particularly now that bulk transfers between banks have been permitted by the National Blood Transfusion Council. It enhances access, too, as blood can be redirected from the hubs to wherever there is a shortage. In case of emergencies, the collection of blood becomes simpler, too. A hub and spoke model and a 100 per cent non-remunerative blood donation structure will help India and States like Assam to reduce the MMR burden.
(The writer is a public policy consultant, Chase India)
The pandemic will accelerate the fall of the West unless we abandon our irrational approach to the virus
Please, please, Prime Minister, do not lock the UK down again. Do not listen to the unidimensional, anti-economic, risk-averse groupthink from Sage. Ignore Sir Keir Starmer and Sadiq Khan’s shameless politicking. A “circuit-breaker” is doublespeak for another lockdown, and cannot be a sustainable answer: The virus would only be temporarily suppressed, with transmission bouncing back as soon as the restrictions were lifted again. A vicious circle of stop-go lockdowns would be a catastrophic indictment of Government policy, an admission of total defeat, a victory of fear and emotion over reason. We would no longer be a free society tolerating an exceptional, temporary shutdown to allow our scandalously unprepared establishment to learn to manage a terrible situation. Instead, we would have transitioned to a world of permanent emergency, a wartime society whereby individual rights and lives were permanently suppressed for an ill-defined, ever-shifting “national interest.” A new principle would have become established: That the Government has the right and even the obligation to lock us down at the first sign of any new epidemic, even one that doesn’t truly threaten the survival of our society. The main rationale for a “circuit-breaker” — that it would buy yet more time for “one last push” on testing, the app, tracing and a vaccine — is tragically delusional. Even the French and Germans have failed to introduce effective testing and tracing, suggesting that the endeavour may be an elusive El Dorado, at least for now.
Yes, a few deaths might be avoided by spreading out ICU admissions to our hopelessly ineffectual National Health Service. Yes, a few others — maybe even up to 20,000 in a best-case scenario — might be saved as a result of multiple lockdowns if an effective vaccine suddenly, miraculously materialises by April 2021. But, in reality, most deaths would not be avoided, merely delayed, and there will be plenty of additional fatalities caused by the lockdown itself — including out of despair — to set against that. Unemployment would have surged, tens of thousands more businesses ruined, family and community life laid to waste, and immense misery created. What kind of society is ready to destroy so much to save so little?
If he agrees to the lockdown fanatics’ every demand, Boris Johnson’s legacy would have been to sweep away the Eurocrats, and cut back on the juristocrats, just to replace them with a new medicocracy. A gang of well-meaning scientists and doctors would be empowered to impose their narrow vision of the good on the rest of us, the first therapeutic, zero-risk State in world history.
But public health experts don’t have the full perspective. We can’t go on like this for much longer. The first lockdown probably increased our debt to Gross Domestic Product (GDP) ratio by 20 percentage points; adding yet another 20 per cent over the winter would weaken us severely. We could survive that, of course, but what firepower would we have left when the next calamity hits us? What about another virus? And the one after that? Or what about the next bad flu season? We would be all but bankrupt by 2030, with a Dollar, Sterling and Euro crisis on our hands.
Lawrence Summers, the economist, estimates the cost of Covid will reach 90 per cent of the GDP for America alone — a mind-boggling $16 trillion or $2,00,000 per family. This is “four times larger than the output loss of the Great Recession, twice the cost of all wars since 9/11, and roughly the cost of climate change in the next 50 years.” We need to find ways of minimising this cost for future pandemics, or we will be condemned to impoverishment, social decay and geopolitical decline.
This latter point is ably demonstrated by the International Monetary Fund’s latest forecasts. It expects the UK to suffer a 9.8 per cent fall in GDP this year, identical to France, better than Italy or Spain. Germany and America will shrink but by less. Astonishingly, however, China’s economy will actually grow this year. This pandemic has accelerated many trends, not least the transfer of power from the West to the East. South East Asian countries are among the few to have kept the costs of the virus to manageable levels, and China is laughing.
Britain and the West have two choices. We could relearn to live with death, as we did in the post-World War years when big flu epidemics killed tens of thousands. The alternative is to embrace the South Korean approach. We will need to invest a fortune in pandemic preparedness and technology, and pounce on the next virus as soon as it emerges. Ruthless, brutal quarantining, isolation and hugely superior tracking and tracing will be necessary.
Can we do it? Would we have to give up too much privacy and liberty? Are we nearing the twilight of the West, defeated by its fragility, its inability to cope with the kind of virus that our forebears shrugged off? If we don’t get our act together, this will not just be Asia’s century but also the West’s last as any kind of beacon to the rest of the world. Boris Johnson needs to show that Britain, for one, hasn’t yet given up.
(Courtesy: The Telegraph)
This surrender of outbound LTC travel would negatively impact the tourism sector, which is already floundering. It is a demand swap; the present with the future, FMCG with tourism
Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman recently announced two special offers for Central Government employees, which she hopes can also be suitably modified and extended for State Government staff and availed even by private sector workers employed in the organised sector. In short, the Centre announced a fresh stimulus for the ailing economy, focussing on demand. This includes optional use of the Leave Travel Concession (LTC) facility for spending on consumer items, one-time restoration of festival advance and additional capital expenditure by the Centre and States. However, the alternative for LTC could be a damp squib as the condition of higher spend may not find many takers.
As per the announcements, Central Government employees can choose to get some ready cash if they forego their LTC entitlement for the block year of 2018-2021. In addition, every Central Government employee, irrespective of rank, will get a prepaid Rupay card loaded with Rs 10,000. Swipe it for any expenditure by March 31, 2021 (no cash draw) and repay the advance in 10 monthly instalments. No interest, no tax on deemed benefit. Under the LTC scheme, Central Government employees get reimbursement of the cost of some personal travel undertaken by them and their family members. For civilian staff, it is a trip to their hometown once in two years and to anywhere within the country in the next block of two years. For defence personnel, it is the annual hometown visit and in the alternative year to anywhere in India in lieu of hometown travel. There are similar provisions of LTC benefits for the judicial and legislative branch of the State with a different set of entitlements and rules.
The current LTC block year is 2018-2021. During this four calendar years’ period, a civilian Central Government employee can avail reimbursement of fare for two trips from his place of duty, one in 2018-19 and another in 2020-21. Both trips can be to his hometown or one to the hometown and the other to anywhere else in India.
The concession admissible for a particular block of two years, which is not availed during that time period, can be availed in the first year of the next block. So, if someone hasn’t availed LTC during January 2018-December 2019, he can do so by December 2020. Likewise, the LTC due for 2020-21 can be availed by December 2022, subject to certain conditions.
To promote tourism to remote areas, the Government has been allowing its staff to use their hometown LTC to visit specified remote areas. It has been allowing air travel to these areas to even those employees who are not normally permitted to travel by air at Government cost. This has been a hugely popular move. This special scheme has now been extended up to September 25, 2022. The conversion of hometown LTC is allowed for travel to the North-Eastern States, Sikkim, Jammu & Kashmir, Ladakh, Andman & Nicobar Islands. Air travel to these destinations is permitted for all workers. Also, such trips in lieu of hometown LTC are permitted even by private airlines as an exception because the rule is that a trip at Government cost must be by Air India only. (Those Government servants whose hometown and place of posting are the same are not allowed this conversion.)
Whenever a LTC journey is undertaken, the Government allows 10 days’ earned leave to be encashed. A total of 60 days’ earned leave encashment with LTC is allowed during the whole service. Employees get earned leave of 30 days every year and if not availed cannot be accumulated beyond 300 days.
The Finance Minister has announced that an employee can choose not to travel on the LTC for block year 2018-21 and instead get some tax-free cash in lieu. Category I/II/II employees entitled for business class air travel/economy class air travel/rail travel will get up to Rs 36,000, Rs 20,000 and Rs 6,000, respectively for each family member who forgoes one LTC, subject to the following conditions.
The employee must produce proof of having spent Rs 1,08,000/Rs 60,000/Rs 18,000 by March 31, 2021 through digital means on buying Goods and Services Tax (GST)-invoiced goods/services with a minimum GST of 12 per cent.
The employee must also produce proof of having spent the entire amount of 10 days’ earned leave by March 31, 2021 through digital means on buying GST-invoiced goods/services with a minimum GST of 12 per cent. Spending less means pro rata cut in the actual cash benefit to be disbursed.
Most processed, packaged food items, healthcare, medicinal items, toiletries, cosmetics and so on attract 12 per cent GST. Telecom services bills, insurance premia, both life and general insurance, ULIPs and so on attract 18 per cent GST. Then, of course, there are the “sin goods” in the high GST bracket. So even without buying any expensive white goods/gadgets/car, it should be possible — except for some very frugal souls — to produce eligible GST invoices for monthly average spending of less than Rs 21,600/Rs 12,000/Rs 3,600 for Category I/II/III employees from now till March 2021. The few who might struggle to get sufficient invoices may buy goods for others. Petty invoices don’t even carry the buyer’s name and there are limits to how many checks can be there to stop misuse.
There have been intermittent suggestions in the past that the Government should give some lump sum cash in lieu of LTC benefit and save itself the hassle of processing the LTC claims. Moreover, not all of them are genuine. Long ago, many employees in an office were found to have submitted fake LTC claims for long distance travel by road. The trip was actually not undertaken as there was no entry of the quoted private bus having crossed various toll booths. Dozens were dismissed from service in a severe disciplinary action. After that, the Government made a rule that road travel by private bus would not be eligible for LTC reimbursement.
Cases of LTC claims based on fake air travel — even by some high public functionaries — forced some offices to introduce the provision for submission of proof of the actual trip in case of air travel, like some photographs and so on, all of which can also be manipulated in this age of technology. Some private airlines used to misuse the LTC to include even hotel stay and so on in the packaged fare because only the fare is reimbursed. All other costs of boarding and lodging at the destination are expected to be borne by employees. To overcome this fraud, the Government introduced standard LTC fares and restricted travel to Air India only (except for the North-East and so on). Frauds by a few dishonest end up making life miserable for everyone, with the Government being forced to come out with stricter regulations. Checking LTC fraud is an administrative hassle and some argue that it is better to unconditionally give cash in lieu of LTC. So far, this argument has not carried weight for two reasons.
First, the Government wants employees to rejuvenate themselves through travel and promote domestic tourism. Second, LTC is not availed by everyone. There are many who don’t find time and many others who find that they cannot afford non-fare expenses during travel. If the Government decides to give cash in lieu of LTC, it would give it to everyone, even to those who would not have availed of LTC on their own. For them, the cash equivalent is a bonanza.
The Central Government hopes that the State Governments and the private sector will take a cue and offer similar schemes, with the Centre promising not to tax the cash equivalent of the LTC. Many States limit their LTC scheme to travel within the State and so the financial impact would also be limited. For private sector employees, tax concession on LTA can be a big incentive. All they have to do is produce GST invoices for three times the LTA. Spending three times the LTA by March 2021 may not be burdensome for most. Typically, the LTA is equal to one month’s salary and so one is being asked to spend three months’ salary by March to save income tax on LTA. Of course, there is the option of buying for others. In a country like ours, governments put riders and creative minds invent workarounds.
Giving cash in lieu of LTC or giving tax concession on LTA subject to certain minimum spending of a certain type will certainly boost short-term consumption demand. Some of it would be mere displacement of expenditure that would have happened with or without the concession. This surrender of outbound LTC travel till December 2022 would negatively impact the travel and tourism industry which is already floundering. It is a demand swap; the present with the future, FMCG with travel and tourism. It is like robbing Peter to pay Paul.
(The writer is a retired IAAS officer, and former Special Secretary, Ministry of Commerce and Industry)
The ban on generators is another one in a list of impractical ideas to control pollution that skirts the central issue
The ban on using generators in the National Capital Region (NCR), when air quality levels hit hazardous highs, must have been thought up by someone who lives in a ground floor apartment. Or that must have been the line by someone living in a penthouse on the 13th floor of a highrise apartment block that would have cost the equivalent of half a million US dollars. While the overall electricity situation has improved in Delhi dramatically over the past decade, there are still power-cuts in Gurugram and Noida, both of which are home to millions who have spent their life savings on fancy apartments. To be then told that they will have to climb 12,13 or 14 storeys because the lights are out, because there is an illogical ban on gensets, is unreasonable. Even if they manage the climb up, they cannot use the internet or possibly even run their kitchens, thanks to almost everything running on electricity. This is not to argue against the continuing incompetence of electricity providers in being unable to assure guaranteed 24-hour electricity in India, although that situation is improving, but the impracticality of this decision has to be made clear to the powers that be.
This also highlights how authorities are charging at windmills while ignoring the elephant in the room as farmers in Punjab and Haryana continue to burn fields, many with political patronage. There are several causes for why the farmers burn their fields, from a lack of cheap labour to changing crop patterns, but it is contingent upon the Government to at least give them subsidised equipment to remove the stubble. Hundreds of crores of rupees have been collected as a green cess over the past few years and that money should be deployed to resolve this problem instead of sitting in the bank. This could give impetus to agricultural equipment manufacturers as well as improve the electricity situation in multi-storey buildings. Yes, poor air quality is a serious problem in the capital but we must not end up cutting off our nose to spite the face. Not allowing gensets in the current time is a stupid idea that will inconvenience more people than solving the pollution crisis. Setting strict pollution norms for generators will help more.
The PDP leader intends to pivot the larger alliance of all local parties for a resolution of the Kashmir issue in totality
If the intention behind incarcerating former Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister and Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) leader Mehbooba Mufti for over 14 months was to break her spirit, then the Government has clearly failed to do so. For hours after her release, she went beyond what the National Conference leaders, Farooq and Omar Abdullah, pledged to do as part of what they call a united Gupkar Declaration, namely restoring the special status of the erstwhile State. She wanted a long-term political resolution of the Kashmir issue in its entirety and though she has now joined hands with the Abdullahs for a larger cause, she seems determined enough to carry on her movement and reclaim her space in conversations. It remains to be seen whether her grandstanding is meant to blunt Farooq Abdullah’s recent belligerence against the Centre and his wild missive that China could help in restoring Kashmir’s special status or whether she is genuinely trying to reclaim lost political space and emerge as a power player. Is she negotiating her own role as a pivot in the changed apparatus? At some level, all the leaders know that a retraction of the Valley’s status would be almost impossible, considering that even major world powers have endorsed India’s position of acting within its constitutional space. Besides, they would have to challenge Kashmir’s changed status in the Supreme Court. Interestingly, there is less mention of Article 370 as such but an emphasis on the Centre’s “onslaught” on Kashmir’s “identity and status.” The message clearly is to get as many parties as possible on common ground and set an agenda acceptable to all. This way all can stand up to the Centre and challenge it head-on rather than being scattered and directionless. It is their as well as the Government’s litmus test. Mehbooba, incidentally, is the last of the mainstream political leaders to have been set free after they were charged under the Public Safety Act (PSA) ostensibly because of their track record of incendiary speeches that, the Government thought, would provoke people against the abrogation of Article 370. The fact is, the Government miscalculated their appeal greatly and disregarded that they were democratically elected leaders who had been in alliance with New Delhi, acted as a buffer between the Centre and the militant movement and still had enough ground support, one that has prevented the legitimacy of alternate structures and leaders. Besides, for all the filters, curfews and lockdowns in Kashmir, militancy hasn’t abated and remains a draw for disenchanted youth. And for all its promises of bridging the trust deficit by accelerating development, economic revival or civil engagement, without the participation by locals and their endorsement, Kashmir’s integration with the mainstream is increasingly looking like an exercise in political egoism, a tool that is more disempowering than engaging, a punishment for history than an incentive for moving on. Politically, too, the BJP has been at the receiving end of non-cooperation, what with a spike in hitback killings of its leaders and sarpanches, the latter seen as extensions of Central authority. Only 7,528 of the 19,582 panch and sarpanch seats in Kashmir went to polls in 2018. Yet a majority of the elected are hiding out in hotels in Srinagar for fear of being attacked for participating in an electoral process that the Centre initiated. The BJP had hoped to build an alternative political pyramid with friendly leaders at the local level and devolving power to them. But that was not to be. Over 12,000 seats are still empty, affecting local administration and despite the changed status, nobody is ready to engage till all known elected representatives are freed from detention. With credible leaders redefined as public enemies, as bad as militants, and basic rights and connectivity denied to locals, there is confusion, disenchantment and fatigue everywhere, one that can congeal to become a violent force if left to fester.
Perhaps, that’s the reason why the Government has changed its tactics and is returning the people’s representatives to them as it were. It is even expected to hold elections in the remaining panchayat seats by the end of the year, risk any outcome and build connect strategies from there. For the political vacuum is costing it heavy and only lionising the likes of the Abdullahs and the Muftis. It is with this larger agenda that a seasoned politician like Manoj Sinha was made the new Lt Governor of the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir. A low-key politician, his mission is to work out ways of connecting with people without disturbing the BJP’s overall schematics in the Valley and even negotiate with all political parties. The Government has realised that it cannot make any claim of transformative intent till it gets some kind of mediatory presence of local parties. The BJP-created Jammu and Kashmir Apni Party (JKAP), drawing rejects from the PDP and NC, lacks credibility. The Government could meet the old leaders half way, involving them in a reconciliation process on the condition that they wouldn’t play a dual strategy with Pakistan. Some could be amenable to working the middle ground over time. But first, it should restore normalcy and mainstream internet connectivity. The youth are already feeling punished for being left out of the digital education revolution and we cannot let them be radicalised. E-commerce and online filing of tax and other financial transactions have been badly hit. The economy is in shambles with disruptive clampdowns affecting the supply chain and the services sector. Even the traditional sectors like the apple trade, tourism and handicrafts have wilted. There must be an enabling climate or Kashmir could slip into a deeper trough, worse than ever imagined.
Despite the minor setback in the indigenous ATAGS programme, India must forge ahead in the nation’s interest and for the Army’s sake
The Advanced Towed Artillery Gun System (ATAGS) programme began in 2012, spearheaded by the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), with two strategic partners — the Bharat Forge Limited (BFL) and Tata Power Strategic Engineering Division (SED). The Defence Acquisition Council (DAC) had ratified the procurement of 150 ATAGS in August 2018. However, the process of developing them started way back in 2013 and concluded by 2017. The howitzer gun system was developed in a record time of 30 months and has gone through extensive trials over the last four years and performed admirably with remarkable consistency.
The ATAGS is one of the most advanced and perhaps the world’s first gun which is capable of delivering Bi-Modular Charge System (BMCS) zone seven propellants. With a firing range of 48 km — a record of sorts in the 155 millimetre/52 calibre family — the ATAGS is an appendage to the indigenously developed 155 millimetre/45 calibre artillery gun Dhanush.
Dhanush is a derivative of the FH-77B 155mm/39 calibre towed howitzer, previously built by the Swedish defence contractor Bofors. The Indian Army procured a total of 414 Swedish howitzers between 1987 and 1991. Dhanush howitzers have a maximum effective range of 38 km in salvo mode as compared to the 48 km of the ATAGS.
The India-made ATAGS consists of a duel power system where hydraulics is used for mobility and gun in/out action whereas electrical power is used for the Gun Laying and Ammunition Handling System (AHS). The system is configured with an all-electric drive that ensures maintenance-free and reliable and secure operations over a long period of time. The gun system has automatic setting up, laying with a high-end Inertial Navigation System (INS) and automated AHS, which loads shell, charge and primer simultaneously with a manual back-up for the laying system. The gun system’s hydraulic drive provides effective manoeuverability in different terrains — on roads, cross country, in the desert and in high altitude areas. The high power Auxiliary Power Unit (made in India) also renders effective self-propelled speed, rapid deployment and short response time.
The ATAGS has greater than 95 per cent indigenous components. The complete supply chain, from raw materials to end product, lies within the country, making it a true embodiment of a “Make in India” in defence system. The ATAGS gun system comprises 7,463 components, of which 4,977 are manufactured parts involving about 30,000 manufacturing processes and more than 2,00,000 inspection parameters.
The project is now in the Technology Readiness Level (TRL) stage 10 (as per the DRDO TRL stages), after being put through mandatory trials over the last five years. Earlier this month, it entered into its last stages of trial — viz the Preliminary Staff Qualitative Requirements (PSQR) trial, which is done prior to its induction into the arsenal system. The gun has already been through a rigorous pre-PSQR trial with the users and DRDO teams. In these trials, the BFL- developed gun system fired a total of 130 plus rounds, mostly in zone seven, and the feedback was that the system has lived up to the parameters.
The gun fielded by Tata Aerospace and Defence Limited succeeded in firing 99 rounds. At the 100th round, which was fifth of the rapid-fire practice, the gun tube sheared off, triggering the first unfortunate incident. The cause is currently being investigated. Some experts blame it on ammunition, while the others want to zero in on the tube and the immense pressure it has been made to withstand. It must be noted that the guns, which have till now fired almost 2,000 rounds between them, can easily tolerate pressure levels up to 560 megapascals and are the only ones to fire munitions in zone seven. As part of the process, an investigation to identify and rectify the causes behind the “shear and structural strain” is a must. It would be detrimental to the cause of Atmanirbhar Bharat to delay or disrupt theprocesses of development of the ATAGS.
This is the first weapon platform which has been designed and developed from scratch and can boast of being truly Indian. Developed by the DRDO and two major Indian industry partners, nurturing a well-networked ecosystem of Indian vendors and sub-vendors, the ATAGS symbolises national pride. We own the design, its IP and all the data concerning the overall weapon system. Foreign assistance is costly and it will be foolhardy not to build on the successes that we have already achieved so far, notwithstanding minor setbacks. Most of the guns coming from the US, France, Germany, Israel and the Czech Republic, have encountered similar incidents at lower zones of firing, involving lower pressure, during trials. Thus, blaming higher pressure in ATAGS is a bit far-fetched. It is worth mentioning that none of these guns were fired in zone seven and neither fired as many rounds as the ATAGS.
It is a good opportunity to examine the quality and efficacy of the ammunition basket being produced in India as we are relatively new in making artillery munitions, fuses and charges (BMCS in this case). Given the extremely high pressure, every part of the munition, be it the shell, driving bands of the projectile or the fuse, which has to withstand extremely high angular velocity, every component must respond in a zero error manner. All said and done, precision and expertise come with real-time experience and trials. It is unlikely that a foreign vendor will part with core technologies or requisite data to make India atmanirbhar. In the nation’s interest and with the singular objective of giving more teeth to the Army, let us learn to take such incidents in our stride and resolve to forge ahead. India’s ATAGS must succeed.
(The writer is former Deputy Chief of Army Staff. Views expressed are personal)
UPSC CDS 2 2020 Admit Card: Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) has finally released the CDS 2 2020 Admit Card at its website. All such candidates who were eagerly waiting for UPSC CDS Admit Card 2020 can now download their admit cards by entering their roll number, date of birth and other details on the login page available on the official website.
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With caste and gender-based crimes on a continuous rise, we need to look at our history which over time has institutionalised discrimination as a social order
With caste and gender-based crimes in India on the rise, some really tough questions need to be answered by us all. The National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) 2019 report does a wonderful job in showcasing some extremely relevant data for our consideration. India reported 4,05,861 cases of crimes against women. Assam reported the highest rate of crimes against women at 117.8 per lakh population and Uttar Pradesh (UP) topped the list with 59,853 incidents. From 2018, the rate of crime against women has risen by 7.3 per cent, with the country recording an average 87 rape cases every day in 2019. UP had the highest number of crimes against girl children under the POCSO Act with 7,444 cases, followed by Maharashtra (6,402) and Madhya Pradesh (MP) at 6,053. Other registered cases on the rise were assault, cruelty and outraging the modesty of a woman. On the other hand, crimes against Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) saw a seven per cent and 26 per cent rise respectively. Curiously, the report also indicates a consistent decline in conviction rates in caste-related violence in the past three years.
So, why and how did we land here and where are we going? I shall endeavour to declutter this by a simple process called reverse engineering. Ours has always been a divided society. Caste and gender-based discrimination weren’t a colonial construction in India. It was our own. Our social, economic and legal institutions were all divided and categorised to meet vested interests. What the British did was a mere “reinvoking of the Varna system.” This, they justified, was necessary to make sense of the complexity that existed within the Indian caste system. As BR Ambedkar said in his Annihilation of Caste, the caste system in India had been historically used to perpetuate discrimination in the name of “division of labour” which in fact, according to him, was a “division of labourers.”
Such discrimination gave rise to a social and behavioural bias, and in the long run, led to the “upward mobility” of the concept of caste. Since this concept was used to allocate social roles such as one’s profession in a hereditary manner, it restricted the social mobility of those groups who were allotted lower roles. This led to a lost individual identity of the members of those groups and instead, in solidarity, gave rise to a “group identity.” In modern-day India, we know these groups as SCs, STs, Other Backward Classes (OBCs), women and religious minorities.
A systemic problem: Our police force was also not immune to this virus. As caste and gender-based discrimination grew in independent India, privileged upper caste men, who were born, trained and nurtured in a favorable environment, filled the spaces in our administration, including but not limited to, our police force. The problem was further exemplified when we inherited the colonial Indian Police Act of 1861 and other such laws from British India. The Act was brought in after the revolt of 1857 and the purpose behind enacting it was, as David Arnold says, “to establish control, coercion and surveillance over the Indian subjects.” So, lack of diversity, an under-represented administration and a law based on tyrannical ideologies became a perfect mishmash for future discriminatory policing in India. This would lay the foundation for perpetration of violence and creation of an extremely patriarchal institution that would survive for decades if not centuries.
Institutionalised discrimination: What transpired, as a consequence, years later, is the institutionalisation of the very same discrimination within our police force. An institution becomes defunct if its working is entirely based on biased and inequitable means. To command confidence, trust and respect of the public, the police administration in a democracy must be diverse and must acknowledge that people from different backgrounds will bring with them skills, experiences and perspectives that are vastly different from others. However, the opposite is true for India.
Laws such as Abolition of Discrimination under Article 17 of the Constitution, SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act and provisions for Affirmative Action have by and large remained symbolic. The Common Cause report on Status of Policing in India, 2019, reveals some shocking numbers. It shows how the representation of SCs, STs, OBCs and women is extremely poor in our police forces. Reserved positions for such personnel have been vacant for years. The States topping the list here are Haryana and UP. Furthermore, it shows how such groups are less likely to be posted at officer-level ranks. They are also more likely to face unequal distribution of work wherein they are asked to do their seniors’ chores and household work.
One out of four women police personnel reported the absence of a sexual harassment committee in police stations and one out of five reported the absence of separate toilets for policewomen. States like Bihar, Karnataka and Bengal have the highest levels of institutional bias against women in the forces. The report goes on to state that senior police officers think that “women are less hard-working, less efficient and should focus on household duties.” Data shows that policewomen are given in-house tasks like maintaining registers, and so on, whereas, male personnel are given on-field investigation, law and order, policing and patrolling tasks. This has literally been normalised within the working of our police administration, to an extent that it no more looks like discrimination. Instead it is seen as routine division of work, based on natural/biological capabilities.
Shockingly many police personnel think that Gender-Based Violence (GBV) complaints are false and motivated. They also say that members of the transgender community, Muslims, Dalits and so on, are more “naturally” prone to committing crimes. Such institutionalised discrimination against caste and gender reasserts itself like a vicious cycle. It also assists in exercising a lot more political control on those who are vulnerable. The way our police reacts to caste and gender is a mirror image of the political ideology ruling over the State. It is a common phenomenon that majoritarian governments who come to power based on hyper-nationalism and by using the rhetoric of religion, tend to be a lot more misogynist, divisive and religiously intolerant.
Resultantly, constitutional morality isn’t their source of power. The increasing nature of politicisation of crimes against women has gained momentum in the last decade, ever since there has been a rise in majoritarian politics. The 2019 report shows how police personnel almost always face political pressure while investigating crimes that have political ramifications. If an honest police officer tries not to be swayed by such an influence, he is met with the “Black Sheep Effect.” This is a process of evaluative upgrading of “norm-compliant” members and evaluative downgrading of “deviant” ones. So, the deviant members are usually transferred to locations where there is less digital and media penetration so that their honesty is less of a problem for the State. It is also seen that there are certain areas where political control is exercised more effectively with the help of the police. In the areas where the majority population is from the Dalit or minority community, the police infrastructure is in shambles. There is a greater lack of adequate training, digital accessibility, vehicles and funding provided to the police. In such a situation, crimes either go unreported or are met with State-sponsored violence in police stations.
Creating such systemic barriers, over a long period of time, for people who have been historically discriminated against leads to a situation of internalised oppression. Paulo Freire, a renowned educator, in his Pedagogy of the Oppressed, says, “The oppressed, having internalised the image of the oppressor and adopted his guidelines, are fearful of freedom.” This fear acts as an incentive for political control. Control on what is reported, what is not reported and how reported cases are dealt with. It is almost like an echo-chamber that incentivises political oppression.
Expecting that such an institution, where discrimination and victimisation is normalised against its own members and has been historically used as a political sidekick, would do justice by protecting those outside the institution against the same evil forces, is simply living in an alternate reality. Public outrage has been misplaced in so far as it consistently demands political reform. The following statement by Ambedkar is of huge significance, “There is a need for social reform before political reform and the latter cannot happen without the former.”
(The writer is from the National Law University, Visakhapatnam)
Koshyari’s letter war with Uddhav Thackeray turns ugly as he goes against the mandate of his post to follow a party line
Gubernatorial assignments have always been politicised regardless of regimes. No matter what the party at the Centre, each has used its chosen Governor to keep a watch on Opposition State Governments and undercut federal powers in the event of a crisis, especially when the Central party, as the main challenger, has been within smelling distance of power. But just because a violation has become a political convention, can one justify its continuity? And by extension does it have to be more flagrant than earlier occasions? It is on this count that Maharashtra Governor Bhagat Singh Koshyari’s letter war with Chief Minister Uddhav Thackeray over the re-opening of religious places in the State is not only indecorous but challenges the limits of a constitutionally-appointed post. Worse, what could have been a mature confabulation was converted to a media circus as the Governor’s letter was circulated widely. Making a case for re-opening places of worship, Koshyari asked Thackeray if he had “turned secular” by keeping them shut. The latter shot back a letter, asking if Hindutva meant simply opening religious places and as a Governor who had sworn on the Constitution, was he denying the secularism enshrined in it? Clearly, Koshyari, who has been used time and again to embarrass the Shiv Sena-led alliance Government, should have clearly kept the arrow in his quiver. For he unwittingly gave the political advantage to Thackeray by trying to expose the latter’s commitment to Hindutva. Thackeray may have been vociferous about Ayodhya but in COVID-stressed times and as Chief Minister of the worst-affected State, he has managed the festival season with reason. By confining the Ganesh Mahotsav to a largely indoor celebration, he avoided a super spreader event. And although the Governor has questioned the rationale of opening bars and restaurants and not shrines, Thackeray knows that faith is a heave of emotion that defies protocols and he would much rather go in for a graded opening of these places after assessing the risk of spread. Besides, the Governor, given the gravitas associated with his chair, should not have run down the weight of the word “secular” in his official capacity, no matter what his personal belief systems might be. Also using the religion card is unbecoming of a post that demands reason, neutrality, dignity and integrity. But then Koshyari has been too pliant to walk the thin line between propriety and impropriety, nicety and brashness. Let us not forget that he is the same man who had revoked President’s rule in the State in the wee hours and hurriedly sworn in BJP leader Devendra Fadnavis with then rebel Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) leader Ajit Pawar, ignoring the split mandate in the State. He did not give adequate time to the Opposition parties and even an adrift Sena for crystallising their adjustments before committing to furnishing letters of support. By that yardstick, the Governor seems immune to the adverse criticism that his overstepping of constitutional limits entails. So long as his political purpose is served, in this case going after the Shiv Sena. This explains why NCP supremo Sharad Pawar wrote to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, expressing shock at the tone and tenor of the Governor’s letter. He even clarified that while he was not against the Governor’s prerogative to discuss matters with the CM, he was against a squabble deliberately played out in the public domain for political gains.
Shaming the regional party, wherever the BJP is the main Opposition, is now more the rule than the exception. In Bengal, Governor Jagdeep Dhankar has been blowing hot on the Mamata Banerjee-led Trinamool Congress Government at the slightest pretext or the other. The latest spat is over the unnatural death of a BJP MLA and the Governor’s letter to vice-chancellors (VCs) asking them to attend a video-conference with him. The VCs refused to attend unless the invitation was routed through the State higher education department. After this Dhankar took to Twitter to defend his partisan action, saying he could not allow students’ issues to be “politically caged.” His lie was exposed when Banerjee herself revealed all of her Government’s communication with the Raj Bhavan before the media. But at least he had done his bit for the BJP’s “Didi hatao” campaign. All these examples prove there is an internecine plot to erode the spirit of alliance politics in general and the regional ones in particular, making them look like puppets in a shadow play, so powerful that the voter changes his pattern in the next round of elections. The problem with the BJP is that it just can’t get out of the whataboutery trap, countering every criticism by citing Congress precedents and repeating every mistake of its rival party that ultimately cost the latter dear. Then how is BJP the “party with a difference?” If Governors are abdicating their role responsibilities and preferring to be agents of the ruling party, then their use is not even ceremonial. For even that demands a degree of integrity and respect for the norms of parliamentary democracy. They are toothless when they recommend President’s rule as it is the Central Government which runs the State affairs by proxy with its own team of bureaucrats. Isn’t it time then to look at the selection process of the post of Governor itself, provided each party agrees to neutralising it in the first place? The procedure for appointment of the Lokpal could easily be followed to secure the position in a manner that the Governor cannot be recalled or moved at the Centre’s whim. But will all parties agree to amend a convention that suits each one of them when each gets the hot seat?
By joining the Djibouti Code of Conduct as an observer, India gains strategic heft in the Indian Ocean Region and can challenge Beijing's military influence
Recently, India decided to join the Djibouti Code of Conduct/Jeddah Amendment (DCOC/JA) as an observer after a high-level meeting held on August 26. This is a group on maritime affairs, including countries such as Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Madagascar, Maldives, Seychelles, Somalia, United Republic of Tanzania and Yemen, all from the Red Sea, the Gulf of Aden, the east coast of Africa and island countries in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). Member nations include South Africa, Sudan and the United Arab Emirates. Recently Japan, Norway, UK and the US have also been included as observers of DCOC/JA. So India’s inclusion would increase its political stake in these waters and help it use the collective heft with other nations to tame Chinese expansionist tendencies.
The alliance came into being in January 2009 under the International Maritime Organisation (IMO). It initially focussed on piracy and armed robbery against ships in the western IOR, the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea. In 2017, other issues like the environment, human trafficking and illegal fishing were added. But it is the Jeddah Amendment that is significant. At a high-level meeting of the countries that signed the DCOC in Jeddah in January 2017, 17 signatory nations agreed to adopt a revised code of conduct. They agreed to work closely with the IMO and other stakeholders to build national and regional capacities in addressing broader maritime security issues and enabling the sustainable development of the maritime sector. And at the same tim, the code emphasised the important role of the “blue economy” in supporting sustainable economic growth, employment, food security and stability.
The Horn of Africa is of great strategic importance from a commercial and economic point of view because it is coveted by major powers of the world. Djibouti’s role is most important here. It may be a small country in terms of area and population but enjoys great geo-strategic importance. It commands the narrow entrance to the Red Sea on the southern end (from the Gulf of Aden side) with Egypt on the northern end. Every day millions of oil barrels and other oil products pass through this route to different destinations. Due to its important position, it hosts military bases of about nine countries, including the US, France, Italy and China. After the 9/11 attacks on the US, Washington established its largest permanent base in Djibouti, named Camp Lemonier, which houses at least 4,000 military personnel.
China has also expanded its military cooperation across the African continent in recent years as part of its national defence policy. On July 11, 2017, Beijing sent two warships across the Indian Ocean to Djibouti, the main objective of which was to establish China’s first overseas permanent military base. Work started formally on August 1, 2017. Djibouti is at the centre of China’s maritime policy as it is located at the northwest end of the Indian Ocean, allowing it to checkmate India. Its naval base here could prove to be the pillar of its oceanic strategy, known as the “string of pearls” or friendly islands in the sea route connecting China to West Asia. It is a crucial link in its ambitious “maritime Silk Route” plan.
The purpose of this network is to ensure the safety of China’s trade routes, its raw materials and oil-laden ships and the uninterrupted return of finished goods to Europe via the Gulf of Aden. India’s relations with the Horn of African nations like Ethiopia, Somalia, Eritrea, Sudan and Djibouti have been friendly since ancient times. Some historical researchers believe that economic and cultural relations existed between the two regions since 538 BC. All these nations share the same legacy of colonialism as well as the struggle for independence; India continued to support their anti-colonial fight even after attaining Independence in 1947. In the post-colonial period, India established the Special Commonwealth African Assistance Programme (SCAAP) in 1963. Its relations with the Horn of Africa countries have further strengthened through the Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC), South-South Cooperation and other international fora. Now it is building on this historicity to emerge a key player in the region.
The strategic importance of the Horn of Africa for India can only be known from the fact that President Ramnath Kovind made his first foreign trip to two African countries — Djibouti and Ethiopia. During his visit, he remarked, “India and Djibouti have had historical connections and mutual contacts for a long time. Now we should try to rediscover this shared history and identity. Not only for the old times but to build a contemporary partnership, it is necessary to make the utmost effort to revive this shared heritage of ours. The potential of marine resources and engagement with the Indian Ocean has immense potential to create a sustainable future.” The President also said that “Djibouti is a strategic country, located near the Gulf of Aden. For India, it is an important partner of the Indian Ocean. In 2015, during the Yemen crisis, as part of Operation Relief, at the time of evacuating citizens and people from other countries, Djibouti supported India’s efforts.”
As an observer nation, India can boost its influence in the IOR with new diplomatic equations. New Delhi is already strengthening its position in its surrounding waters as part of the Indo-Pacific policy through Project Mausam, Mission Sagar and Indian Ocean Rim Group. It can further increase its strategic footprint through blue economy initiatives. This will enable us to sustain the use of ocean resources for economic growth, create better livelihoods and jobs and ensure the health of ocean ecosystems.
On the other hand, Beijing is increasing its clout through its claims in the South China Sea and the East China Sea, the String of Pearls diplomacy and Belt & Road Initiatives (BRI). India can effectively neutralise it if it consolidates its hold in this region alongside the Quad initiative with the US, Japan and Australia.
(The writer is an Assistant Professor, Department of African Studies, Delhi University)
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