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"Dispelling the Khalistan Myth: Examining the Unrealistic Aspirations"

It was the afternoon of 23 February 2023, a contingent of Punjab Police, with lathis in their hands, was standing behind barricades outside the Ajnala Police Station in the Amritsar district of Punjab, facing a huge crowd, many armed with Kirpans. The crowd was also carrying the Guru Granth Sahib in a bus. And walking among this crowd, surrounded by armed men with rifles, was Amritpal Singh Sandhu, who is being seen as the new face of the resurging Khalistan demand in the country.

Within minutes, the crowd broke the barricades and using the bus as a shield soon attacked the police. Amritpal and his supporters occupied the police station for the next several hours and left only on the assurance that his aide, Lovepreet Singh would be released who was arrested on charges of kidnapping and assault.

This incident created big headlines in the media. The K-word surfaced everywhere. Equations started to be drawn between Amritpal Singh Sandhu and Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. It is being said that this is the repetition of the 1980s and is the resurgence of the Sikh separatist movement. 

But why are such demands surfacing again? And who is this guy— Amritpal Singh? To understand the current situation, we must have a look at the very roots of the Sikh separatist movement in the country. 

Militant Identity of the Sikhs

The idea of Khalistan started coming up in the 1920s but even before that Sikhs had developed a firmly militant identity due to persecution by the Mughals. The militancy was fostered, especially under Guru Gobind Singh who in 1699 established a special group called 'Khalsa'. Sikhs who chose to be baptised into the Khalsa dedicated themselves utterly to their faith. Guru Gobind Singh created and initiated the Khalsa as a warrior with a duty to protect the innocent from religious persecution.

Though not all Sikhs became baptised members of the Khalsa, Sikhism as a religious tradition generally accepts the legitimacy of violent resistance in the face of repression of faith. Sikh identity gradually became tied up with the Khalsa identity and its militancy

Before the Independence

In the early years of British rule in the country, Sikhs had proven their loyalty to the British, particularly as soldiers of the British Indian Army. But this loyalty started to wane away due to several things like the Rowlatt Act, Jallianwala Bagh Massacre, issues regarding separate electorates, etc. Several Sikh leaders wanted a separate Sikh State along the lines of Pakistan but that could not happen. Instead, Congress gave them assurances that after independence the political aspirations of the Sikhs would be honoured. 

Punjab Reorganisation Act, 1966

After the Constitution came into being, many Sikh groups claimed they were not granted the autonomy they had been promised. Thus, in the 1950s the 'Punjabi Suba Movement' started gaining momentum. Although the demand was for a state on a linguistic basis, it was seen to have religious overtones as the demand was mainly from the Sikhs in Punjab. The Central Government was not ready to create states on religious grounds, although, in 1966 it conceded to dividing Punjab on 'linguistic lines' into the Sikh-majority Punjabi-speaking Punjab and Hindu-majority Hindi-speaking Haryana. Chandigarh became a Union Territory and acted as the shared capital of the two states.

But this did not completely satisfy the demands of the Sikhs. Many didn't like the idea of sharing Chandigarh with Haryana and wanted Chandigarh to be completely a part of Punjab. Another problem was that some Punjabi-speaking districts went to Haryana and Himachal Pradesh, they wanted those too to be included in Punjab. 

Sikhs not “Hindus”

Another major contention was that the Constitution included Sikhs under the definition of “Hindus”. This was a major reason why when the Constitution came into being, Shiromani Akali Dal rejected it. It is because Sikhs have often been seen as a part of the larger umbrella of Hinduism. But the Sikhs feel that they are a separate religion and not just a category of Hindus. They do have various similarities with Hinduism but that does not make them Hindus.

The same thing happened when the Hindu Code Bills were brought in the 1950s. There too, Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains were included under the definition of “Hindus” and these laws also governed the people of those three religions. 

Anandpur Sahib Resolution

In Punjab politics, there were two major parties tussling for power—? Shiromani Akali Dal and the Congress party. The dilemma for the Akalis was that despite being a strong advocate of the Sikh culture and religion, they never enjoyed the full support of the Sikhs. Its rival, Congress, had been more effective in state politics. Concerned with their declining popularity and lack of unity within the party, the Akali Dal came up with the Anandpur Sahib Resolution in 1973. This declaration addressed the economic concerns of Punjab along with the religious and ethnic demands of the Sikhs. This resolution was not secessionist in content but called for greater autonomy for Punjab. There were 3 major demands in this resolution—?

  1. Chandigarh should not act as a shared capital of Haryana and Punjab and should be returned to Punjab.
  1. The resolution demanded that Punjab be an autonomous state. The Central government would be restricted to the management of foreign policy, defense, currency and communications. All other subjects would be under the jurisdiction of the state government. 
  1. The resolution demanded redistribution of the waters of the Ravi, Beas and Sutlej rivers in the favour of Punjab. (I’ll talk about this later in the article)


This resolution didn’t play any important role initially and was forgotten but would later go on to become the foundation of Akali Dal’s future agenda as well as for Sikh separatism.

On the other hand, Congress under Indira Gandhi played a major role in undermining the Akali Dal. Indira adopted a highly authoritarian approach and centralised power in the country. The Emergency created anti-Congress and anti-Centre sentiments in Punjab. In 1980 nine states whose governments were unfavorable to Indira were placed under President’s Rule. Punjab was one of those states where the Akali Dal-Jana Sangh government was dismissed. 

Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale

It is believed that in order to split the Akali Dal’s vote bank, Congress in the late 1970s started cultivating the religious leader Jarnail Singh Bindranwale as an alternative. Bhindranwale was the leader of a prominent orthodox Sikh institution—? Damdami Taksal. He sought to promote the conservative aspects of Sikhism and emphasised the stringent following of religious doctrines. But why Jarnail Singh? What was special in him that Congress felt he could be helpful? The answer is his immense popularity. 

Green Revolution

In the 1960s the Green Revolution was introduced, resulting in a great increase in the production of food grains and Punjab was its biggest beneficiary leading to great prosperity in the state—? this is what we've been generally taught. But there’s a darker side to it too.

The Green Revolution was successful initially because of government subsidies and support prices. However, this could not continue indefinitely and with the rising cost of fertilizers and pesticides, small farmers were the worst hit. Also, the increase in productivity could not be sustained because the new varieties created new ecological problems by reducing genetic diversity and affecting soil and water systems.

And whatever gains Punjab earned from the Green Revolution weren’t distributed equally among various sections and regions of the state. This led to the growing numbers of marginalised poor peasants, who could neither reap the benefits of the land nor find employment in the industrial sector because the industries in the state remained underdeveloped. 

River Water Dispute

Punjab had a long grievance against the Central government regarding the distribution of water from the Ravi, Sutlej and Beas rivers. The three rivers flowed through Punjab but through an elaborate canal system water was being diverted to drier areas of Haryana and Rajasthan. In the wake of the Punjab Reorganisation Act of 1966, the Centre decided that Punjab would get only 23% of the water and the rest would go to states like Rajasthan and Haryana. This was felt as unfair and instilled a sense that the Central government is having discriminating tendencies against the Sikhs. 

Such factors added to the deepening sense of alienation and growth of separatist sentiments among the Sikhs. And at this very time, Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale started gaining popularity. His popularity grew especially among the poor farmers of Punjab’s rural areas. These poor people had lost all hope in the political class, who were mainly big landlords, and they felt more connected with Bhindranwale, who was from a small farmer family. They saw in him their leader who could be their voice.

In the late 1970s and early 1980s, he toured across Punjab to spread his teachings. He appeared at a time when leaders were not engaged in the community. He started to hold courts to settle disputes and addressed social grievances. He preached to the young Sikhs, encouraging them to return to the path of the Khalsa, to abstain from drugs and alcohol—? the two main practices which were badly affecting rural society in Punjab. As a social reformer, he denounced practices like the dowry and encouraged the reversal of the Green Revolution. These along with his remarkable ability as a preacher helped him gain enormous popularity. 

The Out-of-Control Genie

Bhindranwale was considered Congress’ masterstroke, however, as his popularity grew he started playing both Congress and Akali Dal against each other. And Congress soon realised that the genie it had unleashed refused to go back in its bottle.

Remember the Anandpur Sahib Resolution?

That resolution got revived in 1981 when Akali Dal and Bhindranwale came together. Akalis because they wanted to grab power from the Congress in Punjab and Bhindranwale because he was interested in the dominance of Sikhs in the state. Together they launched the ‘Dharam Yudh Morcha’.

Bhindranwale started directing his anger against the Centre regarding issues like Chandigarh’s inclusion into Punjab, distribution of river waters, etc. He believed that the Centre only served the interests of the Hindus. So he also started targeting Hindus in Punjab. He used offensive language against Hindus in his speeches.

He exhorted every Sikh to kill 32 Hindus to solve the Hindu-Sikh problem.
—?Khushwant Singh, author

He advised the Sikhs to acquire firearms to defend themselves. He also organised ‘killer squads’ in each village to eliminate the “enemies” of Sikhism. Violence in Punjab escalated with attacks on policemen and political figures becoming common. Many Hindus fled their homes due to fears of getting killed. Not only Hindus but Nirankari Sikhs were also being targeted by the followers of Bhindranwale as they were considered “fake Sikhs”. 

Why Hatred against Hindus?

Okay, but from where the Hindus came into the picture? Why did Bhindranwale target the Hindus? And what Hindu-Sikh problem?

The thing is that the very foundation of this separatist movement was that Sikhs have a separate identity and they are different, especially from the Hindus. And whenever the Sikhs of Punjab felt marginalised or discriminated against by the Centre, it was seen as the Hindu Government oppressing the Sikhs (Bharat being a Hindu-majority country).

Another reason was language. Although this should be a separate article in itself, still I’ll explain the thing in short. After the Punjab Reorganisation Act of 1966, Punjabi-speaking Hindus remained in Punjab. But many Hindus in Punjab started resonating more with the rest of the Hindi-speaking Hindu population of Northern Bharat rather than Punjabi-speaking people. Why did that happen? It was because, in the minds of many Hindus, ‘Punjabi Suba’ became “Sikh Suba” as there was a great emphasis on Punjab being the state of the Sikhs. And as Sikhs wished to be seen as separate, the Punjabi Hindus also got concerned about their identity.

Apart from this many Hindu organisations like RSS strongly believed in the idea of Hindi-Hindu-Hindustan. This was promoted aggressively and somehow it played well in Punjab. Lala Jagat Narain, the founder and editor of the Hindi newspaper Punjab Kesari, was a staunch opponent of the Punjabi Suba Movement and especially the Khalistan movement. Narain through his newspaper had urged Hindus in Punjab to disown Punjabi as their mother tongue. He was killed by the supporters of Bhindranwale in 1981 for writing against the Khalistan movement.

All such things played a significant role in encouraging the communal divide between Hindus and Sikhs in Punjab, and further added ghee to the fire of separatism in Punjab

Operation Blue Star and its Aftermath

Shaken by the scale of violence, President’s Rule was imposed in Punjab in 1983. Bhindranwale and his armed supporters had taken refuge at Akal Takht in the Harmandir Sahib complex (Golden Temple complex). He was being supported and accommodated by the Akali Dal.

After negotiations failed, Indira Gandhi rejected the Anandpur Sahib Resolution and armed forces were called upon to remove Bhindranwale and his supporters from the temple complex. On 1 June 1984, Operation Blue Star was launched and the fight continued for 10 days. At last, Bharatiya forces neutralised Bhindranwale and his supporters and gained control of the temple complex. This attack resulted in huge civilian and military casualties. And not just lives, the structure of the Akal Takht, the highest spiritual and political authority of the Sikhs, suffered heavy damage because of the attack.

The Sikh community all over the world was outraged by this action of the government. They felt that it was an attack on their holiest shrine, on their religion.

In the eyes of a simple Sikh farmer, the soldiers were invaders, and Bhindranwale and his supporters were protectors of their religious place.

4 months later on 31 October 1984, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her Sikh bodyguards. This, in turn, resulted in a violent organized massacre against the Sikhs all over the northern part of the country and especially in Delhi. Independent sources claimed 8,000-17,000 Sikhs were killed across the nation. More than 50,000 Sikhs fled their homes across northern Bharat to take refuge in Punjab which they not only saw as a safe haven but also a place they could call their own.

“Jab bhi koi bada ped girta hai, to dharti thodi hilti hai.
(When a big tree falls, the earth shakes.)”
Then PM Rajiv Gandhi justified the massacre at a public rally.

To our minds, the story ends here. But the real phase of militancy in Punjab started now.

Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale became a martyr in the minds of a large number of Sikhs. Bhindranwale did die but his ideas remained. Attacks by the Khalistani terrorists intensified both in the country and abroad. In 1985, Air India Flight 182 was bombed, killing 329 people. Former Chief of Army Staff, General Arun Shridhar Vaidya who led Operation Blue Star was assassinated in 1986. Punjab CM Beant Singh was assassinated by a suicide bomber in 1995. In March 1986, Khalistani terrorists again occupied the Golden Temple Complex which necessitated another action known as Operation Black Thunder. Several cases of mutinies by Sikh soldiers were also reported.

Due to several military and police actions, the Khalistan movement in the country became extremely weak by the mid-1990s. But it was through sustained political negotiations and peacebuilding policies that the government was able to gain the confidence of the people of Punjab.

Wait. There is no happy ending yet.

Many Khalistani leaders are still operating from foreign countries like the US, UK and Canada. And now it seems that these people got a representative within Bharat—? Amritpal Singh Sandhu

Amritpal Singh Sandhu

Amritpal is a 29-year-old guy who comes from Jallupur Khera village in the Amritsar district. In 2012 he went to Dubai. His social media shows him often taking up issues concerning Punjab but he never had much traction before 2019 when he came out in support of the farmers’ protest against the now-repealed Farm Laws. He became part of the protests, especially the strand of the movement associated with Deep Sidhu. Amritpal defended Deep Sidhu on social media, especially after the actor was arrested and most political parties and farmer groups shunned him following the 26 January 2021 Red Fort violence where Nishan Sahib was hoisted at the Red Fort.

Deep Sidhu started an organisation called ‘Waris Punjab De’ in September 2021. This organisation was originally floated as “a pressure group to protect and fight for rights of Punjab and raise social issues”. During the launch event in Chandigarh, Sidhu described it as an organisation that would “fight for the rights of Punjab against the Centre and raises voice whenever there will be any attack on the culture, language, social fabric and rights of Punjab”. Sidhu also added that his front would only support the party that talks of Punjab and its rights. Eventually, he supported the radical pro-Khalistan party SAD (Amritsar) of Simranjit Singh Mann and also campaigned for them ahead of the 2022 Punjab Assembly Elections.

After the sudden death of Deep Sidhu in a car crash in February 2022, a letter was published by ‘Waris Punjab De’ on 4 March 2022 declaring Amritpal Singh as the organisation's leader. Amritpal returned to Bharat from Dubai and became a baptised Sikh with long hair tucked into a blue turban, a long flowy beard, a steel bangle on his wrist and a kirpan hanging from his waist, looking very different from his old photos with trimmed hair and beard and no hint of the religious preacher’s look that he puts on now. In September 2022 he took over as the head of ‘Waris Punjab De’ and a ‘dastar bandi’ ceremony was held at Rode, the ancestral village of Bhindranwale. The ceremony was attended by thousands raising pro-Khalistan slogans.

Amritpal started tapping the followers of Deep Sidhu. He moved around Punjab, meeting several Sikh political and religious leaders and seeking their support. He also asked the young Sikhs to join the Khalsa.

Amritpal calls Bhindranwale his “inspiration”. He dresses like Bhindranwale and copies his mannerisms. Similar to Bhindranwale, he also preaches orthodox Sikhism. He has been travelling across the State, promoting ‘Khalsa Vaheer’— a traditional religious procession preaching Sikhism to youth and encouraging them to shun drugs.

He blames the Central government for the issues the Sikh community faces. He says that be it the farm laws, the water crisis in Punjab, the drug menace, migration of people from UP and Bihar into Punjab, arrest of political dissidents, and undermining of the Punjabi language are all part of a "silent genocide" of Sikhs.

Since his ‘dastar bandi’ Amritpal Singh has been calling for violence and urging secession and separatism, openly espousing the cause of Khalistan on all platforms. He also moves around with heavily armed Nihang Sikhs.

Interestingly, many within the pro-Khalistan sphere are a little distrustful of Amritpal Singh. This is mainly because the older guard understands the plot of state agencies and they don't trust new people easily.

But why is he getting so popular? There are two major reasons for that— Economic and Political. 

The economic condition of Punjab

While preparations were going on for the presentation of the National Budget of 2023, noted economists from Punjab urged the country’s Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman to take urgent steps to revive the growth momentum in the Punjab economy, as the State has transitioned over the years from being “debt-stressed” to “debt-trapped”.

In recent times, Punjab’s agricultural growth has been very slow. But Punjab still depends on agriculture which contributes to about a quarter of its GDP. Punjab had seen immense growth in its industrial sector in the past but since the Economic Liberalisation in 1991, the industrial growth has slowed down. According to the Economic Survey of 2021-2022, Punjab ranked among the worst in terms of unemployment.

The first thing that Punjab had to do was to promote free markets and competition, through which the private sector would grow, and offer well-paying jobs. But the politicians themselves became industrialists and marred competition in the state. Investors feared spending in Punjab due to this.
—?Lakhwinder Singh Gill, ex-professor at Punjabi University’s Khalsa college in Patiala.

The people of Punjab are not interested in doing low-paying industrial jobs, which is why industries rely on migrant workers from UP and Bihar. And due to this, many Punjabis look for employment opportunities in other states or even foreign countries.

However, despite the economy in tears, the state government has been making populist policies by promising freebies and making almost no fundamental changes to the existing structure of economic development.

What has Amritpal done regarding this?

He endorsed the concept, “Punjab is for the Punjabis” and jobs should be reserved for locals. He is encouraging the Punjabi Sikhs to join him and leave evils like alcohol and drugs, in return he would provide them with jobs and education. 

Political Vacuum in Punjab

The Punjabi society has been suffering from long-standing socio-economic crises like unemployment, drug addiction, and religious and political crises. A section of society has lost faith in the traditional political parties, like Akalis and Congress, to tackle these issues. And the biggest beneficiary of this vacuum has been AAP which swept to power with a record mandate in the 2022 Punjab Assembly Elections. However, now certain signs show that the people are not too happy even with the Aam Aadmi Party. Then there is a perception of the Bhagwant Mann government being controlled by AAP’s Delhi leadership.

Some loss of faith is visible in the fact that the protesters in the state are maintaining a distance from the political parties. Whether it is the protest against the Farm Laws or any other protest, political parties have not been welcomed anywhere.

“Politics is all about meeting the aspirations of the people. When it does not happen, people find ways to express themselves in one way or another. Amritpal’s rise reflects it.”
—? Baljit Balli, senior journalist and Editor of Babushahi.com

Because Punjab is suffering from deep political, social and economic crises, the extremist ideas of Amritpal are gaining some attention when he raises these concerns. Similar things also happened in the 1980s. 

Endnotes

At a time when the country is being branded as a "Hindu Rashtra", there is bound to be a sense of alienation in the other communities, they will feel sidelined. The same is the case when attempts are made for the imposition of Hindi. It creates fear and insecurity among various communities regarding their identity, language, culture, traditions, etc. Yes, Hinduism being the majority religion will reflect in various aspects of life in this country but overtly emphasising that ignoring the diversity of the country, gives way to demands like Khalistan.

What I’m not able to understand is why does the strongman-imaged Modi Government seem to be so casual about Amritpal’s prominence? There have been no overt signs of discomfort at his growing popularity.

How can a person who lived in Dubai for many years suddenly surface in Punjab and project himself as a leader of the entire Sikh masses, besides interpreting the Sikh history, culture and ethics in his own way?

People can’t be easily swayed by this sentiment since they have seen the past repercussions. Those days are still fresh in the minds of Punjabis, particularly Sikhs and the state’s political class.”
—? Manjit Singh, ex-professor of Sociology at Punjab University in Chandigarh.


Yes, it is right that drawing parallels with Bhindranwale may seem like fantasization at this stage, but to deny any similarity would be foolishness.

It was the afternoon of 23 February 2023, a contingent of Punjab Police, with lathis in their hands, was standing behind barricades outside the Ajnala Police Station in the Amritsar district of Punjab, facing a huge crowd, many armed with Kirpans. The crowd was also carrying the Guru Granth Sahib in a bus. And walking among this crowd, surrounded by armed men with rifles, was Amritpal Singh Sandhu, who is being seen as the new face of the resurging Khalistan demand in the country.

Within minutes, the crowd broke the barricades and using the bus as a shield soon attacked the police. Amritpal and his supporters occupied the police station for the next several hours and left only on the assurance that his aide, Lovepreet Singh would be released who was arrested on charges of kidnapping and assault.


This incident created big headlines in the media. The K-word surfaced everywhere. Equations started to be drawn between Amritpal Singh Sandhu and Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. It is being said that this is the repetition of the 1980s and is the resurgence of the Sikh separatist movement. 

But why are such demands surfacing again? And who is this guy— Amritpal Singh? To understand the current situation, we must have a look at the very roots of the Sikh separatist movement in the country. 

Militant Identity of the Sikhs

The idea of Khalistan started coming up in the 1920s but even before that Sikhs had developed a firmly militant identity due to persecution by the Mughals. The militancy was fostered, especially under Guru Gobind Singh who in 1699 established a special group called 'Khalsa'. Sikhs who chose to be baptised into the Khalsa dedicated themselves utterly to their faith. Guru Gobind Singh created and initiated the Khalsa as a warrior with a duty to protect the innocent from religious persecution.

Though not all Sikhs became baptised members of the Khalsa, Sikhism as a religious tradition generally accepts the legitimacy of violent resistance in the face of repression of faith. Sikh identity gradually became tied up with the Khalsa identity and its militancy

Before the Independence

In the early years of British rule in the country, Sikhs had proven their loyalty to the British, particularly as soldiers of the British Indian Army. But this loyalty started to wane away due to several things like the Rowlatt Act, Jallianwala Bagh Massacre, issues regarding separate electorates, etc. Several Sikh leaders wanted a separate Sikh State along the lines of Pakistan but that could not happen. Instead, Congress gave them assurances that after independence the political aspirations of the Sikhs would be honoured. 

Punjab Reorganisation Act, 1966

After the Constitution came into being, many Sikh groups claimed they were not granted the autonomy they had been promised. Thus, in the 1950s the 'Punjabi Suba Movement' started gaining momentum. Although the demand was for a state on a linguistic basis, it was seen to have religious overtones as the demand was mainly from the Sikhs in Punjab. The Central Government was not ready to create states on religious grounds, although, in 1966 it conceded to dividing Punjab on 'linguistic lines' into the Sikh-majority Punjabi-speaking Punjab and Hindu-majority Hindi-speaking Haryana. Chandigarh became a Union Territory and acted as the shared capital of the two states.

But this did not completely satisfy the demands of the Sikhs. Many didn't like the idea of sharing Chandigarh with Haryana and wanted Chandigarh to be completely a part of Punjab. Another problem was that some Punjabi-speaking districts went to Haryana and Himachal Pradesh, they wanted those too to be included in Punjab. 

Sikhs not “Hindus”

Another major contention was that the Constitution included Sikhs under the definition of “Hindus”. This was a major reason why when the Constitution came into being, Shiromani Akali Dal rejected it. It is because Sikhs have often been seen as a part of the larger umbrella of Hinduism. But the Sikhs feel that they are a separate religion and not just a category of Hindus. They do have various similarities with Hinduism but that does not make them Hindus.

The same thing happened when the Hindu Code Bills were brought in the 1950s. There too, Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains were included under the definition of “Hindus” and these laws also governed the people of those three religions. 

Anandpur Sahib Resolution

In Punjab politics, there were two major parties tussling for power—? Shiromani Akali Dal and the Congress party. The dilemma for the Akalis was that despite being a strong advocate of the Sikh culture and religion, they never enjoyed the full support of the Sikhs. Its rival, Congress, had been more effective in state politics. Concerned with their declining popularity and lack of unity within the party, the Akali Dal came up with the Anandpur Sahib Resolution in 1973. This declaration addressed the economic concerns of Punjab along with the religious and ethnic demands of the Sikhs. This resolution was not secessionist in content but called for greater autonomy for Punjab. There were 3 major demands in this resolution—?

  1. Chandigarh should not act as a shared capital of Haryana and Punjab and should be returned to Punjab.
  1. The resolution demanded that Punjab to be an autonomous state. The Central government would be restricted to the management of foreign policy, defense, currency and communications. All other subjects would be under the jurisdiction of the state government. 
  1. The resolution demanded redistribution of the waters of the Ravi, Beas and Sutlej rivers in the favour of Punjab. (I’ll talk about this later in the article)


This resolution didn’t play any important role initially and was forgotten but would later go on to become the foundation of Akali Dal’s future agenda as well as for Sikh separatism.

On the other hand, Congress under Indira Gandhi played a major role in undermining the Akali Dal. Indira adopted a highly authoritarian approach and centralised power in centralized The Emergency created anti-Congress and anti-Centre sentiments in Punjab. In 1980 nine states whose governments were unfavorable to Indira were placed under President’s Rule. Punjab was one of those states where the Akali Dal-Jana Sangh government was dismissed. 

Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale

It is believed that in order to split the Akali Dal’s vote bank, Congress in the late 1970s started cultivating the religious leader Jarnail Singh Bindranwale as an alternative. Bhindranwale was the leader of a prominent orthodox Sikh institution—? Damdami Taksal. He sought to promote the conservative aspects of Sikhism and emphasised the stringent following of religious doctrines. But why Jarnail Singh? What was special in him that Congress felt he could be helpful? The answer is his immense popularity. 

Green Revolution

In the 1960s the Green Revolution was introduced, resulting in a great increase in the production of food grains and Punjab was its biggest beneficiary leading to great prosperity in the state—? this is what we've been generally taught. But there’s a darker side to it too.

The Green Revolution was successful initially because of government subsidies and support prices. However, this could not continue indefinitely and with the rising cost of fertilizers and pesticides, small farmers were the worst hit. Also, the increase in productivity could not be sustained because the new varieties created new ecological problems by reducing genetic diversity and affecting soil and water systems.

And whatever gains Punjab earned from the Green Revolution weren’t distributed equally among various sections and regions of the state. This led to the growing numbers of marginalised poor peasants, who could neither reap the benefits of the land nor find employment in the industrial sector because the industries in the state remained underdeveloped. 

River Water Dispute

Punjab had a long grievance against the Central government regarding the distribution of water from the Ravi, Sutlej and Beas rivers. The three rivers flowed through Punjab but through an elaborate canal system water was being diverted to drier areas of Haryana and Rajasthan. In the wake of the Punjab Reorganisation Act of 1966, the Centre decided that Punjab would get only 23% of the water and the rest would go to states like Rajasthan and Haryana. This was felt as unfair and instilled a sense that the Central government is having discriminating tendencies against the Sikhs. 

Such factors added to the deepening sense of alienation and growth of separatist sentiments among the Sikhs. And at this very time, Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale started gaining popularity. His popularity grew especially among the poor farmers of Punjab’s rural areas. These poor people had lost all hope in the political class, who were mainly big landlords, and they felt more connected with Bhindranwale, who was from a small farmer family. They saw in him their leader who could be their voice.

In the late 1970s and early 1980s, he toured across Punjab to spread his teachings. He appeared at a time when leaders were not engaged in the community. He started to hold courts to settle disputes and addressed social grievances. He preached to the young Sikhs, encouraging them to return to the path of the Khalsa, to abstain from drugs and alcohol—? the two main practices which were badly affecting rural society in Punjab. As a social reformer, he denounced practices like the dowry and encouraged the reversal of the Green Revolution. These along with his remarkable ability as a preacher helped him gain enormous popularity. 

The Out-of-Control Genie

Bhindranwale was considered Congress’ masterstroke, however, as his popularity grew he started playing both Congress and Akali Dal against each other. And Congress soon realised that the genie it had unleashed refused to go back in its bottle.

Remember the Anandpur Sahib Resolution?

That resolution got revived in 1981 when Akali Dal and Bhindranwale came together. Akalis because they wanted to grab power from the Congress in Punjab and Bhindranwale because he was interested in the dominance of Sikhs in the state. Together they launched the ‘Dharam Yudh Morcha’.

Bhindranwale started directing his anger against the Centre regarding issues like Chandigarh’s inclusion into Punjab, distribution of river waters, etc. He believed that the Centre only served the interests of the Hindus. So he also started targeting Hindus in Punjab. He used offensive language against Hindus in his speeches.

He exhorted every Sikh to kill 32 Hindus to solve the Hindu-Sikh problem.
—?Khushwant Singh, author

He advised the Sikhs to acquire firearms to defend themselves. He also organised ‘killer squads’ in each village to eliminate the “enemies” of Sikhism. Violence in Punjab escalated with attacks on policemen and political figures becoming common. Many Hindus fled their homes due to fears of getting killed. Not only Hindus but Nirankari Sikhs were also being targeted by the followers of Bhindranwale as they were considered “fake Sikhs”. 

Why Hatred against Hindus?

Okay, but from where the Hindus came into the picture? Why did Bhindranwale target the Hindus? And what Hindu-Sikh problem?

The thing is that the very foundation of this separatist movement was that Sikhs have a separate identity and they are different, especially from the Hindus. And whenever the Sikhs of Punjab felt marginalised or discriminated against by the Centre, it was seen as the Hindu Government oppressing the Sikhs (Bharat being a Hindu-majority country).

Another reason was language. Although this should be a separate article in itself, still I’ll explain the thing in short. After the Punjab Reorganisation Act of 1966, Punjabi-speaking Hindus remained in Punjab. But many Hindus in Punjab started resonating more with the rest of the Hindi-speaking Hindu population of Northern Bharat rather than Punjabi-speaking people. Why did that happen? It was because, in the minds of many Hindus, ‘Punjabi Suba’ became “Sikh Suba” as there was a great emphasis on Punjab being the state of the Sikhs. And as Sikhs wished to be seen as separate, the Punjabi Hindus also got concerned about their identity.

Apart from this many Hindu organisations like RSS strongly believed in the idea of Hindi-Hindu-Hindustan. This was promoted aggressively and somehow it played well in Punjab. Lala Jagat Narain, the founder and editor of the Hindi newspaper Punjab Kesari, was a staunch opponent of the Punjabi Suba Movement and especially the Khalistan movement. Narain through his newspaper had urged Hindus in Punjab to disown Punjabi as their mother tongue. He was killed by the supporters of Bhindranwale in 1981 for writing against the Khalistan movement.

All such things played a significant role in encouraging the communal divide between Hindus and Sikhs in Punjab, and further added ghee to the fire of separatism in Punjab

Operation Blue Star and its aftermath

Shaken by the scale of violence, President’s Rule was imposed in Punjab in 1983. Bhindranwale and his armed supporters had taken refuge at Akal Takht in the Harmandir Sahib complex (Golden Temple complex). He was being supported and accommodated by the Akali Dal.

After negotiations failed, Indira Gandhi rejected the Anandpur Sahib Resolution and armed forces were called upon to remove Bhindranwale and his supporters from the temple complex. On 1 June 1984, Operation Blue Star was launched and the fight continued for 10 days. At last, Bharatiya forces neutralised Bhindranwale and his supporters and gained control of the temple complex. This attack resulted in huge civilian and military casualties. And not just lives, the structure of the Akal Takht, the highest spiritual and political authority of the Sikhs, suffered heavy damage because of the attack.

The Sikh community all over the world was outraged by this action of the government. They felt that it was an attack on their holiest shrine, on their religion.

In the eyes of a simple Sikh farmer, the soldiers were invaders, and Bhindranwale and his supporters protectors of their religious place.

4 months later on 31 October 1984, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her Sikh bodyguards. This in turn resulted in a violent organised massacre against the Sikhs all over the northern part of the country and especially in Delhi. Independent sources claimed 8,000-17,000 Sikhs were killed across the nation. More than 50,000 Sikhs fled their homes across northern Bharat to take refuge in Punjab which they not only saw as a safe haven but also a place they could call their own.

“Jab bhi koi bada ped girta hai, to dharti thodi hilti hai.
(When a big tree falls, the earth shakes.)”
—then PM Rajiv Gandhi justified the massacre at a public rally.

To our minds, the story ends here. But the real phase of militancy in Punjab started now.

Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale became a martyr in the minds of a large number of Sikhs. Bhindranwale did die but his ideas remained. Attacks by the Khalistani terrorists intensified both in the country and abroad. In 1985, Air India Flight 182 was bombed, killing 329 people. Former Chief of Army Staff, General Arun Shridhar Vaidya who led Operation Blue Star was assassinated in 1986. Punjab CM Beant Singh was assassinated by a suicide bomber in 1995. In March 1986, Khalistani terrorists again occupied the Golden Temple Complex which necessitated another action known as Operation Black Thunder. Several cases of mutinies by Sikh soldiers were also reported.

Due to several military and police actions, the Khalistan movement in the country became extremely weak by the mid-1990s. But it was through sustained political negotiations and peacebuilding policies that the government was able to gain the confidence of the people of Punjab.

Wait. There is no happy ending yet.

Many Khalistani leaders are still operating from foreign countries like the US, UK and Canada. And now it seems that these people got a representative within Bharat, Amritpal Singh Sandhu

Amritpal Singh Sandhu

Amritpal is a 29-year-old guy who comes from Jallupur Khera village in the Amritsar district. In 2012 he went to Dubai. His social media shows him often taking up issues concerning Punjab but he never had much traction before 2019 when he came out in support of the farmers’ protest against the now-repealed Farm Laws. He became part of the protests, especially the strand of the movement associated with Deep Sidhu. Amritpal defended Deep Sidhu on social media, especially after the actor was arrested and most political parties and farmer groups shunned him following the 26 January 2021 Red Fort violence where Nishan Sahib was hoisted at the Red Fort.

Deep Sidhu started an organisation called ‘Waris Punjab De’ in September 2021. This organisation was originally floated as “a pressure group to protect and fight for rights of Punjab and raise social issues”. During the launch event in Chandigarh, Sidhu described it as an organisation that would “fight for the rights of Punjab against the Centre and raises voice whenever there will be any attack on the culture, language, social fabric and rights of Punjab”. Sidhu also added that his front would only support the party that talks of Punjab and its rights. Eventually, he supported the radical pro-Khalistan party SAD (Amritsar) of Simranjit Singh Mann and also campaigned for them ahead of the 2022 Punjab Assembly Elections.

After the sudden death of Deep Sidhu in a car crash in February 2022, a letter was published by ‘Waris Punjab De’ on 4 March 2022 declaring Amritpal Singh as the organisation's leader. Amritpal returned to Bharat from Dubai and became a baptised Sikh with long hair tucked into a blue turban, a long flowy beard, a steel bangle on his wrist and a kirpan hanging from his waist, looking very different from his old photos with trimmed hair and beard and no hint of the religious preacher’s look that he puts on now. In September 2022 he took over as the head of ‘Waris Punjab De’ and a ‘dastar bandi’ ceremony was held at Rode, the ancestral village of Bhindranwale. The ceremony was attended by thousands raising pro-Khalistan slogans.

Amritpal started tapping the followers of Deep Sidhu. He moved around Punjab, meeting several Sikh political and religious leaders and seeking their support. He also asked the young Sikhs to join the Khalsa.

Amritpal calls Bhindranwale his “inspiration”. He dresses like Bhindranwale and copies his mannerisms. Similar to Bhindranwale, he also preaches orthodox Sikhism. He has been travelling across the State, promoting ‘Khalsa Vaheer’— a traditional religious procession preaching Sikhism to youth and encouraging them to shun drugs.

He blames the Central government for the issues the Sikh community faces. He says that be it the farm laws, the water crisis in Punjab, the drug menace, migration of people from UP and Bihar into Punjab, arrest of political dissidents, and undermining of the Punjabi language is all part of a "silent genocide" of Sikhs.

Since his ‘dastar bandi’ Amritpal Singh has been calling for violence and urging secession and separatism, openly espousing the cause of Khalistan on all platforms. He also moves around with heavily armed Nihang Sikhs.

Interestingly, many within the pro-Khalistan sphere are a little distrustful of Amritpal Singh. This is mainly because the older guard understands the plot of state agencies and they don't trust new people easily.

But why is he getting so popular? There are two major reasons for that— Economic and Political. 

The economic condition of Punjab

While preparations were going on for the presentation of the National Budget of 2023, noted economists from Punjab urged the country’s Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman to take urgent steps to revive the growth momentum in the Punjab economy, as the State has transitioned over the years from being “debt-stressed” to “debt-trapped”.

In recent times, Punjab’s agricultural growth has been very slow. But Punjab still depends on agriculture which contributes to about a quarter of its GDP. Punjab had seen immense growth in its industrial sector in the past but since the Economic Liberalisation in 1991, the industrial growth has slowed down. According to the Economic Survey of 2021-2022, Punjab ranked among the worst in terms of unemployment.

The first thing that Punjab had to do was to promote free markets and competition, through which the private sector would grow, offer well-paying jobs. But the politicians themselves became industrialists and marred competition in the state. Investors feared spending in Punjab due to this.
—?Lakhwinder Singh Gill, ex-professor at Punjabi University’s Khalsa college in Patiala.

The people of Punjab are not interested in doing low-paying industrial jobs, which is why industries rely on migrant workers from UP and Bihar. And due to this, many Punjabis look for employment opportunities in other states or even foreign countries.

However, despite the economy in tears, the state government has been making populist policies by promising freebies and making almost no fundamental changes to the existing structure of economic development.

What has Amritpal done regarding this?

He endorsed the concept—? “Punjab is for the Punjabis” and jobs should be reserved for locals. He is encouraging the Punjabi Sikhs to join him and leave evils like alcohol and drugs, in return he would provide them with jobs and education. 

Political Vacuum in Punjab

The Punjabi society has been suffering from long-standing socio-economic crises like unemployment, drug addiction, and religious and political crises. A section of the society has lost faith in the traditional political parties, like Akalis and Congress, to tackle these issues. And the biggest beneficiary of this vacuum has been AAP which swept to power with a record mandate in the 2022 Punjab Assembly Elections. However, now certain signs show that the people are not too happy even with the Aam Aadmi Party. Then there is a perception of the Bhagwant Mann government being controlled by AAP’s Delhi leadership.

Some loss of faith is visible by the fact that the protesters in the state are maintaining a distance from the political parties. Whether it is the protest against the Farm Laws or any other protest, political parties have not been welcomed anywhere.

“Politics is all about meeting the aspirations of the people. When it does not happen, people find ways to express themselves in one way or another. Amritpal’s rise reflects it.”
— Baljit Balli, senior journalist and Editor of Babushahi.com

Because Punjab is suffering from deep political, social and economic crises, the extremist ideas of Amritpal are gaining some attention when he raises these concerns. Similar things also happened in the 1980s. 

Endnotes

At a time when the country is being branded as a "Hindu Rashtra", there is bound to be a sense of alienation in the other communities, they will feel sidelined. The same is the case when attempts are made for the imposition of Hindi. It creates fear and insecurity among various communities regarding their identity, language, culture, traditions, etc. Yes, Hinduism being the majority religion will reflect in various aspects of life in this country but overtly emphasising that ignoring the diversity of the country, gives way to demands like Khalistan.

What I’m not able to understand is why does the strongman-imaged Modi Government seem to be so casual about Amritpal’s prominence? There have been no overt signs of discomfort at his growing popularity.

How can a person who lived in Dubai for many years suddenly surface in Punjab and project himself as a leader of the entire Sikh masses, besides interpreting the Sikh history, culture and ethics in his own way?

People can’t be easily swayed by this sentiment since they have seen the past repercussions. Those days are still fresh in the minds of Punjabis, particularly Sikhs and the state’s political class.”
— Manjit Singh, ex-professor of Sociology at Punjab University in Chandigarh.

Yes, it is right that drawing parallels with Bhindranwale may seem like fantasization at this stage, but to deny any similarity would be foolishness.

The writer's views are personal, editorial support the views hence it is published.  

"Dispelling the Khalistan Myth: Examining the Unrealistic Aspirations"

It was the afternoon of 23 February 2023, a contingent of Punjab Police, with lathis in their hands, was standing behind barricades outside the Ajnala Police Station in the Amritsar district of Punjab, facing a huge crowd, many armed with Kirpans. The crowd was also carrying the Guru Granth Sahib in a bus. And walking among this crowd, surrounded by armed men with rifles, was Amritpal Singh Sandhu, who is being seen as the new face of the resurging Khalistan demand in the country.

Within minutes, the crowd broke the barricades and using the bus as a shield soon attacked the police. Amritpal and his supporters occupied the police station for the next several hours and left only on the assurance that his aide, Lovepreet Singh would be released who was arrested on charges of kidnapping and assault.

This incident created big headlines in the media. The K-word surfaced everywhere. Equations started to be drawn between Amritpal Singh Sandhu and Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. It is being said that this is the repetition of the 1980s and is the resurgence of the Sikh separatist movement. 

But why are such demands surfacing again? And who is this guy— Amritpal Singh? To understand the current situation, we must have a look at the very roots of the Sikh separatist movement in the country. 

Militant Identity of the Sikhs

The idea of Khalistan started coming up in the 1920s but even before that Sikhs had developed a firmly militant identity due to persecution by the Mughals. The militancy was fostered, especially under Guru Gobind Singh who in 1699 established a special group called 'Khalsa'. Sikhs who chose to be baptised into the Khalsa dedicated themselves utterly to their faith. Guru Gobind Singh created and initiated the Khalsa as a warrior with a duty to protect the innocent from religious persecution.

Though not all Sikhs became baptised members of the Khalsa, Sikhism as a religious tradition generally accepts the legitimacy of violent resistance in the face of repression of faith. Sikh identity gradually became tied up with the Khalsa identity and its militancy

Before the Independence

In the early years of British rule in the country, Sikhs had proven their loyalty to the British, particularly as soldiers of the British Indian Army. But this loyalty started to wane away due to several things like the Rowlatt Act, Jallianwala Bagh Massacre, issues regarding separate electorates, etc. Several Sikh leaders wanted a separate Sikh State along the lines of Pakistan but that could not happen. Instead, Congress gave them assurances that after independence the political aspirations of the Sikhs would be honoured. 

Punjab Reorganisation Act, 1966

After the Constitution came into being, many Sikh groups claimed they were not granted the autonomy they had been promised. Thus, in the 1950s the 'Punjabi Suba Movement' started gaining momentum. Although the demand was for a state on a linguistic basis, it was seen to have religious overtones as the demand was mainly from the Sikhs in Punjab. The Central Government was not ready to create states on religious grounds, although, in 1966 it conceded to dividing Punjab on 'linguistic lines' into the Sikh-majority Punjabi-speaking Punjab and Hindu-majority Hindi-speaking Haryana. Chandigarh became a Union Territory and acted as the shared capital of the two states.

But this did not completely satisfy the demands of the Sikhs. Many didn't like the idea of sharing Chandigarh with Haryana and wanted Chandigarh to be completely a part of Punjab. Another problem was that some Punjabi-speaking districts went to Haryana and Himachal Pradesh, they wanted those too to be included in Punjab. 

Sikhs not “Hindus”

Another major contention was that the Constitution included Sikhs under the definition of “Hindus”. This was a major reason why when the Constitution came into being, Shiromani Akali Dal rejected it. It is because Sikhs have often been seen as a part of the larger umbrella of Hinduism. But the Sikhs feel that they are a separate religion and not just a category of Hindus. They do have various similarities with Hinduism but that does not make them Hindus.

The same thing happened when the Hindu Code Bills were brought in the 1950s. There too, Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains were included under the definition of “Hindus” and these laws also governed the people of those three religions. 

Anandpur Sahib Resolution

In Punjab politics, there were two major parties tussling for power—? Shiromani Akali Dal and the Congress party. The dilemma for the Akalis was that despite being a strong advocate of the Sikh culture and religion, they never enjoyed the full support of the Sikhs. Its rival, Congress, had been more effective in state politics. Concerned with their declining popularity and lack of unity within the party, the Akali Dal came up with the Anandpur Sahib Resolution in 1973. This declaration addressed the economic concerns of Punjab along with the religious and ethnic demands of the Sikhs. This resolution was not secessionist in content but called for greater autonomy for Punjab. There were 3 major demands in this resolution—?

  1. Chandigarh should not act as a shared capital of Haryana and Punjab and should be returned to Punjab.
  1. The resolution demanded that Punjab be an autonomous state. The Central government would be restricted to the management of foreign policy, defense, currency and communications. All other subjects would be under the jurisdiction of the state government. 
  1. The resolution demanded redistribution of the waters of the Ravi, Beas and Sutlej rivers in the favour of Punjab. (I’ll talk about this later in the article)


This resolution didn’t play any important role initially and was forgotten but would later go on to become the foundation of Akali Dal’s future agenda as well as for Sikh separatism.

On the other hand, Congress under Indira Gandhi played a major role in undermining the Akali Dal. Indira adopted a highly authoritarian approach and centralised power in the country. The Emergency created anti-Congress and anti-Centre sentiments in Punjab. In 1980 nine states whose governments were unfavorable to Indira were placed under President’s Rule. Punjab was one of those states where the Akali Dal-Jana Sangh government was dismissed. 

Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale

It is believed that in order to split the Akali Dal’s vote bank, Congress in the late 1970s started cultivating the religious leader Jarnail Singh Bindranwale as an alternative. Bhindranwale was the leader of a prominent orthodox Sikh institution—? Damdami Taksal. He sought to promote the conservative aspects of Sikhism and emphasised the stringent following of religious doctrines. But why Jarnail Singh? What was special in him that Congress felt he could be helpful? The answer is his immense popularity. 

Green Revolution

In the 1960s the Green Revolution was introduced, resulting in a great increase in the production of food grains and Punjab was its biggest beneficiary leading to great prosperity in the state—? this is what we've been generally taught. But there’s a darker side to it too.

The Green Revolution was successful initially because of government subsidies and support prices. However, this could not continue indefinitely and with the rising cost of fertilizers and pesticides, small farmers were the worst hit. Also, the increase in productivity could not be sustained because the new varieties created new ecological problems by reducing genetic diversity and affecting soil and water systems.

And whatever gains Punjab earned from the Green Revolution weren’t distributed equally among various sections and regions of the state. This led to the growing numbers of marginalised poor peasants, who could neither reap the benefits of the land nor find employment in the industrial sector because the industries in the state remained underdeveloped. 

River Water Dispute

Punjab had a long grievance against the Central government regarding the distribution of water from the Ravi, Sutlej and Beas rivers. The three rivers flowed through Punjab but through an elaborate canal system water was being diverted to drier areas of Haryana and Rajasthan. In the wake of the Punjab Reorganisation Act of 1966, the Centre decided that Punjab would get only 23% of the water and the rest would go to states like Rajasthan and Haryana. This was felt as unfair and instilled a sense that the Central government is having discriminating tendencies against the Sikhs. 

Such factors added to the deepening sense of alienation and growth of separatist sentiments among the Sikhs. And at this very time, Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale started gaining popularity. His popularity grew especially among the poor farmers of Punjab’s rural areas. These poor people had lost all hope in the political class, who were mainly big landlords, and they felt more connected with Bhindranwale, who was from a small farmer family. They saw in him their leader who could be their voice.

In the late 1970s and early 1980s, he toured across Punjab to spread his teachings. He appeared at a time when leaders were not engaged in the community. He started to hold courts to settle disputes and addressed social grievances. He preached to the young Sikhs, encouraging them to return to the path of the Khalsa, to abstain from drugs and alcohol—? the two main practices which were badly affecting rural society in Punjab. As a social reformer, he denounced practices like the dowry and encouraged the reversal of the Green Revolution. These along with his remarkable ability as a preacher helped him gain enormous popularity. 

The Out-of-Control Genie

Bhindranwale was considered Congress’ masterstroke, however, as his popularity grew he started playing both Congress and Akali Dal against each other. And Congress soon realised that the genie it had unleashed refused to go back in its bottle.

Remember the Anandpur Sahib Resolution?

That resolution got revived in 1981 when Akali Dal and Bhindranwale came together. Akalis because they wanted to grab power from the Congress in Punjab and Bhindranwale because he was interested in the dominance of Sikhs in the state. Together they launched the ‘Dharam Yudh Morcha’.

Bhindranwale started directing his anger against the Centre regarding issues like Chandigarh’s inclusion into Punjab, distribution of river waters, etc. He believed that the Centre only served the interests of the Hindus. So he also started targeting Hindus in Punjab. He used offensive language against Hindus in his speeches.

He exhorted every Sikh to kill 32 Hindus to solve the Hindu-Sikh problem.
—?Khushwant Singh, author

He advised the Sikhs to acquire firearms to defend themselves. He also organised ‘killer squads’ in each village to eliminate the “enemies” of Sikhism. Violence in Punjab escalated with attacks on policemen and political figures becoming common. Many Hindus fled their homes due to fears of getting killed. Not only Hindus but Nirankari Sikhs were also being targeted by the followers of Bhindranwale as they were considered “fake Sikhs”. 

Why Hatred against Hindus?

Okay, but from where the Hindus came into the picture? Why did Bhindranwale target the Hindus? And what Hindu-Sikh problem?

The thing is that the very foundation of this separatist movement was that Sikhs have a separate identity and they are different, especially from the Hindus. And whenever the Sikhs of Punjab felt marginalised or discriminated against by the Centre, it was seen as the Hindu Government oppressing the Sikhs (Bharat being a Hindu-majority country).

Another reason was language. Although this should be a separate article in itself, still I’ll explain the thing in short. After the Punjab Reorganisation Act of 1966, Punjabi-speaking Hindus remained in Punjab. But many Hindus in Punjab started resonating more with the rest of the Hindi-speaking Hindu population of Northern Bharat rather than Punjabi-speaking people. Why did that happen? It was because, in the minds of many Hindus, ‘Punjabi Suba’ became “Sikh Suba” as there was a great emphasis on Punjab being the state of the Sikhs. And as Sikhs wished to be seen as separate, the Punjabi Hindus also got concerned about their identity.

Apart from this many Hindu organisations like RSS strongly believed in the idea of Hindi-Hindu-Hindustan. This was promoted aggressively and somehow it played well in Punjab. Lala Jagat Narain, the founder and editor of the Hindi newspaper Punjab Kesari, was a staunch opponent of the Punjabi Suba Movement and especially the Khalistan movement. Narain through his newspaper had urged Hindus in Punjab to disown Punjabi as their mother tongue. He was killed by the supporters of Bhindranwale in 1981 for writing against the Khalistan movement.

All such things played a significant role in encouraging the communal divide between Hindus and Sikhs in Punjab, and further added ghee to the fire of separatism in Punjab

Operation Blue Star and its Aftermath

Shaken by the scale of violence, President’s Rule was imposed in Punjab in 1983. Bhindranwale and his armed supporters had taken refuge at Akal Takht in the Harmandir Sahib complex (Golden Temple complex). He was being supported and accommodated by the Akali Dal.

After negotiations failed, Indira Gandhi rejected the Anandpur Sahib Resolution and armed forces were called upon to remove Bhindranwale and his supporters from the temple complex. On 1 June 1984, Operation Blue Star was launched and the fight continued for 10 days. At last, Bharatiya forces neutralised Bhindranwale and his supporters and gained control of the temple complex. This attack resulted in huge civilian and military casualties. And not just lives, the structure of the Akal Takht, the highest spiritual and political authority of the Sikhs, suffered heavy damage because of the attack.

The Sikh community all over the world was outraged by this action of the government. They felt that it was an attack on their holiest shrine, on their religion.

In the eyes of a simple Sikh farmer, the soldiers were invaders, and Bhindranwale and his supporters were protectors of their religious place.

4 months later on 31 October 1984, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her Sikh bodyguards. This, in turn, resulted in a violent organized massacre against the Sikhs all over the northern part of the country and especially in Delhi. Independent sources claimed 8,000-17,000 Sikhs were killed across the nation. More than 50,000 Sikhs fled their homes across northern Bharat to take refuge in Punjab which they not only saw as a safe haven but also a place they could call their own.

“Jab bhi koi bada ped girta hai, to dharti thodi hilti hai.
(When a big tree falls, the earth shakes.)”
Then PM Rajiv Gandhi justified the massacre at a public rally.

To our minds, the story ends here. But the real phase of militancy in Punjab started now.

Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale became a martyr in the minds of a large number of Sikhs. Bhindranwale did die but his ideas remained. Attacks by the Khalistani terrorists intensified both in the country and abroad. In 1985, Air India Flight 182 was bombed, killing 329 people. Former Chief of Army Staff, General Arun Shridhar Vaidya who led Operation Blue Star was assassinated in 1986. Punjab CM Beant Singh was assassinated by a suicide bomber in 1995. In March 1986, Khalistani terrorists again occupied the Golden Temple Complex which necessitated another action known as Operation Black Thunder. Several cases of mutinies by Sikh soldiers were also reported.

Due to several military and police actions, the Khalistan movement in the country became extremely weak by the mid-1990s. But it was through sustained political negotiations and peacebuilding policies that the government was able to gain the confidence of the people of Punjab.

Wait. There is no happy ending yet.

Many Khalistani leaders are still operating from foreign countries like the US, UK and Canada. And now it seems that these people got a representative within Bharat—? Amritpal Singh Sandhu

Amritpal Singh Sandhu

Amritpal is a 29-year-old guy who comes from Jallupur Khera village in the Amritsar district. In 2012 he went to Dubai. His social media shows him often taking up issues concerning Punjab but he never had much traction before 2019 when he came out in support of the farmers’ protest against the now-repealed Farm Laws. He became part of the protests, especially the strand of the movement associated with Deep Sidhu. Amritpal defended Deep Sidhu on social media, especially after the actor was arrested and most political parties and farmer groups shunned him following the 26 January 2021 Red Fort violence where Nishan Sahib was hoisted at the Red Fort.

Deep Sidhu started an organisation called ‘Waris Punjab De’ in September 2021. This organisation was originally floated as “a pressure group to protect and fight for rights of Punjab and raise social issues”. During the launch event in Chandigarh, Sidhu described it as an organisation that would “fight for the rights of Punjab against the Centre and raises voice whenever there will be any attack on the culture, language, social fabric and rights of Punjab”. Sidhu also added that his front would only support the party that talks of Punjab and its rights. Eventually, he supported the radical pro-Khalistan party SAD (Amritsar) of Simranjit Singh Mann and also campaigned for them ahead of the 2022 Punjab Assembly Elections.

After the sudden death of Deep Sidhu in a car crash in February 2022, a letter was published by ‘Waris Punjab De’ on 4 March 2022 declaring Amritpal Singh as the organisation's leader. Amritpal returned to Bharat from Dubai and became a baptised Sikh with long hair tucked into a blue turban, a long flowy beard, a steel bangle on his wrist and a kirpan hanging from his waist, looking very different from his old photos with trimmed hair and beard and no hint of the religious preacher’s look that he puts on now. In September 2022 he took over as the head of ‘Waris Punjab De’ and a ‘dastar bandi’ ceremony was held at Rode, the ancestral village of Bhindranwale. The ceremony was attended by thousands raising pro-Khalistan slogans.

Amritpal started tapping the followers of Deep Sidhu. He moved around Punjab, meeting several Sikh political and religious leaders and seeking their support. He also asked the young Sikhs to join the Khalsa.

Amritpal calls Bhindranwale his “inspiration”. He dresses like Bhindranwale and copies his mannerisms. Similar to Bhindranwale, he also preaches orthodox Sikhism. He has been travelling across the State, promoting ‘Khalsa Vaheer’— a traditional religious procession preaching Sikhism to youth and encouraging them to shun drugs.

He blames the Central government for the issues the Sikh community faces. He says that be it the farm laws, the water crisis in Punjab, the drug menace, migration of people from UP and Bihar into Punjab, arrest of political dissidents, and undermining of the Punjabi language are all part of a "silent genocide" of Sikhs.

Since his ‘dastar bandi’ Amritpal Singh has been calling for violence and urging secession and separatism, openly espousing the cause of Khalistan on all platforms. He also moves around with heavily armed Nihang Sikhs.

Interestingly, many within the pro-Khalistan sphere are a little distrustful of Amritpal Singh. This is mainly because the older guard understands the plot of state agencies and they don't trust new people easily.

But why is he getting so popular? There are two major reasons for that— Economic and Political. 

The economic condition of Punjab

While preparations were going on for the presentation of the National Budget of 2023, noted economists from Punjab urged the country’s Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman to take urgent steps to revive the growth momentum in the Punjab economy, as the State has transitioned over the years from being “debt-stressed” to “debt-trapped”.

In recent times, Punjab’s agricultural growth has been very slow. But Punjab still depends on agriculture which contributes to about a quarter of its GDP. Punjab had seen immense growth in its industrial sector in the past but since the Economic Liberalisation in 1991, the industrial growth has slowed down. According to the Economic Survey of 2021-2022, Punjab ranked among the worst in terms of unemployment.

The first thing that Punjab had to do was to promote free markets and competition, through which the private sector would grow, and offer well-paying jobs. But the politicians themselves became industrialists and marred competition in the state. Investors feared spending in Punjab due to this.
—?Lakhwinder Singh Gill, ex-professor at Punjabi University’s Khalsa college in Patiala.

The people of Punjab are not interested in doing low-paying industrial jobs, which is why industries rely on migrant workers from UP and Bihar. And due to this, many Punjabis look for employment opportunities in other states or even foreign countries.

However, despite the economy in tears, the state government has been making populist policies by promising freebies and making almost no fundamental changes to the existing structure of economic development.

What has Amritpal done regarding this?

He endorsed the concept, “Punjab is for the Punjabis” and jobs should be reserved for locals. He is encouraging the Punjabi Sikhs to join him and leave evils like alcohol and drugs, in return he would provide them with jobs and education. 

Political Vacuum in Punjab

The Punjabi society has been suffering from long-standing socio-economic crises like unemployment, drug addiction, and religious and political crises. A section of society has lost faith in the traditional political parties, like Akalis and Congress, to tackle these issues. And the biggest beneficiary of this vacuum has been AAP which swept to power with a record mandate in the 2022 Punjab Assembly Elections. However, now certain signs show that the people are not too happy even with the Aam Aadmi Party. Then there is a perception of the Bhagwant Mann government being controlled by AAP’s Delhi leadership.

Some loss of faith is visible in the fact that the protesters in the state are maintaining a distance from the political parties. Whether it is the protest against the Farm Laws or any other protest, political parties have not been welcomed anywhere.

“Politics is all about meeting the aspirations of the people. When it does not happen, people find ways to express themselves in one way or another. Amritpal’s rise reflects it.”
—? Baljit Balli, senior journalist and Editor of Babushahi.com

Because Punjab is suffering from deep political, social and economic crises, the extremist ideas of Amritpal are gaining some attention when he raises these concerns. Similar things also happened in the 1980s. 

Endnotes

At a time when the country is being branded as a "Hindu Rashtra", there is bound to be a sense of alienation in the other communities, they will feel sidelined. The same is the case when attempts are made for the imposition of Hindi. It creates fear and insecurity among various communities regarding their identity, language, culture, traditions, etc. Yes, Hinduism being the majority religion will reflect in various aspects of life in this country but overtly emphasising that ignoring the diversity of the country, gives way to demands like Khalistan.

What I’m not able to understand is why does the strongman-imaged Modi Government seem to be so casual about Amritpal’s prominence? There have been no overt signs of discomfort at his growing popularity.

How can a person who lived in Dubai for many years suddenly surface in Punjab and project himself as a leader of the entire Sikh masses, besides interpreting the Sikh history, culture and ethics in his own way?

People can’t be easily swayed by this sentiment since they have seen the past repercussions. Those days are still fresh in the minds of Punjabis, particularly Sikhs and the state’s political class.”
—? Manjit Singh, ex-professor of Sociology at Punjab University in Chandigarh.


Yes, it is right that drawing parallels with Bhindranwale may seem like fantasization at this stage, but to deny any similarity would be foolishness.

It was the afternoon of 23 February 2023, a contingent of Punjab Police, with lathis in their hands, was standing behind barricades outside the Ajnala Police Station in the Amritsar district of Punjab, facing a huge crowd, many armed with Kirpans. The crowd was also carrying the Guru Granth Sahib in a bus. And walking among this crowd, surrounded by armed men with rifles, was Amritpal Singh Sandhu, who is being seen as the new face of the resurging Khalistan demand in the country.

Within minutes, the crowd broke the barricades and using the bus as a shield soon attacked the police. Amritpal and his supporters occupied the police station for the next several hours and left only on the assurance that his aide, Lovepreet Singh would be released who was arrested on charges of kidnapping and assault.


This incident created big headlines in the media. The K-word surfaced everywhere. Equations started to be drawn between Amritpal Singh Sandhu and Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. It is being said that this is the repetition of the 1980s and is the resurgence of the Sikh separatist movement. 

But why are such demands surfacing again? And who is this guy— Amritpal Singh? To understand the current situation, we must have a look at the very roots of the Sikh separatist movement in the country. 

Militant Identity of the Sikhs

The idea of Khalistan started coming up in the 1920s but even before that Sikhs had developed a firmly militant identity due to persecution by the Mughals. The militancy was fostered, especially under Guru Gobind Singh who in 1699 established a special group called 'Khalsa'. Sikhs who chose to be baptised into the Khalsa dedicated themselves utterly to their faith. Guru Gobind Singh created and initiated the Khalsa as a warrior with a duty to protect the innocent from religious persecution.

Though not all Sikhs became baptised members of the Khalsa, Sikhism as a religious tradition generally accepts the legitimacy of violent resistance in the face of repression of faith. Sikh identity gradually became tied up with the Khalsa identity and its militancy

Before the Independence

In the early years of British rule in the country, Sikhs had proven their loyalty to the British, particularly as soldiers of the British Indian Army. But this loyalty started to wane away due to several things like the Rowlatt Act, Jallianwala Bagh Massacre, issues regarding separate electorates, etc. Several Sikh leaders wanted a separate Sikh State along the lines of Pakistan but that could not happen. Instead, Congress gave them assurances that after independence the political aspirations of the Sikhs would be honoured. 

Punjab Reorganisation Act, 1966

After the Constitution came into being, many Sikh groups claimed they were not granted the autonomy they had been promised. Thus, in the 1950s the 'Punjabi Suba Movement' started gaining momentum. Although the demand was for a state on a linguistic basis, it was seen to have religious overtones as the demand was mainly from the Sikhs in Punjab. The Central Government was not ready to create states on religious grounds, although, in 1966 it conceded to dividing Punjab on 'linguistic lines' into the Sikh-majority Punjabi-speaking Punjab and Hindu-majority Hindi-speaking Haryana. Chandigarh became a Union Territory and acted as the shared capital of the two states.

But this did not completely satisfy the demands of the Sikhs. Many didn't like the idea of sharing Chandigarh with Haryana and wanted Chandigarh to be completely a part of Punjab. Another problem was that some Punjabi-speaking districts went to Haryana and Himachal Pradesh, they wanted those too to be included in Punjab. 

Sikhs not “Hindus”

Another major contention was that the Constitution included Sikhs under the definition of “Hindus”. This was a major reason why when the Constitution came into being, Shiromani Akali Dal rejected it. It is because Sikhs have often been seen as a part of the larger umbrella of Hinduism. But the Sikhs feel that they are a separate religion and not just a category of Hindus. They do have various similarities with Hinduism but that does not make them Hindus.

The same thing happened when the Hindu Code Bills were brought in the 1950s. There too, Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains were included under the definition of “Hindus” and these laws also governed the people of those three religions. 

Anandpur Sahib Resolution

In Punjab politics, there were two major parties tussling for power—? Shiromani Akali Dal and the Congress party. The dilemma for the Akalis was that despite being a strong advocate of the Sikh culture and religion, they never enjoyed the full support of the Sikhs. Its rival, Congress, had been more effective in state politics. Concerned with their declining popularity and lack of unity within the party, the Akali Dal came up with the Anandpur Sahib Resolution in 1973. This declaration addressed the economic concerns of Punjab along with the religious and ethnic demands of the Sikhs. This resolution was not secessionist in content but called for greater autonomy for Punjab. There were 3 major demands in this resolution—?

  1. Chandigarh should not act as a shared capital of Haryana and Punjab and should be returned to Punjab.
  1. The resolution demanded that Punjab to be an autonomous state. The Central government would be restricted to the management of foreign policy, defense, currency and communications. All other subjects would be under the jurisdiction of the state government. 
  1. The resolution demanded redistribution of the waters of the Ravi, Beas and Sutlej rivers in the favour of Punjab. (I’ll talk about this later in the article)


This resolution didn’t play any important role initially and was forgotten but would later go on to become the foundation of Akali Dal’s future agenda as well as for Sikh separatism.

On the other hand, Congress under Indira Gandhi played a major role in undermining the Akali Dal. Indira adopted a highly authoritarian approach and centralised power in centralized The Emergency created anti-Congress and anti-Centre sentiments in Punjab. In 1980 nine states whose governments were unfavorable to Indira were placed under President’s Rule. Punjab was one of those states where the Akali Dal-Jana Sangh government was dismissed. 

Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale

It is believed that in order to split the Akali Dal’s vote bank, Congress in the late 1970s started cultivating the religious leader Jarnail Singh Bindranwale as an alternative. Bhindranwale was the leader of a prominent orthodox Sikh institution—? Damdami Taksal. He sought to promote the conservative aspects of Sikhism and emphasised the stringent following of religious doctrines. But why Jarnail Singh? What was special in him that Congress felt he could be helpful? The answer is his immense popularity. 

Green Revolution

In the 1960s the Green Revolution was introduced, resulting in a great increase in the production of food grains and Punjab was its biggest beneficiary leading to great prosperity in the state—? this is what we've been generally taught. But there’s a darker side to it too.

The Green Revolution was successful initially because of government subsidies and support prices. However, this could not continue indefinitely and with the rising cost of fertilizers and pesticides, small farmers were the worst hit. Also, the increase in productivity could not be sustained because the new varieties created new ecological problems by reducing genetic diversity and affecting soil and water systems.

And whatever gains Punjab earned from the Green Revolution weren’t distributed equally among various sections and regions of the state. This led to the growing numbers of marginalised poor peasants, who could neither reap the benefits of the land nor find employment in the industrial sector because the industries in the state remained underdeveloped. 

River Water Dispute

Punjab had a long grievance against the Central government regarding the distribution of water from the Ravi, Sutlej and Beas rivers. The three rivers flowed through Punjab but through an elaborate canal system water was being diverted to drier areas of Haryana and Rajasthan. In the wake of the Punjab Reorganisation Act of 1966, the Centre decided that Punjab would get only 23% of the water and the rest would go to states like Rajasthan and Haryana. This was felt as unfair and instilled a sense that the Central government is having discriminating tendencies against the Sikhs. 

Such factors added to the deepening sense of alienation and growth of separatist sentiments among the Sikhs. And at this very time, Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale started gaining popularity. His popularity grew especially among the poor farmers of Punjab’s rural areas. These poor people had lost all hope in the political class, who were mainly big landlords, and they felt more connected with Bhindranwale, who was from a small farmer family. They saw in him their leader who could be their voice.

In the late 1970s and early 1980s, he toured across Punjab to spread his teachings. He appeared at a time when leaders were not engaged in the community. He started to hold courts to settle disputes and addressed social grievances. He preached to the young Sikhs, encouraging them to return to the path of the Khalsa, to abstain from drugs and alcohol—? the two main practices which were badly affecting rural society in Punjab. As a social reformer, he denounced practices like the dowry and encouraged the reversal of the Green Revolution. These along with his remarkable ability as a preacher helped him gain enormous popularity. 

The Out-of-Control Genie

Bhindranwale was considered Congress’ masterstroke, however, as his popularity grew he started playing both Congress and Akali Dal against each other. And Congress soon realised that the genie it had unleashed refused to go back in its bottle.

Remember the Anandpur Sahib Resolution?

That resolution got revived in 1981 when Akali Dal and Bhindranwale came together. Akalis because they wanted to grab power from the Congress in Punjab and Bhindranwale because he was interested in the dominance of Sikhs in the state. Together they launched the ‘Dharam Yudh Morcha’.

Bhindranwale started directing his anger against the Centre regarding issues like Chandigarh’s inclusion into Punjab, distribution of river waters, etc. He believed that the Centre only served the interests of the Hindus. So he also started targeting Hindus in Punjab. He used offensive language against Hindus in his speeches.

He exhorted every Sikh to kill 32 Hindus to solve the Hindu-Sikh problem.
—?Khushwant Singh, author

He advised the Sikhs to acquire firearms to defend themselves. He also organised ‘killer squads’ in each village to eliminate the “enemies” of Sikhism. Violence in Punjab escalated with attacks on policemen and political figures becoming common. Many Hindus fled their homes due to fears of getting killed. Not only Hindus but Nirankari Sikhs were also being targeted by the followers of Bhindranwale as they were considered “fake Sikhs”. 

Why Hatred against Hindus?

Okay, but from where the Hindus came into the picture? Why did Bhindranwale target the Hindus? And what Hindu-Sikh problem?

The thing is that the very foundation of this separatist movement was that Sikhs have a separate identity and they are different, especially from the Hindus. And whenever the Sikhs of Punjab felt marginalised or discriminated against by the Centre, it was seen as the Hindu Government oppressing the Sikhs (Bharat being a Hindu-majority country).

Another reason was language. Although this should be a separate article in itself, still I’ll explain the thing in short. After the Punjab Reorganisation Act of 1966, Punjabi-speaking Hindus remained in Punjab. But many Hindus in Punjab started resonating more with the rest of the Hindi-speaking Hindu population of Northern Bharat rather than Punjabi-speaking people. Why did that happen? It was because, in the minds of many Hindus, ‘Punjabi Suba’ became “Sikh Suba” as there was a great emphasis on Punjab being the state of the Sikhs. And as Sikhs wished to be seen as separate, the Punjabi Hindus also got concerned about their identity.

Apart from this many Hindu organisations like RSS strongly believed in the idea of Hindi-Hindu-Hindustan. This was promoted aggressively and somehow it played well in Punjab. Lala Jagat Narain, the founder and editor of the Hindi newspaper Punjab Kesari, was a staunch opponent of the Punjabi Suba Movement and especially the Khalistan movement. Narain through his newspaper had urged Hindus in Punjab to disown Punjabi as their mother tongue. He was killed by the supporters of Bhindranwale in 1981 for writing against the Khalistan movement.

All such things played a significant role in encouraging the communal divide between Hindus and Sikhs in Punjab, and further added ghee to the fire of separatism in Punjab

Operation Blue Star and its aftermath

Shaken by the scale of violence, President’s Rule was imposed in Punjab in 1983. Bhindranwale and his armed supporters had taken refuge at Akal Takht in the Harmandir Sahib complex (Golden Temple complex). He was being supported and accommodated by the Akali Dal.

After negotiations failed, Indira Gandhi rejected the Anandpur Sahib Resolution and armed forces were called upon to remove Bhindranwale and his supporters from the temple complex. On 1 June 1984, Operation Blue Star was launched and the fight continued for 10 days. At last, Bharatiya forces neutralised Bhindranwale and his supporters and gained control of the temple complex. This attack resulted in huge civilian and military casualties. And not just lives, the structure of the Akal Takht, the highest spiritual and political authority of the Sikhs, suffered heavy damage because of the attack.

The Sikh community all over the world was outraged by this action of the government. They felt that it was an attack on their holiest shrine, on their religion.

In the eyes of a simple Sikh farmer, the soldiers were invaders, and Bhindranwale and his supporters protectors of their religious place.

4 months later on 31 October 1984, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her Sikh bodyguards. This in turn resulted in a violent organised massacre against the Sikhs all over the northern part of the country and especially in Delhi. Independent sources claimed 8,000-17,000 Sikhs were killed across the nation. More than 50,000 Sikhs fled their homes across northern Bharat to take refuge in Punjab which they not only saw as a safe haven but also a place they could call their own.

“Jab bhi koi bada ped girta hai, to dharti thodi hilti hai.
(When a big tree falls, the earth shakes.)”
—then PM Rajiv Gandhi justified the massacre at a public rally.

To our minds, the story ends here. But the real phase of militancy in Punjab started now.

Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale became a martyr in the minds of a large number of Sikhs. Bhindranwale did die but his ideas remained. Attacks by the Khalistani terrorists intensified both in the country and abroad. In 1985, Air India Flight 182 was bombed, killing 329 people. Former Chief of Army Staff, General Arun Shridhar Vaidya who led Operation Blue Star was assassinated in 1986. Punjab CM Beant Singh was assassinated by a suicide bomber in 1995. In March 1986, Khalistani terrorists again occupied the Golden Temple Complex which necessitated another action known as Operation Black Thunder. Several cases of mutinies by Sikh soldiers were also reported.

Due to several military and police actions, the Khalistan movement in the country became extremely weak by the mid-1990s. But it was through sustained political negotiations and peacebuilding policies that the government was able to gain the confidence of the people of Punjab.

Wait. There is no happy ending yet.

Many Khalistani leaders are still operating from foreign countries like the US, UK and Canada. And now it seems that these people got a representative within Bharat, Amritpal Singh Sandhu

Amritpal Singh Sandhu

Amritpal is a 29-year-old guy who comes from Jallupur Khera village in the Amritsar district. In 2012 he went to Dubai. His social media shows him often taking up issues concerning Punjab but he never had much traction before 2019 when he came out in support of the farmers’ protest against the now-repealed Farm Laws. He became part of the protests, especially the strand of the movement associated with Deep Sidhu. Amritpal defended Deep Sidhu on social media, especially after the actor was arrested and most political parties and farmer groups shunned him following the 26 January 2021 Red Fort violence where Nishan Sahib was hoisted at the Red Fort.

Deep Sidhu started an organisation called ‘Waris Punjab De’ in September 2021. This organisation was originally floated as “a pressure group to protect and fight for rights of Punjab and raise social issues”. During the launch event in Chandigarh, Sidhu described it as an organisation that would “fight for the rights of Punjab against the Centre and raises voice whenever there will be any attack on the culture, language, social fabric and rights of Punjab”. Sidhu also added that his front would only support the party that talks of Punjab and its rights. Eventually, he supported the radical pro-Khalistan party SAD (Amritsar) of Simranjit Singh Mann and also campaigned for them ahead of the 2022 Punjab Assembly Elections.

After the sudden death of Deep Sidhu in a car crash in February 2022, a letter was published by ‘Waris Punjab De’ on 4 March 2022 declaring Amritpal Singh as the organisation's leader. Amritpal returned to Bharat from Dubai and became a baptised Sikh with long hair tucked into a blue turban, a long flowy beard, a steel bangle on his wrist and a kirpan hanging from his waist, looking very different from his old photos with trimmed hair and beard and no hint of the religious preacher’s look that he puts on now. In September 2022 he took over as the head of ‘Waris Punjab De’ and a ‘dastar bandi’ ceremony was held at Rode, the ancestral village of Bhindranwale. The ceremony was attended by thousands raising pro-Khalistan slogans.

Amritpal started tapping the followers of Deep Sidhu. He moved around Punjab, meeting several Sikh political and religious leaders and seeking their support. He also asked the young Sikhs to join the Khalsa.

Amritpal calls Bhindranwale his “inspiration”. He dresses like Bhindranwale and copies his mannerisms. Similar to Bhindranwale, he also preaches orthodox Sikhism. He has been travelling across the State, promoting ‘Khalsa Vaheer’— a traditional religious procession preaching Sikhism to youth and encouraging them to shun drugs.

He blames the Central government for the issues the Sikh community faces. He says that be it the farm laws, the water crisis in Punjab, the drug menace, migration of people from UP and Bihar into Punjab, arrest of political dissidents, and undermining of the Punjabi language is all part of a "silent genocide" of Sikhs.

Since his ‘dastar bandi’ Amritpal Singh has been calling for violence and urging secession and separatism, openly espousing the cause of Khalistan on all platforms. He also moves around with heavily armed Nihang Sikhs.

Interestingly, many within the pro-Khalistan sphere are a little distrustful of Amritpal Singh. This is mainly because the older guard understands the plot of state agencies and they don't trust new people easily.

But why is he getting so popular? There are two major reasons for that— Economic and Political. 

The economic condition of Punjab

While preparations were going on for the presentation of the National Budget of 2023, noted economists from Punjab urged the country’s Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman to take urgent steps to revive the growth momentum in the Punjab economy, as the State has transitioned over the years from being “debt-stressed” to “debt-trapped”.

In recent times, Punjab’s agricultural growth has been very slow. But Punjab still depends on agriculture which contributes to about a quarter of its GDP. Punjab had seen immense growth in its industrial sector in the past but since the Economic Liberalisation in 1991, the industrial growth has slowed down. According to the Economic Survey of 2021-2022, Punjab ranked among the worst in terms of unemployment.

The first thing that Punjab had to do was to promote free markets and competition, through which the private sector would grow, offer well-paying jobs. But the politicians themselves became industrialists and marred competition in the state. Investors feared spending in Punjab due to this.
—?Lakhwinder Singh Gill, ex-professor at Punjabi University’s Khalsa college in Patiala.

The people of Punjab are not interested in doing low-paying industrial jobs, which is why industries rely on migrant workers from UP and Bihar. And due to this, many Punjabis look for employment opportunities in other states or even foreign countries.

However, despite the economy in tears, the state government has been making populist policies by promising freebies and making almost no fundamental changes to the existing structure of economic development.

What has Amritpal done regarding this?

He endorsed the concept—? “Punjab is for the Punjabis” and jobs should be reserved for locals. He is encouraging the Punjabi Sikhs to join him and leave evils like alcohol and drugs, in return he would provide them with jobs and education. 

Political Vacuum in Punjab

The Punjabi society has been suffering from long-standing socio-economic crises like unemployment, drug addiction, and religious and political crises. A section of the society has lost faith in the traditional political parties, like Akalis and Congress, to tackle these issues. And the biggest beneficiary of this vacuum has been AAP which swept to power with a record mandate in the 2022 Punjab Assembly Elections. However, now certain signs show that the people are not too happy even with the Aam Aadmi Party. Then there is a perception of the Bhagwant Mann government being controlled by AAP’s Delhi leadership.

Some loss of faith is visible by the fact that the protesters in the state are maintaining a distance from the political parties. Whether it is the protest against the Farm Laws or any other protest, political parties have not been welcomed anywhere.

“Politics is all about meeting the aspirations of the people. When it does not happen, people find ways to express themselves in one way or another. Amritpal’s rise reflects it.”
— Baljit Balli, senior journalist and Editor of Babushahi.com

Because Punjab is suffering from deep political, social and economic crises, the extremist ideas of Amritpal are gaining some attention when he raises these concerns. Similar things also happened in the 1980s. 

Endnotes

At a time when the country is being branded as a "Hindu Rashtra", there is bound to be a sense of alienation in the other communities, they will feel sidelined. The same is the case when attempts are made for the imposition of Hindi. It creates fear and insecurity among various communities regarding their identity, language, culture, traditions, etc. Yes, Hinduism being the majority religion will reflect in various aspects of life in this country but overtly emphasising that ignoring the diversity of the country, gives way to demands like Khalistan.

What I’m not able to understand is why does the strongman-imaged Modi Government seem to be so casual about Amritpal’s prominence? There have been no overt signs of discomfort at his growing popularity.

How can a person who lived in Dubai for many years suddenly surface in Punjab and project himself as a leader of the entire Sikh masses, besides interpreting the Sikh history, culture and ethics in his own way?

People can’t be easily swayed by this sentiment since they have seen the past repercussions. Those days are still fresh in the minds of Punjabis, particularly Sikhs and the state’s political class.”
— Manjit Singh, ex-professor of Sociology at Punjab University in Chandigarh.

Yes, it is right that drawing parallels with Bhindranwale may seem like fantasization at this stage, but to deny any similarity would be foolishness.

The writer's views are personal, editorial support the views hence it is published.  

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