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About time totalitarian leaders take a step back to rethink their strategie

About time totalitarian leaders take a step back to rethink their strategie

It is a well known fact that most rules neither understand their people nor care to know, but it cannot go on like that forever. At the end of the day, nemesis must appear and do what it must

Evidently, in a 20th century democracy, Muslims were uncomfortable with a Hindu majority — a more educated community where many people owned big industries and business. Whereas the Muslim elite had only land, chances of them being taken were high as zamindari was expected to come into force if the Congress came to power after independence. The Indian ummah went wild after Partition without giving a thought as to which side of the border it would be located. Meanwhile, a few commentators called MA Jinnah as the super advocate of Indian Muslims as he delivered their plea in Pakistan. After thirteen months, he died. As fee, he got a place in history as the “literal founder” of a large country. He was no less and no more committed to his cause, or rather his brief.

In some ways, Jinnah can be compared to say, Napoleon Bonaparte, an Italian from Genoa, who became a French soldier of fortune to rise to be the Emperor. He crowned himself with more glory than most but ended leading France to near destruction. Adolf Hitler, an Austrian, happened to join the Wehrmacht or the German Army to rise in World War I, only to be a mere corporal. Thereafter, in the course of time, his adopted country went wild with inflation and economic ailments to rise to unthinkable heights of power. He committed suicide because he had led Deutschland to near ruin. Joseph Stalin, a Georgian who rose to supreme power in Russia, won World War II for the Soviet Union. He led it to the path of denouement. In a comparable sense, Jinnah did not belong to Islam nor to the cause of Pakistan. He was their advocate, came and did his duty with immaculate competence. As we have said, he was for Pakistan, an alien leader. Little wonder, he left behind a country with more faults than strengths.

The first thing that struck some experts in Calcutta in the early days of Partition was how could East Bengal co-exist with West Punjab as provinces. Temperamentally, people of both sides are so different. Therefore, a loose federation of two or three common subjects should have been contemplated between the West and the East. A common religion became adequate to induce both to separate from original India of 1946, but not binding enough to hold them together in a marriage indefinitely. Inevitably, there was concentration of authority in the Western wing, which gradually led to what happened through 1971. For the Western provinces, too, a federation — not so loose, say, seven subjects — was necessary. Instead, there was no Constitutional arrangement until 1954. The muscle of each province was allowed to play until then. No wonder, the biggest and the strongest Punjab had its way. Even after 1954, people were not given sovereignty. Therefore, unlike the people of neighbouring India, Pakistanis were not responsible for governance. From the British, it was transferred to God; in 1954 it was written in the national document.

Jinnah had no exposure to administration — whether in his career as a Barrister or as a politician. Even as a leader, his forte was ‘debate’ and not the ‘pulse of people’s feeling.’ For his success at the end, it is the Muslim people who had the pulse of their leader, that he could deliver Pakistan. Had it been the other way around, the Qaid would not have landed in Dacca (now Dhaka) in February 1948 and brusquely told the university students that Urdu would be the national language and that Bengali would have no comparable place. The fire of secession was lit that day. In due course, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman left the League to form his Awami League.

Jinnah’s speech on August 11, 1947 to the Constituent Assembly in Karachi proved that he was confused. If every citizen could worship his own way freely, only being loyal Pakistanis, why have the Partition at all? Being a soldier, President Ayub Khan could be forgiven but what about the men around him? They combined all provinces of the west into a jumbo province of West Pakistan with Khan Sahib as the premier to offset the weight of the eastern wing. Instead, it would have been much wiser to sub-divide the East into three or four provinces. They were less likely to unite behind Sheikh Mujibur then as they did in 1971.

Instead of regretting the loss of the eastern wing, the impression President Yayha Khan conveyed was that it was good riddance. In fact, there were whispers that Bhutto liked the secession without which he could not have commanded a western wing majority and, thus, not been able to become the Prime Minister. This conveyed the feeling to the other or non-Punjab provinces that they are dispensable, if not also redundant. To make matters worse, the Centre built the Tarbela Dam on the great Indus, which lets very little of its water to cross Punjab. Down the great river, the Kotri Dam was built to supply water to farms in Sindh. The net result is also that from the Karachi delta, up 150 km of the river, the water is salty because it is from the Arabian Sea, having flown up into riverine space. Imagine the reaction of the citizen of Karachi who tastes the salty water!

The moral of the story is that neither do rulers understand their people of various regions nor do they care to know. It cannot be hunky dory forever. Sooner or later, nemesis must come and do what it must. Dark clouds are already gathering over Pakistani skies. The darkest is the alienation of the US, which in the name of military aid, enabled Pakistan to import everything, including beef. In Ayub Khan’s era, he had prohibited the consumption of beef one day a week. The shortage was gathering then. What now? The Chinese terms of aid are much more stringent with the risk of handing over some territory for failing to return the money. Be led by alien leaders, enjoy a picnic of prosperity and eventually come a full circle to meet disaster or destruction.

Napoleon, clever and capable as he was, did not fully understand the French people. They like a balanced life. Do not expect them to go on fighting and getting killed continually as Napoleon made them do. For example, 1812 and the French rout in Russia was fresh in everyone’s memory when the Emperor began planning a major engagement at Leipzig. Meanwhile, he had already won two victories at Lutzen on May 2 and Bautzen on May 21. In June 1813 came the big battle of Leipzig. The time-table was relentless and the Grande Armée and its French soldiers could not just cope with it.

Again, Hitler did not grasp the overall quality of the people he was leading. Nor did he recognise that he was himself not the blonde Nordic Aryan he claimed to be but a character of the ideal German. Moreover, Germany was the centre of Europe and its civilisation with its intellect, its sensitive ear for creating music, art and painting, not to overlook literature and philosophy. One wonders if the Chancellor mistook his people for the ancient Teutonic barbarians. Any wonder where he landed them?

So, did Joseph Stalin misread the Russian people? The way he translocated communities has to be known to be believed. They were uprooted and resettled hundreds of miles away. They were treated worse than cattle because with animals, one is conscious of protecting lives. But Stalin’s men let as many die as the transfer dictated.

The cruelties his regime heaped upon the Kulaks, the Army officers and the petit bourgeoisie were incredible. Stalin, thus, set the pace and his successors delivered the great country to disintegration. These are the prices that alien rulers make their countries pay.

(This is the final in a two-part series on MA Jinnah by this columnist)

Writer: Prafull Goradia

Courtesy: The Pioneer

About time totalitarian leaders take a step back to rethink their strategie

About time totalitarian leaders take a step back to rethink their strategie

It is a well known fact that most rules neither understand their people nor care to know, but it cannot go on like that forever. At the end of the day, nemesis must appear and do what it must

Evidently, in a 20th century democracy, Muslims were uncomfortable with a Hindu majority — a more educated community where many people owned big industries and business. Whereas the Muslim elite had only land, chances of them being taken were high as zamindari was expected to come into force if the Congress came to power after independence. The Indian ummah went wild after Partition without giving a thought as to which side of the border it would be located. Meanwhile, a few commentators called MA Jinnah as the super advocate of Indian Muslims as he delivered their plea in Pakistan. After thirteen months, he died. As fee, he got a place in history as the “literal founder” of a large country. He was no less and no more committed to his cause, or rather his brief.

In some ways, Jinnah can be compared to say, Napoleon Bonaparte, an Italian from Genoa, who became a French soldier of fortune to rise to be the Emperor. He crowned himself with more glory than most but ended leading France to near destruction. Adolf Hitler, an Austrian, happened to join the Wehrmacht or the German Army to rise in World War I, only to be a mere corporal. Thereafter, in the course of time, his adopted country went wild with inflation and economic ailments to rise to unthinkable heights of power. He committed suicide because he had led Deutschland to near ruin. Joseph Stalin, a Georgian who rose to supreme power in Russia, won World War II for the Soviet Union. He led it to the path of denouement. In a comparable sense, Jinnah did not belong to Islam nor to the cause of Pakistan. He was their advocate, came and did his duty with immaculate competence. As we have said, he was for Pakistan, an alien leader. Little wonder, he left behind a country with more faults than strengths.

The first thing that struck some experts in Calcutta in the early days of Partition was how could East Bengal co-exist with West Punjab as provinces. Temperamentally, people of both sides are so different. Therefore, a loose federation of two or three common subjects should have been contemplated between the West and the East. A common religion became adequate to induce both to separate from original India of 1946, but not binding enough to hold them together in a marriage indefinitely. Inevitably, there was concentration of authority in the Western wing, which gradually led to what happened through 1971. For the Western provinces, too, a federation — not so loose, say, seven subjects — was necessary. Instead, there was no Constitutional arrangement until 1954. The muscle of each province was allowed to play until then. No wonder, the biggest and the strongest Punjab had its way. Even after 1954, people were not given sovereignty. Therefore, unlike the people of neighbouring India, Pakistanis were not responsible for governance. From the British, it was transferred to God; in 1954 it was written in the national document.

Jinnah had no exposure to administration — whether in his career as a Barrister or as a politician. Even as a leader, his forte was ‘debate’ and not the ‘pulse of people’s feeling.’ For his success at the end, it is the Muslim people who had the pulse of their leader, that he could deliver Pakistan. Had it been the other way around, the Qaid would not have landed in Dacca (now Dhaka) in February 1948 and brusquely told the university students that Urdu would be the national language and that Bengali would have no comparable place. The fire of secession was lit that day. In due course, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman left the League to form his Awami League.

Jinnah’s speech on August 11, 1947 to the Constituent Assembly in Karachi proved that he was confused. If every citizen could worship his own way freely, only being loyal Pakistanis, why have the Partition at all? Being a soldier, President Ayub Khan could be forgiven but what about the men around him? They combined all provinces of the west into a jumbo province of West Pakistan with Khan Sahib as the premier to offset the weight of the eastern wing. Instead, it would have been much wiser to sub-divide the East into three or four provinces. They were less likely to unite behind Sheikh Mujibur then as they did in 1971.

Instead of regretting the loss of the eastern wing, the impression President Yayha Khan conveyed was that it was good riddance. In fact, there were whispers that Bhutto liked the secession without which he could not have commanded a western wing majority and, thus, not been able to become the Prime Minister. This conveyed the feeling to the other or non-Punjab provinces that they are dispensable, if not also redundant. To make matters worse, the Centre built the Tarbela Dam on the great Indus, which lets very little of its water to cross Punjab. Down the great river, the Kotri Dam was built to supply water to farms in Sindh. The net result is also that from the Karachi delta, up 150 km of the river, the water is salty because it is from the Arabian Sea, having flown up into riverine space. Imagine the reaction of the citizen of Karachi who tastes the salty water!

The moral of the story is that neither do rulers understand their people of various regions nor do they care to know. It cannot be hunky dory forever. Sooner or later, nemesis must come and do what it must. Dark clouds are already gathering over Pakistani skies. The darkest is the alienation of the US, which in the name of military aid, enabled Pakistan to import everything, including beef. In Ayub Khan’s era, he had prohibited the consumption of beef one day a week. The shortage was gathering then. What now? The Chinese terms of aid are much more stringent with the risk of handing over some territory for failing to return the money. Be led by alien leaders, enjoy a picnic of prosperity and eventually come a full circle to meet disaster or destruction.

Napoleon, clever and capable as he was, did not fully understand the French people. They like a balanced life. Do not expect them to go on fighting and getting killed continually as Napoleon made them do. For example, 1812 and the French rout in Russia was fresh in everyone’s memory when the Emperor began planning a major engagement at Leipzig. Meanwhile, he had already won two victories at Lutzen on May 2 and Bautzen on May 21. In June 1813 came the big battle of Leipzig. The time-table was relentless and the Grande Armée and its French soldiers could not just cope with it.

Again, Hitler did not grasp the overall quality of the people he was leading. Nor did he recognise that he was himself not the blonde Nordic Aryan he claimed to be but a character of the ideal German. Moreover, Germany was the centre of Europe and its civilisation with its intellect, its sensitive ear for creating music, art and painting, not to overlook literature and philosophy. One wonders if the Chancellor mistook his people for the ancient Teutonic barbarians. Any wonder where he landed them?

So, did Joseph Stalin misread the Russian people? The way he translocated communities has to be known to be believed. They were uprooted and resettled hundreds of miles away. They were treated worse than cattle because with animals, one is conscious of protecting lives. But Stalin’s men let as many die as the transfer dictated.

The cruelties his regime heaped upon the Kulaks, the Army officers and the petit bourgeoisie were incredible. Stalin, thus, set the pace and his successors delivered the great country to disintegration. These are the prices that alien rulers make their countries pay.

(This is the final in a two-part series on MA Jinnah by this columnist)

Writer: Prafull Goradia

Courtesy: The Pioneer

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